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AbstractDoes childhood poverty lead to adult poverty? Evidence shows childhood is a sensitive period for developing cognition, physical vitality and personality. This is traceable to specific behavioural and biological mechanisms. However such science could easily drive over‐deter ministic views about how childhood affects later life. The paper therefore discusses how damage from childhood poverty can—at least sometimes and partially—be resisted or reversed, both during childhood and in adulthood. As people reach biological maturity, alterations to their developmental trajectories rely increasingly on alterations in behavioural relationships. Opportunities remain vital throughout life for sustained socioeconomic attainment. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Having a meaningful life is a part of a happy, vigorous, anxiety-free life. Various factors, such as poverty and religiosity, may affect an individual's meaningfulness of life. Grounded from the phenomenon, the present study aims to find out the effect of poor adult women's religiosity on the meaningfulness of life. The samples of the study were 123 women who were selected using cluster random sampling. The selected samples were women who met the criteria of "poor" according to the National Family Planning Coordination Board of the Republic of Indonesia (BKKBN RI), which is categorized as prosperous family 1. This study used meaningfulness of life scale and religiosity scale authors had developed. The data were analyzed using simple linear regression. The result showed that religiosity significantly affects the meaningfulness of life (F=55.659, p<0.005), meaning that the higher the religiosity, the higher the meaningfulness of life. The result of the study may provide a depiction of the effect of poor adult woman's religiosity on the meaningfulness of life, which can be used as a reference for the government or community observer on how to make a meaningful life by strengthening the religiosity.

A growing literature documents links between early-life health and human capital, and between human capital and adult wages. Although most of this literature has focused on developed countries, economists have hypothesized that effects of early-life health on adult economic outcomes could be even greater in developing countries. This paper asks whether the early-life disease environment in India influences adult economic wages. The paper uses two measures of early-life disease environment to investigate this question: infant mortality rates and open defecation. A district-level differences-in-differences strategy is used to show that men born in district-years with lower infant mortality and better sanitation earned plausibly higher wages in their 20s and 30s. The effect estimates are applied to calculate the fiscal and welfare consequences of the disease environment, which are considerable. In particular, eliminating open defecation would increase tax revenue by enough to offset completely a cost to the government of over \$400 per household that stops defecating in the open. A fiscally neutral elimination of open defecation in India would increase the net present value of lifetime wages by more than \$1,800 for an average male worker born today. These large economic benefits ignore any other benefits of improved health or reduced mortality. The result suggests that the disease environment could have important effects on developing-country economic outcomes.

AbstractThe present study assessed whether Whites' anti‐African American bias correlates with states placing greater emphasis on work incentives in two government assistance programs. The study regressed the representation of "able‐bodied adults without dependents" in Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Programs (SNAP, also known as food stamps) and maximum unemployment benefits on White residents' implicit and explicit bias, while controlling for key economic and sociopolitical covariates. Findings indicate that states with greater bias had proportionally fewer SNAP‐designated "Able‐Bodied Adults Without Dependents" and states with greater implicit and explicit bias had lower unemployment benefit maximums. Due to Whites' anti‐African American bias, persons of all races and ethnicities who otherwise might benefit from public assistance are exposed to food insecurity and lesser financial support when unemployed.

This study uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth and highlights the extent of poverty and working poverty between 1986 and 2004 (N = 5,164). Over one third (34.2%) of the study sample lived in a poor family at least one year, and nearly one fourth (24.2%) lived in a working poor family at least one year. In addition, almost three fourths (70.1%) of those who lived in a poor family at least one year also lived at least one year in a working poor family. Differences were found by gender and race/ethnicity. Findings suggest that poverty as a social problem is better formulated in terms of working rather than nonworking poverty and that gender and race/ethnicity disparities are prevalent. Policy options, such as expansion of the earned income tax credit and implementation of a basic income guarantee, are explored.

The impact of changes in family structure on educational attainment & likelihood of adult poverty was examined through analysis of 1979-1989 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth data (N = 12,686 youth ages 14-21 in 1979). Analysis revealed that family changes had a negative impact on completed schooling at age 24 for both males (Ms) & females (Fs). Parental divorce had a significant negative schooling impact on Fs but not Ms. Death of a parent or not knowing the father did not have a significant impact on schooling. Ms were most impacted by family change during the teenage years, while Fs experienced lower educational attainment no matter when the family change occurred. General indicators of family change had no impact on Ms' adult poverty status, but did increase likelihood of poverty among Fs. Ms born to single mothers or separated from both parents on or before age six were significantly more likely than other Ms to be poor adults, while Fs experiencing parental divorce & a subsequent parental remarriage were more likely than other Fs to be poor adults. 4 Tables, 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

This study examined class identity negotiation among upwardly mobile poor and working-class emerging adults. Twenty-one ethnically diverse emerging adults narrated class-related experiences during interviews about their transition to college. Narratives were coded for (1) the strategies emerging adults used to make sense of their class experiences and (2) the events that prompted their class identity negotiation. Participants used class identity management strategies that reflected dissociation or resistance. Cross-class interactions that involved recognition of financial and behavioral disparities between themselves and their professional class peers were more likely to trigger both dissociation and resistance strategies. In contrast, noncomparative class-related experiences (e.g., parent loss of job) and same-class interactions were more likely to elicit dissociation strategies. These findings highlight the struggle and feelings of ambivalence that upwardly mobile emerging adults face as they manage the stigma and discrimination associated with their class background and protect their self-esteem.

The poor laws of the original thirteen states can best be described as reluctant public charity. Assistance was provided to some of the poor but, when provided, was strictly rationed to those local residents considered worthy of help. Visitors, strangers and nonresident poor people were not helped and were legally run out of town. Poor relief for the locals was frequently given in ways that were demeaning and destructive to families. Poor people were always expected to work, and even poor children were taken from their families by the authorities and apprenticed to others. Poor adults that could work were not helped, and were forced to work upon pain of whipping, imprisonment, and banishment. Poor people who worked fared little better. Many of the poor, working or not, were not allowed to vote. Maximum wages were set. Child labor was common, often away from the family. The working poor were held back by the laws of settlement, indenture, and slavery. As the United States was formed, its legal treatment of the poor remained anchored in the punitive mode of the English and colonial poor laws.