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Pakistan is situated between India to the east, China to the northeast, Afghanistan to the northwest and north, Iran to the west, the Arabian Sea to the south, and is separated from Tajikistan by the narrow and rugged Wakhan Corridor (part of Afghanistan) to the north. Created in 1947, Pakistan is a relatively new country, but it is home to the ancient Indus Valley and subsequent civilizations. It has a diverse geography and some unique species of fauna and flora. Pakistan is actively concerned with addressing environmental issues, though solutions require consideration of complex governmental and societal structures.

Through a continuous presence in Pakistan since 1954, The Asia Foundation has developed strong ties and valuable expertise on local, regional, and international issues. With an extensive network of local and regional partners in both government and civil society, our projects extend throughout the country, and range from large, nationwide programs to small, local initiatives. In Pakistan, efforts focus on: promoting economic development and social inclusion, especially for women, strengthening citizen-state relations, and fostering human rights.

Dieser Aufsatz erschien zuerst 2011 in der Zeitschrift "KAS-Auslandsinformationen" und beschäftigt sich mit der Flutkatastrophe 2010 in Pakistan und deren Auswirkungen auf Staat und Gesellschaft in Pakistan. Sechs Monate nach der größten Hochwasserkatastrophe in der Geschichte Pakistans sind von den etwa 13 Millionen Menschen, die ihre Häuser und all ihre Habe in den Fluten, noch schätzungsweise sieben Millionen Betroffene nahezu schutzlos und ohne ausreichende Lebensmittel der Winterkälte ausgesetzt. Nicht nur in den Überschwemmungsgebieten, auch in den Flüchtlingscamps, wo nach Regierungsangaben noch knapp eine Million Menschen ausharren, herrscht seit Wochen akuter Mangel am Lebensnotwendigsten.

The 60th anniversary of China-Pakistan relations was celebrated in 2011. Pakistan was the third non-communist and the first Muslim country to recognize China in 1950. The diplomatic relations between China and Pakistan were established in May 1951.The friendship between China and Pakistan is all weather and everlasting. The relationship is deeper than the oceans and higher than the mountains. The bolstering relations of China and Pakistan have become a model for a friendly co-existence of developing neighboring countries. China and Pakistan are enjoying strong bilateral cultural, economic and military relationships. Both of the countries are striving together for promoting peace, stability and economic prosperity in Asia. In the past, China-Pakistan ties were mainly of military and strategic importance. But now the economic relations of China-Pakistan are strengthening specially after the conclusion of Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in 2007. In this paper we would focus upon the economic relations of China and Pakistan. We also used the granger causality test to understand the relationship between Chinese Inward FDI and Economic Growth. We took the annual data from 1980 t0 2012. We found that growth in China caused inward FDI. Furthermore, it has been discussed that what Pakistan can learn from the miraculous economic progress and prosperity of China?

Am 8. Februar wählte Pakistan eine neue Nationalversammlung. Wie ist die Lage im südasiatischen Land? Wie funktioniert das politische System?

Pakistan has a long tradition of tea drinking that has now become an integral part of the countrys social life. The first tea experiments were initiated in the thenWest Pakistan (present Pakistan) in village Baffa (district Mansehra, NWFP) under the auspices of Pakistan Tea Board in 1958.These efforts were not followed up because tea production in the then East Pakistan (now Bagladesh) met the needs of the Nation. Subsequently, efforts to grow tea were reinitiated in1964 at Misriot Dam near Rawalpindi but due to unfavorable soil and climatic conditions could not achieve the desired results (Annual Report PARC-1996). After the delinking of East Pakistan the entire requirement of tea is imported by Pakistan (Refer Tea imports by Pakistan, Hanif Janoo, IJTS 1:4, 2002). Pakistan is the 3rd largest importer of tea after England and Russia and the consumption is increasing day by day with the increase in population. The quantity and cost of black tea imported during the past ten years is given in Table 1.Tea ranks 8th in the major.

Ist Pakistan das gefährlichste Land der Welt? Jochen Hippler, ein exzellenter Kenner dieses Landes, analysiert die innenpolitische Dauerkrise. Der Staat wird immer fragiler und die Politik immer mehr durch Gewalt geprägt. Große Teile des Staatsapparates sind deformiert. Gelingt es nicht, diesen Zerfall zu stoppen, wird Pakistan mittelfristig für die Welt bedrohlicher als das krisengeschüttelte Afghanistan.

