Suchergebnisse

In 2015, domestic and international creditors were bracing for a historic financial event as the United States territory Puerto Rico teetered on the brink of catastrophic default. After almost a decade of economic headwinds, substantial money-borrowing, and poor fiscal management, Puerto Rico's financial condition was quickly deteriorating. However, the island's legal status as a territory made it impossible for the government to take advantage of the U.S. Bankruptcy Code to renegotiate its debt with institutional investors. After the Supreme Court denied the island's own attempt to construct a restructuring process, Congress finally stepped in and enacted the Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and Economic Stability Act in the summer of 2016. The Act, commonly referred to as PROMESA, creates a novel framework under which Puerto Rico can renegotiate its credit commitments and hopefully regain access to the credit market sometime in the future. In particular, PROMESA creates the Financial Oversight and Management Board (FOMB), which is an independent organization with oversight and approval authority over much of the Puerto Rico bankruptcy process. However, because PROMESA as a legislative act is new and untested, several interesting questions arise as to the law's infrastructure around accountability of entities such as the FOMB. These questions are especially salient as Puerto Rico is the first U.S. territory to become insolvent; therefore, how these bankruptcy proceedings unfold will serve as important precedent for other territories or municipalities that may find themselves bankrupt. This Note focuses on the FOMB and whether stakeholders, such as creditors or Puerto Rican citizens, can judicially challenge the fiscal decisions made by the FOMB throughout this restructuring process. While this Note ultimately concludes that stakeholders may not have a strong legal argument to reverse the FOMB's financial determinations in court, it also proposes that stakeholders may be more successful in appealing to congressional representatives to ensure that their voices are heard and their interests are accounted for throughout these unprecedented proceedings.

This article considers Malthus in the context of Marxist criticism and ecology. While these critics see Malthus as a proponent of austerity, this essay reads the "Essay on the Principle of Population" to suggest that Malthus establishes pain, rather than pleasure, as a primary political problem, and that the ecological apocalypse he predicts is mirrored by his concern for an intellectual apocalypse that derives from pain—his own toothache. It considers also the function of the French Revolution, and hunger, in Malthusian thought. ; Este artículo estudia a Malthus dentro del contexto de la crítica marxista y la ecología. Mientras que los críticos de estas escuelas ven a Malthus como un defensor de la austeridad, este texto analiza el "Ensayo sobre el principio de la población" con el objetivo de sugerir que Malthus establece el dolor, en vez del placer, como un problema político primario, y que el apocalipsis ecológico que predice se refleja en su preocupación por un apocalipsis intelectual que deriva del dolor—su propio dolor de muelas. También se reflexiona la función de la Revolución Francesa y del hambre en el pensamiento malthusiano.

This article considers Malthus in the context of Marxist criticism and ecology. While these critics see Malthus as a proponent of austerity, this essay reads the Essay on the Principle of Population to suggest that Malthus establishes pain, rather than pleasure, as a primary political problem, and that the ecological apocalypse he predicts is mirrored by his concern for an intellectual apocalypse that derives from pain—his own toothache. It considers also the function of the French Revolution, and hunger, in Malthusian thought. Resumen Este artículo estudia a Malthus dentro del contexto de la crítica marxista y la ecología. Mientras que los críticos de estas escuelas ven a Malthus como un defensor de la austeridad, este texto analiza el Ensayo sobre el principio de la población con el objetivo de sugerir que Malthus establece el dolor, en vez del placer, como un problema político primario, y que el apocalipsis ecológico que predice se refleja en su preocupación por un apocalipsis intelectual que deriva del dolor—su propio dolor de muelas. También se reflexiona la función de la Revolución Francesa y del hambre en el pensamiento malthusiano.

In this article, the promise is analysed as peculiar communicative action that creates a link between the person who makes a promise and the person who receives the promise. The one who makes a promise in a free and unilateral way becomes committed in his present and his future. At the moment the promise is announced, it becomes a commitment and a debt that the other can legitimately retrieve. Another form is the mutual promise, that links together those that make the promise in their actions and future condition, making this promise a common condition. From this perspective, the conformation of the body politic itself has be revised, that which arises from the original contract (pactum unionis) that at least from the beginnings of modernity is the basis of a we, an artificial community created from the act of a mutual promise. We is a product of an inheritance that commits our present and our future. This we is a task that not yet, at least not completely, we have to become.

