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Military analyst Michael O'Hanlon shows how outside forces could successfully intervene to stop an ongoing cycle of warfare in a country whose government has collapsed or come under severe internal challenge. Based largely on recent U.S. experiences in Panama, Somalia, Bosnia, and elsewhere, as well as on U.S. military doctrine and information from the Pentagon's training and simulation centers, the book discusses the steps in an intervention and estimates likely casualties and costs. O'Hanlon shows that modern Western militaries are capable of executing these types of operations with high proficiency. While conditions are unlikely to resemble those of Desert Storm, which allowed the U.S. and allies to take full advantage of modern technology, top-notch militaries have advantages in infantry combat situations--night-vision equipment, attack and transport helicopters, counterartillery radars--that would enable them to establish order and prevail in any firefights. O'Hanlon warns that operations as casualty-free as those in Haiti and, to date, in Bosnia would be unlikely. Moreover, the political framework that outside powers would attempt to employ in establishing a new order would be critical: if intervening forces are seen as taking sides or occupying territory without legitimacy, they could meet protracted guerrilla-style resistance of the types witnessed in Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Somalia. Part of the Studies in Foreign Affairs series.

General appendix at end, with special t.-p.: 192 p. ; Each part has separate t.-p. ; Blank leaves inserted. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Conference Proceedings of the first Interdisciplinary Forum "How to research Corruption?", Amsterdam (Netherlands), 2016. The publication includes nine sections on different methods used in corruption research, reflecting the program of the conference.

Global Ancestors is a collection of papers which reflect on modern museological responses to the often complex and emotive relationship that people have with the ancestors and objects which they created. Set out in three broad themes, the first collection of papers explore how indigenous peoples are represented in museums in Panama and China and how more can be gained by working with indigenous communities to further our understanding of the ancestors. The second section examines changes in British and American museological thinking regarding the repatriation of human remains and objects to indigenous peoples, focussing in particular on the impact of legislation on western institutions and the expectations of indigenous communities and alternative religious groups. These issues are explored through case studies involving material from the British Museum and Glasgow Museum. The final section explores the ways in which archaeologists and indigenous communities interact. These chapters illustrate, through case studies from South Africa, Finland and Canada, how both groups have worked together for their mutual benefit or to change the majority viewpoint. - Extract from publihser's website

Global Ancestors is a collection of papers which reflect on modern museological responses to the often complex and emotive relationship that people have with the ancestors and objects which they created. Set out in three broad themes, the first collection of papers explore how indigenous peoples are represented in museums in Panama and China and how more can be gained by working with indigenous communities to further our understanding of the ancestors. The second section examines changes in British and American museological thinking regarding the repatriation of human remains and objects to indigenous peoples, focussing in particular on the impact of legislation on western institutions and the expectations of indigenous communities and alternative religious groups. These issues are explored through case studies involving material from the British Museum and Glasgow Museum. The final section explores the ways in which archaeologists and indigenous communities interact. These chapters illustrate, through case studies from South Africa, Finland and Canada, how both groups have worked together for their mutual benefit or to change the majority viewpoint. - Extract from publihser's website