The problems confronting Pakistan and Bangladesh in the field of education appear to be almost insoluble. At the time of its partition in 1971, Pakistan as a whole was ranking among the last on the international scale as regards the rate of illiteracy as well as its efforts in the field of education. The percentage of drop-outs and pupils and students who fail to pass the final exams is extremely high in all sectors of the educational system. The quality of teaching is debatable. Students prefer liberal arts and social sciences to an extent which does not seem to be justifiable by the need of experts in these disciplines, whereas the interest in natural sciences, technical profession and, above all, vocational training is low. The unsatisfactory situation in the field of education can not be ascribed to the country's poor economic condition only, but it is the result of an educational policy which dispensed with a broad campaign against illiteracy and the introduction of compulsory schooling and instead concentrated on the intermediate and higher institutions of learning attended mainly by the urban male youth from the middle and high bracket income classes. The Central Government left the control of the educational system with all its financial implications almost entirely to the individual provinces. It was the educational policy which to a large extent determined the more favorable economic development of West Pakistan since no efforts were made to meet East Pakistan's shortage of skilled personel by major improvements of the educational facilities in Bengal. Lacking a sufficient number of specialists, however, East Pakistan was hardly in the position to prepare the necessary development projects in such a way that they could be taken up by foreign and national investors. The "vicious circle" is closed since, without investments, East Pakistan did not attain the economic growth which — by means of correspondingly higher tax revenue — could have ensured an improvement and extension of the educational system. ...

Pakistan hat in seiner dreißigjährigen Geschichte erst wenige Wahlen erlebt und ist dadurch sowohl in seinem demokratischen Reifeprozeß als auch in der Festigung seines nationalen Selbstvertrauens gehemmt worden. Nachgerade tragisch aber nimmt sich der Umstand aus, daß die seltenen Urnengänge dem Land obendrein Unheil brachten. Das war im Dezember 1970 der Fall, als die ersten freien Parlamentswahlen eine fatale Polarisation zwischen Ost- und Westpakistan heraufbeschworen und ein Jahr später in dem Abfall der östlichen Landeshälfte kulminierten, und das wiederholte sich auf politisch kaum minder bedrückende Weise im März 1977, als der damalige Premierminister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto den Wählerwillen massiv zu manipulieren trachtete und im Gefolge einer heftigen Gegenreaktion schließlich die Militärs auf den Plan rief. Zum dritten Mal seit der Gründung des islamischen Nachfolgestaates Britisch-Indiens wähnte sich die pakistanische Generalität von hoffnungslos zerstrittenen Zivilpolitikem gedrängt, als Retter einer Nation auftreten zu müssen, die ihrer selbst bis auf den heutigen Tag nicht wirklich sicher ist. Aufs neue in einen Circulus vitiosus geraten, sucht das leidgeprüfte Land seine Zukunft nun freilich buchstäblich in der Vergangenheit und glaubt das Heil im Nizam-i-Mustafa, in der Ordnung des Propheten, zu finden.

Purpose: Negotiations between two parties always have newsworthiness. Results of the negotiations can be strongly influenced by the media coverage. Pakistan's government was also involved in peace negotiation with Tahrik e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) during January and February 2014. It was the most discussing issue in Pakistani media at that time. The aim of this research is to analyze the editorial policy of three Pakistani English language newspapers; Dawn, Nation and The News to check their favorable or unfavorable behavior regarding peace talks during January and February 2014. Design/Methodology/Approach: Agenda setting, priming and farming theories were used in this study. Qualitative content analysis method was used in this study to analyze the editorial policy of these three newspapers. Findings: The results revealed that all these three newspapers gave significant coverage to the peace talks issue but Nation gave more coverage to the issue. Findings also revealed that Dawn and The News, most of the time showed neutral behavior but tilted towards unfavorable position regarding peace talks. Nation showed strongly unfavorable behavior regarding peace talks. Implications/Originality/Value: So it is concluded that all these three newspapers were mostly against the peace talks and government and media were not on the same page on the issue of peace talks.