This paper provides a comprehensive breakdown of the ongoing economic crisis in the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. It explores the backdrop of the crisis by analyzing Puerto Rico's relationship with the U.S., macroeconomic indicators and pertinent legislations. It's entirely unique contribution is the analysis of the newly introduced act- PROMESA, which enables Puerto Rico to restructure its debt. We have provided an explanation of the important sections of this legislation which govern the debt negotiation process. The PROMESA act has been extended to apply to other unincorporated territories of the United States as well should they run into arrears, which broadens the scope of this paper. We have extended the findings of pre-existing body of work on sovereign debt restructuring hurdles and explained how PROMESA addresses them. We have also used previous works to suggest measures to expedite Puerto Rico's debt restructuring process with creditors. This paper could also serve as a handbook for creditors looking to navigate through the post-PROMESA debt restructuring process.

This introduction to the special issue on "Policies and Practices of Promise in Teacher Evaluation," (1) presents the background and policy context surrounding the ongoing changes in U.S. states' teacher evaluation systems (e.g., the decreased use of value-added models (VAM)s for teacher accountability purposes); (2) summarizes the two commentaries and seven research papers that were peer-reviewed and ultimately selected for inclusion in this special issue; and (3) discussess the relevance of these pieces in terms of each paper's contribution to the general research on this topic and potential to inform educational policy, for the better, after the federal government's passage of the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA, 2016). ; prácticas de promesa en la evaluación docenteResumen: Esta introducción a la númeroespecial sobre "Políticas y prácticas de promesa en la evaluación docente"(1) presenta los antecedentes y el contexto político que rodea los cambios en curso en los sistemas de evaluación docente de los estados de EE. UU. (e.g., la disminución del uso de valor agregado modelos [VAMs]para propósitos de rendición de cuentasdel maestro); (2) resume los dos comentarios y siete documentos de investigación que fueron revisados por pares y finalmente seleccionados para su inclusión en este número especial; y (3) analizar la relevancia de estas piezas en términos de la contribución de cada artículo a la investigación general sobre este tema y el potencial para informar la política educativa, para mejor, después de la aprobación del gobierno federal de la ley, Every Student Succeeds Act(ESSA, 2016). ; Esta introdução à dossiersobre "Políticas e práticas de promessa na avaliação de professores" (1) apresenta o contexto e o contexto político em torno das mudanças em andamento nos sistemas de prestação de contasde professores dos estados dos EUA (por exemplo, a diminuição do uso de valor agregado modelos [VAMs]para propósitos de responsabilização de professores); (2) resume os dois comentários e sete trabalhos de pesquisa que foram revisados porpares e, finalmente, selecionados para inclusão nesta dossier; e (3) discutir a relevância dessas peças em termos da contribuição de cada artigo para a pesquisa geral sobre esse tópico e o potencial de informar as políticas educacionais, para melhor, apósa aprovação pelo governo federal da lei, Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA, 2016)

Despite being well recognized for its impact, the specific logic guiding the production of satirical impersonation of politicians remains insufficiently researched in the field of political communication. This article aims at unveiling the ideas those artists use to conceptualize their job and, on that basis, enriching the theoretical notions present in the field. This study stems from the observation of the production process of Polònia, a tv program based on the impersonation of politicians that is broadcast weekly in Catalonia, Spain, from 2006. Data consists of interviews with some impersonators and the analysis of how this show represented the political negotiations conducted to form a government in 2015. Central in this production process is the personal traits of each politician, out of which, impersonators make their own impressions to craft their imitations. Then, in the sketches, Polònia shows if politicians are consistent with the impression they bring about with their personal traits. Satirical impersonation holds politicians to their own form of accountability: If a politician inspires a given way of being with their personal performance, he or she must be consistent with that in the daily political struggle. The personal is a promise of political action which, if not fulfilled, sends the politician to irrelevance. This centrality of the personal is discussed in comparison with its conceptualization in political communication literature. ; Pese a su impacto, la lógica que guía la producción de imitación sátira de políticos y políticas es aún poco investigada en el campo de la comunicación política. Este artículo devela las ideas que estos artistas tienen sobre su trabajo y, a partir de ellas, busca enriquecer las nociones teóricas presentes en el campo. El estudio emerge de la observación del proceso de producción de Polònia, un programa de imitación de políticos transmitido semanalmente en Cataluña desde 2006. Se incluyen entrevistas con algunos imitadores y se analiza cómo se representó una ...

