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Civil war is a complex event affected by numerous factors. Recent
research is intended to concentrate on poor governance as a cause of civil war.
Despite the various way in which civil war can be addressed, the article shows
that governance provide a strong framework to study civil war. Civil war in
Syria which was started in 2011 provide an
important and rich area of investigation into the study of civil war. The
findings support the theoretical argument that poor governance paved the way to
civil war in Syria. Governance indicators
would be more meaningful when are investigated considering the factors like
ethic and religious diversity, and the nature of regional and international
systems.

Poverty is a challenge and become responsibility of public administration, especially for the agenda of public management to give service delivery for citizens. Pro poor governance and eight measure for public service management solution is an alternative soultion for making service work for poor people. This framework based on three chain relations are between citizens and politicians, partnership between politicians and public service provider and partnership between public service provider and citizens through empowering voice of the poor.Kata kunci: Pro Poor Governance, Pelayanan Publik, MDGs

AbstractBorder inspection, and the challenge of deciding which of the tens of millions of consignments that arrive should be inspected, is a perennial problem for regulatory authorities. The objective of these inspections is to minimize the risk of contraband entering the country. As an example, for regulatory authorities in charge of biosecurity material, consignments of goods are classified before arrival according to their economic tariff number. This classification, perhaps along with other information, is used as a screening step to determine whether further biosecurity intervention, such as inspection, is necessary. Other information associated with consignments includes details such as the country of origin, supplier, and importer, for example. The choice of which consignments to inspect has typically been informed by historical records of intercepted material. Fortunately for regulators, interception is a rare event; however, this sparsity undermines the utility of historical records for deciding which containers to inspect. In this article, we report on an analysis that uses more detailed information to inform inspection. Using quarantine biosecurity as a case study, we create statistical profiles using generalized linear mixed models and compare different model specifications with historical information alone, demonstrating the utility of a statistical modeling approach. We also demonstrate some graphical model summaries that provide managers with insight into pathway governance.

Is investment treaty arbitration (ITA) tarnished by a bias against developing states? The international investment regime relies heavily on arbitration for the enforcement of its substantive rules but critique has risen as the number of foreign investor claims have stacked up in recent years. Current empirical research is ambiguous in its evaluation of ITA outcomes, but an interesting strand finds that the difference in treatment afforded to developed and developing respondent states in ITA seems to be explained by a conflation of democratic governance and economic development status. We present an elaboration of this conflation theory and, using the largest dataset of ITA cases compiled to date, we conduct a more thorough empirical test of its tenets. Our findings importantly determine that, instead of an anti-developing state bias disfavoring less developed respondent states in ITA, there appears to be a strong pro-developed state bias favoring more developed respondent states in ITA. That is, higher economic development at the respondent state level is associated with lower claimant-investor success rates in ITA. However, we also find partial support for the conflation theory. While a state's overall democratic governance levels per se do not explain the pro-developed respondent state favoritism in ITA, we find that two particular governance aspects—the strength of a state's ability to protect property rights and the degree to which a state maintains impartial bureaucracies—can possibly explain higher degrees of respondent state success in defending against ITA claims. The strength of these state-level governance institutions also possibly explains why relatively wealthy respondent states fare better in ITA than other respondent states.

AbstractA cross-sectional-based study was conducted in Torghar Pakistan to analyze the association between impacts of poor governance and household food security through sociological lens. A sample size of 379 household heads was chosen randomly for data collection through structured questionnaire. The collected data was then analyzed in terms of bivariate and multivariate analyses, and binary logit model. At bivariate analysis, the study found that inadequate governance, political instability in terms of shortage of food supply chain, smuggling of food commodities had open new vistas toward starvation and household food insecurity. At multivariate analysis, the family composition has vivid association between household food security and poor governance. Although religious education and lower level of education deteriorate the existing food security at household level were also explored. Lastly, at binary logistic regression model depicted that increased in poor governance influence household food security negatively. Thus, the government should collaborate with local political leaders to identify those lacunas and institutional weakness that affect the good governance patterns in terms of smuggling and nepotism which deteriorate the existing channel of food supply chain during militancy were put forwarded some of the recommendations in light of the present study.

Weak governance as a result of clientelist practice is often considered as the single-most important factor behind the growing inequality and persistent poverty in Bangladesh. Using a rights-based approach (RBA), this article examines regional disparity, central–local relations and the scope for peoples' participation under the existing rules and practices. It also sheds light on the cultural aspects of governance constituted of trust, social solidarity and institutional connectivity using an empirical data set generated from a census of six villages in Bangladesh backed by a triangulation of the qualitative and quantitative research tools. It has demonstrated that the rising inter- and intra-regional inequality is an outcome of inequitable distribution of public goods and services confirming the clientelist syndrome of the government. Further, excessive control by the national government impedes innovation and efficient delivery of services by the local bodies, which ultimately hampers pro-poor growth. One of the most important findings of this study is the emergence of the school as the most trusted institution in the village. On the basis of the study, it can also be argued that social capital does not always lead to a positive-sum outcome, rather it can be turned to a zero-sum game depending on the socio-cultural contexts and other factors such as the overall level of literacy of the villagers, strong networks both within and outside the village among other factors.

This paper uses the experience of a recent programme of action research in Eastern India to reflect on the use of participatory ideals within governance reform. In a situation where there are profound difficulties in local governance, it assesses the potential for participatory forms of stakeholder engagement to begin a process of reform. It criticizes views of reform put forward by both the World Bank and Robert Chambers, and argues instead that critical self-reflection and the construction of alliances among a variety of reform-minded actors are important first steps in building political capabilities to challenge structural blockages to pro-poor governance.