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This article examines the role of geopolitics in modern Czech political thinking. It draws on the distinction between geopolitics & anti-geopolitics to argue that the dominant tradition of Czech political thinking is anti-geopolitical. This anti-geopolitics is presented by a review of four central figures of Czech political thought since the nineteenth century (Palacky, Masaryk, Nejedly & Havel). However, it also shows that geopolitics represents an important undercurrent in Czech political thinking which tends to dominate for brief periods of turmoil. Three such periods are addressed: the early 1920s, the late 1930s & the early 1990s. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Die Autorin betrachtet die Politikwissenschaft und die Gender Studies in Lateinamerika als zwei nicht zusammenhängende Wissenschaftsdisziplinen, die nur durch einen "Schattendialog" und ihre Beziehung zur Kolonialität des Wissens verbunden sind. Sie zeichnet die Entwicklungspfade nach, die beide Disziplinen im Kontext der lateinamerikanischen Hochschulen durchlaufen haben, und diskutiert feministische Forschungsperspektiven an der Schnittstelle von Universität und politischem Aktivismus der Frauenbewegung. Eine Reflexion über die historische Rolle der Hochschule bei der Unterwerfung lokaler Wissensbestände hilft aufzuzeigen, wie diese Institution als privilegierter Ort der Kolonialität von Macht/Wissen die Entwicklung einer kritischen Politikwissenschaft und der Gender Studies behindert hat. Eine dekoloniale Wissensproduktion stellt sich hingegen der Herausforderung, die theoretischen Konzepte in konkreten Zusammenhängen anzuwenden, um einen Beitrag zur Überwindung der Kolonialität zu leisten. Die dekoloniale Option ist in diesem Sinne eine explizit politische, in welcher es nicht ausreicht, nur die theoretischen Inhalte in der akademischen Produktion herauszufordern, sondern auch Form und Ort ihrer Produktion kritisch zu hinterfragen sowie einen geopolitischen Zusammenhang herzustellen. (ICI).

The author describes the development of geopolitical studies in Russia after the Soviet breakup. He identifies two main schools of geopolitical analysis, Traditionalist and Revisionist. Traditionalism is inspired by old European and Russian geopolitical theories and views the world through the lenses of confrontation over power and resources. The revisionist school, on the other hand, adopts a considerably broader definition of what constitutes geopolitics by proposing to study various forms of organizing space on a global scale. According to the paper's central argument, the Russian geopolitics, while having emerged as a vocation, it is yet to turn into a full-fledged academic discipline. It continues to lack coherent and scientifically testable theoretical propositions and needs a broad discussion of its issues with the participation of both traditionalists and revisionists.

s. Identification with security studies in European countries is pretty low (around 10%). Security studies have strong connections with international relations – 2/3 of those who teach security studies also teach international relations. Lecturers of security studies focus mostly on "hard" security issues (56% of security lecturers give policy advice on international affairs, development aid and EU-matters and 41% of security lecturers are solicited on matters pertaining to "defence"). The share of security lecturers who advise on "soft" security issues is 16%. The geopolitical situation is a strong predictor of the size of security experts'community in European countries. In less democratic countries more researchers identify with security studies.

s. Identification with security studies in European countries is pretty low (around 10%). Security studies have strong connections with international relations – 2/3 of those who teach security studies also teach international relations. Lecturers of security studies focus mostly on "hard" security issues (56% of security lecturers give policy advice on international affairs, development aid and EU-matters and 41% of security lecturers are solicited on matters pertaining to "defence"). The share of security lecturers who advise on "soft" security issues is 16%. The geopolitical situation is a strong predictor of the size of security experts'community in European countries. In less democratic countries more researchers identify with security studies.

s. Identification with security studies in European countries is pretty low (around 10%). Security studies have strong connections with international relations – 2/3 of those who teach security studies also teach international relations. Lecturers of security studies focus mostly on "hard" security issues (56% of security lecturers give policy advice on international affairs, development aid and EU-matters and 41% of security lecturers are solicited on matters pertaining to "defence"). The share of security lecturers who advise on "soft" security issues is 16%. The geopolitical situation is a strong predictor of the size of security experts'community in European countries. In less democratic countries more researchers identify with security studies.

s. Identification with security studies in European countries is pretty low (around 10%). Security studies have strong connections with international relations – 2/3 of those who teach security studies also teach international relations. Lecturers of security studies focus mostly on "hard" security issues (56% of security lecturers give policy advice on international affairs, development aid and EU-matters and 41% of security lecturers are solicited on matters pertaining to "defence"). The share of security lecturers who advise on "soft" security issues is 16%. The geopolitical situation is a strong predictor of the size of security experts'community in European countries. In less democratic countries more researchers identify with security studies.

This article is dealing with the reasons for usage and development of Geopolitics in Germany between the two World wars. Hitler's ideas for German expansion are viewed as influenced by German geopolitics main figures and their ideas. German geopolitics in this work is represented as an attempt of strategic, valid and consistent manner of assessing its major international geopolitical aspirations. It was not only about ensuring survival in an extremely volatile geographic location but attempted to affect its immediate neighbors as well as the alignment of nations throughout the world's regions. The practical outcomes of imperial, geostrategic, and Nazi foreign policy plans were imminent. Hitler's ideas stemed from his conception of racial struggle and the natural consequences of the need for German expansion. Germany desired a more equitable distribution of wealth and territory within the international system.For many of the greatest empires, geography is often the destiny, and Germany at this critical and turbulent period of time was not an exception.

"In a completely original analysis, prize-winning historian Alfred W. McCoy explores America's rise as a world power--from the 1890s through the Cold War--and its bid to extend its hegemony deep into the twenty-first century through a fusion of cyberwar, space warfare, trade pacts, and military alliances. McCoy then analyzes the marquee instruments of US hegemony--covert intervention, client elites, psychological torture, and worldwide surveillance. Peeling back layers of secrecy, McCoy exposes a military and economic battle for global domination fought in the shadows, largely unknown to those outside the highest rungs of power."--Page 4 of cover