This article considers proponents' arguments for Pay for Success also known as Social Impact Bonds. Pay for Success allows banks to finance public services with potential profits tied to metrics. Pay for Success has received federal support through the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2016 and is predicted by 2020 to expand in the US to a trillion dollars. As school districts, cities, and states face debt and budget crises, Pay for Success has been advocated by philanthropists, corporate consulting firms, politicians, and investment banks on the grounds of improving accountability, cost savings, risk transfer, and market discipline. With its trailblazing history in neoliberal education, Chicago did an early experiment in Pay for Success. This article provides a conceptual analysis of the key underlying assumptions and ideologies of Pay for Success. It examines the claims of proponents and critics and sheds light on the financial and ideological motivations animating Pay for Success. The article contends that Pay for Success primarily financially benefits banks without providing the benefits that proponents promise. It concludes by considering Pay for Success in relation to broader structural economic considerations and the recent uses of public schooling to produce short-term profit for capitalists. ; En este artículo se consideran los argumentos de los proponentes de Pay for Success, también conocidos como Social Impact Bonds. Pay for Success permite a los bancos financiar servicios públicos con beneficios potenciales vinculados a métricas. Pagar por el Éxito ha recibido apoyo federal a través de la Ley de Todos los Sucesos Sucesivos de 2016 y está previsto para 2020 para expandirse en los EE.UU. a un billón de dólares. A medida que los distritos escolares, las ciudades y los estados se enfrentan a crisis de deuda y presupuesto, Pay for Success ha sido defendido por filántropos, empresas de consultoría corporativa, políticos y bancos de inversión con el fin de mejorar la rendición de cuentas, ahorro de costos, transferencia de riesgos y disciplina de mercado. Con su historia pionera en la educación neoliberal, Chicago hizo un experimento temprano en Pay for Success. Este artículo provee un análisis conceptual de las suposiciones e ideologías fundamentales de Pay for Success. Examina las afirmaciones de los defensores y críticos y arroja luz sobre las motivaciones financieras e ideológicas que animan a Pay for Success. El artículo sostiene que pagar por el éxito beneficia principalmente a los bancos sin proporcionar los beneficios que los proponentes prometen. Concluye considerando el Pay For Success en relación con consideraciones económicas estructurales más amplias y los usos recientes de la educación pública para producir ganancias a corto plazo para los capitalistas. ; Este artigo considera os argumentos dos proponentes para Pay for Success, também conhecidos como "Social Impact Bonds". Pay for Success permite aos bancos financiar serviços públicos com lucros potenciais ligados a métricas. Pagar pelo sucesso recebeu apoio federal através da Lei de Sucesso de Todos os Estudantes de 2016 e está prevista para 2020 para expandir nos EUA para um trilhão de dólares. À medida que os distritos escolares, as cidades e os estados enfrentam crises de dívida e orçamento, Pay for Success foi defendido por filantropos, empresas de consultoria corporativa, políticos e bancos de investimento com base em melhorar a prestação de contas, redução de custos, transferência de riscos e disciplina de mercado. Com sua história pioneira na educação neoliberal, Chicago fez uma experiência inicial em Pay for Success. Este artigo fornece uma análise conceitual dos principais pressupostos subjacentes e ideologias do Pay for Success. Ele examina as reivindicações de defensores e críticos e ilumina as motivações financeiras e ideológicas que animam Pay for Success. O artigo afirma que o Pay for Success beneficia principalmente os bancos sem beneficiar dos benefícios que os proponentes prometem. Conclui considerando Pay for Success em relação a considerações econômicas estruturais mais amplas e os recentes usos da educação pública para produzir lucro a curto prazo para os capitalistas.