Die Aufsatzsammlung "Der Weg Pakistans" erschien 2008 als Band Nr. 62 in der Reihe "Argumente und Materialien zum Zeitgeschehen" und wurde von der Akademie für Politik und Zeitgeschichte der Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung veröffentlicht. Das Dokument enthält folgende Beiträge: Christian Ruck / Bernd Rill: Vorwort / S. 5 Paul Lehrieder: Einführung / S. 7 M. Aslam Syed: Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah's Legacy to Pakistan / S. 11 Jochen Hippler: Gewalt und Instabilität in der Innenpolitik Pakistans / S. 27 Tanvir Ahmad Khan: Sixty years of India-Pakistan relations / S. 37 Mohammed Saeed Chaudhry: The European Union and Kashmir / S. 51 Asad Durrani: Pakistan-Afganisthan Relations / S. 73 Hein G. Kiessling: Pakistan und die USA / S. 81

This study investigates the impact of the Pakistan Remittance Initiative (PRI) on remittance flows to Pakistan. In 2009, the Government of Pakistan launched the PRI aimed at facilitating the flow of remittances sent home by non-resident Pakistanis. The PRI is comprised of multiple incentive schemes that are aimed at making remittance transfer faster, cheaper, and more convenient, and at increasing the attractiveness of formal channels of transfer relative to informal channels. I find that the PRI is associated with a significant increase in the formal remittances sent to Pakistan as well as a strong shift in the channels used for remit-tance transfer. Estimates suggest that while the PRI led to a significant reallocation of remittances away from the informal channel to the formal channel, it is not clear that it has increased the total amount of remittances received. ; Non-PR ; PSSP; CRP2; IFPRI1 ; DSGD; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

Der Beitrag von Andreas Rieck befasst sich mit der innenpolitischen Situation in Pakistan. Er erschien zuerst 2007 in der Zeitschrift "Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte". Der Autor berichtet über Erfolge der Demokratiebewegung in Pakistan gegenüber den autoritären Präsidenten Musharraf im Jahre 2007, die u.a. zur Wiedereinsetzung des Obersten Richters führten. Neben gesellschaftlichen Protesten tragen auch Gerichtsentscheidungen zu dieser Entwicklung bei, die von Musharraf zumindest akzeptiert werden. Gleichzeitig weißt der Autor jedoch auf die bedenkliche Zunahme des islamistischen Fundamentalismus in Pakistan hin, die besonders im Grenzgebiet zu Afghanistan zu beobachten ist. Eine "Talibanisierung" ganz Pakistans hingegen erwartet der Autor nicht, weil seiner Meinung nach die säkularen Kräfte in den Kernrovinzen Punjab und Sindh nach wie vor stark sind.

This article examines how the fundamental right of freedom of expression for news media in Pakistan continues to be threatened both by the government and conflicting parties, an issue that is compounded by the threat to the journalists' safety and survival. Giving examples of three Pakistani journalists who lost their lives after their investigations during the America's so called 'War on Terror', the article gives an account of the nature of the dangers and threats that are faced by the journalists in Pakistan who report on armed political conflicts. Drawing on the experiences of five other journalists, who were interviewed during research visits to Pakistan in 2012 and 2014, the author also reflects on the role of journalists in the light of the social responsibility theory and explores some of the factors that contribute towards making conflict reporting a dangerous business in Pakistan.Pictured: Figure 1: The Press in Stress report in 2012. Shown in the cover image is a curbside radio-seller in Quetta. FM radio is hugely popular in Balochistan. Image: Aurangzazib Khan

Der Beitrag, der zuerst 2002 in der Zeitschrift "Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte" erschienen ist, analysiert die Auswirkungen der Anschläge vom 11. September 2001 auf die Innenpolitik in Pakistan. Der damalige Machthaber Musharraf beteiligte sich an dem von der USA initiierten "Kampf gegen den internationalen Terrorismus". Zudem wurde die Rechte islamistischer Parteien und Gruppierungen eingeschränkt. Obwohl Pakistan dafür eine diplomatische Aufwertung sowie finanzielle Hilfe von Seiten der westlichen Welt zugesagt wurde, stieß diese Politik im Land selbst auf Ablehnung. Dies lag daran, dass zum einen Viele im Land mit den Tabilan sympathisieren und zum anderen pflegen selbst säkulare Parteien einen ausgeprägten Anti-Amerikanismus.