Monográfico con el título: 'Pedagogía crítica del S. XXI'. Resumen basado en el de la publicación ; Se exploran las diferentes conceptualizaciones emancipadoras y autoritarias de la educación, destacando el carácter político de las mismas por su posibilidad de conectar conocimiento, autoridad y poder. La educación crítica se entiende como resultado de luchas particulares, conectadas a comunidades específicas, a recursos disponibles y a historias, identidades y experiencias del alumnado. La educación se conceptualiza como un desafío, que intenta llevar a las personas más allá del mundo que conocen. Así se posibilitan formas de conocimiento que permiten la extensión de la cultura democrática. También se analiza la realidad de la educación superior, afectada por una crisis política y de legitimidad, que dificulta el desarrollo de principios democráticos e impone términos instrumentales y comerciales. Ante ello, se reclama un papel activo desde la universidad para solucionar los problemas de la sociedad, proporcionando al alumnado conocimiento crítico para responder a las tendencias antidemocráticas. ; Castilla y León ; ESP

Monográfico con el título: 'Pedagogía crítica del S. XXI'. Resumen basado en el de la publicación ; Se exploran las diferentes conceptualizaciones emancipadoras y autoritarias de la educación, destacando el carácter político de las mismas por su posibilidad de conectar conocimiento, autoridad y poder. La educación crítica se entiende como resultado de luchas particulares, conectadas a comunidades específicas, a recursos disponibles y a historias, identidades y experiencias del alumnado. La educación se conceptualiza como un desafío, que intenta llevar a las personas más allá del mundo que conocen. Así se posibilitan formas de conocimiento que permiten la extensión de la cultura democrática. También se analiza la realidad de la educación superior, afectada por una crisis política y de legitimidad, que dificulta el desarrollo de principios democráticos e impone términos instrumentales y comerciales. Ante ello, se reclama un papel activo desde la universidad para solucionar los problemas de la sociedad, proporcionando al alumnado conocimiento crítico para responder a las tendencias antidemocráticas. ; Castilla y León ; ESP

This study examines the impact of court-ordered finance reform in New York State resulting from Campaign for Fiscal Equity v. State of New York on equity of inputs using synthetic controls. The findings herein indicate court mandated education finance reform in New York had little to no impact on equity of educational inputs despite an overhauled education finance system intending to distribute more state funding based on student need. In the period during and following the Great Recession, the State of New York chose to cut districts' foundation aid, a form of aid designed to be distributed progressively, halting any improvement in equity. Had funding been distributed to districts according to the foundation formula that was specified by the education finance reform legislation passed in 2007, high poverty districts would have received more funding and disparities in funding across districts with similar characteristics would have been reduced. I also show that other forms of aid, which are regressively distributed, could have been cut instead of foundation aid, allowing for more funding to flow to high poverty districts in a time of fiscal constraint. ; Este estudio examina el impacto de la reforma financiera ordenada por la corte en el estado de Nueva York como resultado de la Campaign for Fiscal Equity v. State of New York sobre la equidad de los insumos que utilizan controles sintéticos. Los hallazgos en este documento indican que la reforma del financiamiento de la educación ordenada por el tribunal en Nueva York tuvo poco o ningún impacto en la equidad de los aportes educativos a pesar de un sistema revisado de financiamiento de la educación con la intención de distribuir más fondos estatales en función de las necesidades de los estudiantes. En el período durante y después de la Gran Recesión, el Estado de Nueva York decidió recortar la ayuda de la fundación de los distritos, una forma de ayuda diseñada para distribuirse progresivamente, deteniendo cualquier mejora en la equidad. Si los fondos se hubieran distribuido a los distritos de acuerdo con la fórmula básica especificada por la legislación de reforma del financiamiento de la educación aprobada en 2007, los distritos de alta pobreza habrían recibido más fondos y las disparidades en los fondos entre los distritos con características similares se habrían reducido. También muestro que otras formas de ayuda, que se distribuyen de forma regresiva, podrían haberse reducido en lugar de la ayuda de la fundación, permitiendo que más fondos fluyan a los distritos de alta pobreza en un momento de restricción fiscal. ; Este estudo examina o impacto da reforma financeira ordenada por tribunais no Estado de Nova York resultante da Campaign for Fiscal Equity v. State of New Yorkna eqüidade de insumos usando controles sintéticos. As descobertas aqui indicadas indicam que a reforma do financiamento educacional ordenada por tribunais em Nova York teve pouco ou nenhum impacto na equidade dos insumos educacionais, apesar de um sistema financeiro reformulado pretender distribuir mais fundos estatais com base nas necessidades dos alunos. No período durante e após a Grande Recessão, o Estado de Nova York optou por cortar a ajuda básica dos distritos, uma forma de ajuda projetada para ser distribuída progressivamente, interrompendo qualquer melhoria no patrimônio. Se o financiamento fosse distribuído aos distritos de acordo com a fórmula da fundação especificada pela legislação de reforma do financiamento da educação aprovada em 2007, os distritos de alta pobreza teriam recebido mais recursos e as disparidades de financiamento entre os distritos com características semelhantes teriam sido reduzidas. Também mostro que outras formas de ajuda, que são distribuídas regressivamente, poderiam ter sido cortadas em vez da ajuda básica, permitindo que mais fundos fluíssem para os distritos de alta pobreza em um momento de restrição fiscal.

This paper showed the ambiguities of the highly emotional terms of the people and populism. These concepts, as shown in this article, oscillate between poles: threat and promise, danger and redemption. The article illustrated how constructions of the people continue to appeal to notions of the dangerous mobs. It illustrates how elites appropriate the voice of the people to legitimate their rule as the rightful interpreters. Activists, and dissenters, including populist politicians challenge the rule of elites, claim to speak for the people. Their interventions aim to disrupt the normalcy of things, and of the status quo. Workers, for instance, "spoke in order to say that they were not those Others, those 'barbarians' that bourgeois discourse denounced"87. Dissenters destabilize the common sense that gives authority to the voices of some people of the community, and that recognizes some issues as valid and important. A dissensus is "a dispute over what is given and about the frame within which we see something as given"88. It is "a practice of disidentification whereby the people refuse to accept the place -often of the excluded underdog-assigned to them"89. Challenges to the exclusion of those considered having no voice, and to those whose issues are interpreted as irrelevant or particularistic are of course potentially democratizing. This type of interventions is what gives democratic credentials to populist and social movement activists. The question is how these demands will be processed. Will they entail a deepening of democracy maintaining its representative fabric, mediations, checks and balances, which allow for pluralism and contestation? Or would they lead to Jacobin symbolic appropriations of the people's will90, and to attempts to occupy the open space of democracy? ; Aquest treball analitza les ambigüitats dels conceptes de poble i populisme. Il·lustra com aquests conceptes oscil·len entre extrems: tot o part, risc o promesa. S'analitzen debats sobre qui és el poble, qui parla en el seu nom i les seves relacions amb els ideals democràtics. El treball explica com el populisme pot ser concebut simultàniament com una promesa democratitzadora i com un risc que l'espai buit de la democràcia sigui ocupat per un líder que s'autoconcep com el redemptor del poble. Este trabajo analiza las ambigüedades de los conceptos de pueblo y populismo. Ilustra cómo estos conceptos oscilan entre extremos: todo o parte, riesgo o promesa. Se analizan debates sobre quién es el pueblo, quién habla en su nombre y sus relaciones con los ideales democráticos. 520 3_ $a El trabajo explica cómo el populismo puede ser concebido simultáneamente como una promesa democratizadora y como un riesgo de que el espacio vacío de la democracia sea ocupado por un líder que se autoconcibe como el redentor del pueblo.

Deslumbrados por la promesa de "buenas prácticas científicas", investigadores de habla no inglesa han adoptado el artículo de investigación (determinado por ciertas revistas académicas) como el mejor medio para hacer públicas sus investigaciones. En este artículo se aduce que la creciente desconexión entre la teoría de composición en lengua extranjera, así como la agresiva promoción de subregistros mercantilizados, han conspirado en contra del desarrollo de enfoques más democráticos hacia el quehacer científico en la así llamada "periferia de la investigación". ; Enticed away by the promise of "good scientific practices," non-native English speaking researchers have adopted the research-article subregister (shaped by flagship academic journals). In this article, I adduce that the current disconnect between ESL writing theory/instruction and the aggressive promotion of marketized subregisters, has conspired against the development of more democratic approaches to science-making at "the research periphery."

We have studied the optical properties of InAs site-controlled quantum dots (SCQDs) grown on pre-patterned GaAs substrates. Since InAs nucleates preferentially on the lithography motifs, the location of the resulting QDs is determined by the pattern, which is fabricated by local oxidation nanolithography. Optical characterization has been performed on such SCQDs to study the fundamental and excited states. At the ground state different exciton complex transitions of about 500 μeV linewidth have been identified and the fine structure splitting of the neutral exciton has been determined (≈65 μeV). The observed electronic structure covers the demands of future quantum information technologies. © 2013 AIP Publishing LLC. ; The authors want to acknowledge the financial support from Spanish government through grants QD-NANOTICS: TEC2011-29120-C05-01, EPIC-NANOTICS: TEC2011-29120-C05-04, PROMESA: ENE2012-37804-C02-02, and Q&C Light: S2009ESP-1503. We also thank the support from the PROMETEO 2009/74 project (Generalitat Valenciana). J.C.-F. thanks the Spanish MCI for his FPI grant (No. BES-2006-12300) and J.H. acknowledges to the JAE program for the funds. ; Peer Reviewed

The coronavirus pandemic has ravaged countries across Latin America. Although the region continues to suffer, the promise of vaccinations provides reason for hope. As vaccines become more widely accessible in Latin America, public support for and willingness to receive the vaccine will be essential to pandemic recovery. Recognizing this, politicians in the region are already actively publicly promoting vaccination. In this research note, we explore Latin Americans' attitudes on vaccine acceptance as well as the influence of political recruitment for vaccination and both consumption of and trust in news from politicians on self-reported attitudes of vaccine acceptance. We learn that, in general, Latin Americans are receptive to vaccination but that acceptance varies as a function of country, time, and recruitment and, interestingly, that Latin Americans are actually dissuaded from vaccination if encouraged by politicians. We conclude with a discussion and a plea that vaccination campaigns remain separate from political ones. ; La pandemia del coronavirus ha devastado los países de Latinoamérica. Aunque la región está sufriendo todavía, la promesa de las vacunas da motivos para la esperanza. Mientras las vacunas se vuelven más accesibles en Latinoamérica, el apoyo público y la voluntad de recibir la vacuna serán esenciales para la recuperación de la pandemia. Al reconocer esto, los políticos de la región ya están promoviendo la vacuna. En esta nota de investigación exploramos las actitudes de los latinoamericanos sobre la aceptación de la vacuna y la influencia del reclutamiento político para la vacunación y el consumo y la confianza en las noticias de los políticos sobre la aceptación de la vacuna. Observamos que los latinoamericanos son receptivos a la vacunación, pero la aceptación varía en función del país, el tiempo, y el reclutamiento. Más interesante es que los latinoamericanos son disuadidos de la vacunación si está fomentada por los políticos. Concluimos con una discusión y una petición que las campañas de vacunación permanezcan separadas de las campañas políticas. ; La pandemia del coronavirus ha devastado los países de Latinoamérica. Aunque la región está sufriendo todavía, la promesa de las vacunas da motivos para la esperanza. Mientras las vacunas se vuelven más accesibles en Latinoamérica, el apoyo público y la voluntad de recibir la vacuna serán esenciales para la recuperación de la pandemia. Al reconocer esto, los políticos de la región ya están promoviendo la vacuna. En esta nota de investigación exploramos las actitudes de los latinoamericanos sobre la aceptación de la vacuna y la influencia del reclutamiento político para la vacunación y el consumo y la confianza en las noticias de los políticos sobre la aceptación de la vacuna. Observamos que los latinoamericanos son receptivos a la vacunación, pero la aceptación varía en función del país, el tiempo, y el reclutamiento. Más interesante es que los latinoamericanos son disuadidos de la vacunación si está fomentada por los políticos. Concluimos con una discusión y una petición que las campañas de vacunación permanezcan separadas de las campañas políticas.