Abstract. Public sector fraud reduces government resources for healthcare, education and welfare. The recent case of the Panama Papers revealed that 12 national leaders are among 143 politicians, their families and close associates from around the world known to have been using offshore tax havens. It is obvious that activities concerning tax have rapidly gained an international dimension both globally and in Europe. A crucial role in communication on tax-related issues between states is played by precision in using terminology, with the choice of the correct equivalents in different languages. It has been pointed out by professionals in the tax field that some major concepts are elusive for the public and specialists alike, such as tax avoidance and tax evasion, or tax minimisation and tax avoidance. The aim of this paper is to offer a trilingual – English, Lithuanian and Norwegian – comparative analysis of the most commonly used terms that denote activities reducing tax liability. It establishes the counterparts of terminology that refer to different categories of activities reducing tax liability in those three languages, discusses synonymy of the terms and their usage in legal acts and media discourse, and offers insights into semantic differences between the terms analysed and their degree of equivalency. The terminology was verified using the multilingual database Interactive Terminology for Europe (IATE) and supplemented using numerous additional sources, such as legal acts, various official documents and media materials. The research focuses on terms ascribed to the three most common types of tax activities (tax planning, tax avoidance and tax evasion/fraud) and the two phenomena of tax shelters and tax havens. The insights offered into usage of the terms, their counterparts in the three languages, their synonyms and semantics are believed to be valuable for efficient professional communication internationally. ; Mokestinis sukčiavimas viešajame sektoriuje mažina nacionalines mokestines pajamas, kurios galėtų būti skiriamos visuomenės sveikatai, švietimui ir kitoms socialinės gerovės sistemoms. 2016 metų pavasarį "Panamos popieriais" praminto skandalo tyrimas atskleidė, kad kai kurie įtakingiausi pasaulio veikėjai slėpė savo pinigus ofšorinėse struktūrose. Tai ne tik atskleidė platų tarptautinį veiklos, susijusios su mokestiniu sukčiavimu ir mokesčių slėpimu, mastą, bet ir tą faktą, kad daugeliu atvejų mokestinio sukčiavimo veikos viešajame diskurse yra įvardijamos tikrąją esmę maskuojančiais terminais, pvz., "mokesčių optimizavimas" arba "agresyvus mokesčių planavimas". Lemiamas vaidmuo, kovojant su mokestiniu sukčiavimu tarptautinėje erdvėje, yra ir tikslus terminijos, teisingų ekvivalentų įvairiomis kalbomis pasirinkimas. Mokesčių srities specialistai pastaruoju metu nurodo, kad kai kurie pagrindiniai terminai, vartojami viešojoje erdvėje, yra neskiriami net profesionalų, pvz., tax avoidance ir tax evasion anglų kalboje arba mokesčių planavimas bei mokesčių vengimas ir slėpimas lietuvių kalboje. Šio straipsnio tikslas yra išanalizuoti trijų – anglų, lietuvių ir norvegų – kalbų dažniausiai vartojamus mokestinio sukčiavimo ir mokesčių vengimo terminus. Pateikiami anglų kalbos terminai ir jų ekvivalentai lietuvių ir norvegų kalbomis, analizuojami šių terminų sinonimai tiek teisės aktuose, tiek žiniasklaidoje, aptariami semantiniai sinonimiškai vartojamų terminų skirtumai bei diskurso nulemti variantų pasirinkimai. Straipsnyje siūlomos terminų ir jų sinonimų vartojimo įžvalgos, tikimasi, pasitarnaus efektyviai tarptautinei komunikacijai šiuo viešajai politikai svarbiu klausimu.

Referred to the Committee on foreign relations and ordered printed February 4, 1914 ; Mode of access: Internet.

Part I. Pleasant Street -- The flashing eyes -- Shadows on the ceiling -- The Pleasant Street army -- If God was mad -- My nine lives -- Part II. Army life -- West Point: a time for testing -- Fort Benning: just like artillery, only bigger -- Puerto Rico: schooling -- Lanceros: continuen -- 101st Airborne Division: Hato Rey -- Fort Knox and Ginny -- Part III. War -- First Vietnam -- Pentagon: the papers -- Second Vietnam: all roads lead to Rang Rang -- Part IV. Mixed command and staff assignments -- The Fletcher School -- Stuttgart: the big staffs -- Belgium: Supreme Commanders Goodpaster and Haig -- 3rd Infantry Division -- 8th Infantry Division -- 24th Infantry Division -- VII Corps: warrior preparation -- Part V. Southern Command -- Southern Command, Panama -- Honduras -- El Salvador -- Colombia -- Part VI. Supreme commander -- Buttressing -- The White House and nuclear arms reduction -- Conventional forces in Europe -- WINTEX, the war game -- Change: the right mix -- The wall -- A strategy for change -- The First Gulf War -- Red Square -- The rescue of the Kurds -- The new force structure -- The coup -- Part VII. Global perspective -- Back to West Point, by way of Bosnia -- Ohio State University and global strategy seminars -- Back to Fletcher: leading and teaching leadership

As political opportunities shift, social movement decline or mobilization may result. The first section of this intriguing volume examines this phenomenon in depth while also moving theory-building forward. Significant contributions are made to collective identity theory, stalemate theory, and political process theory. This volume's concentration on political opportunity and social movements is accomplished through a focused series of papers that include case studies of specific social movements, comparative case studies of social movements, and comparative case studies of transnational issue networks. They include movements including the U. S. anti-nuclear power movement, the Rastafarians, the alternative and complimentary medicine movement, indigenous rights movements in Panama and Brazil, the animal rights movement, the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, and the housing reform movements in post-Soviet Union Moscow and Budapest. A shorter, but no less important section closes this volume while taking up another historic focus of the series: social and political change. Here one paper documents democratization in Wales via the use of 'inclusive politics' by Plaid Cymru, another analyzes the use of 'political homicide' in Mexico during the 1990s, and a third explores campus unrest in the United States.

The legal aspects of deoffshorization of the financial system of Ukraine is analyzed in the article. It is possible to hide corruption funds and keep capital and assets out of national control exactly in the offshores of foreign countries. Chain offshore corruption is an evil of civilization, as clearly confirmed by the Panama Papers. The latter testified that offshore zones are lagoons where not only oligarchs and big business owners hide their wealth from taxation, but also, as it turned out, public figures, including high-ranking civil servants. Threats of shadow economy sector growth and involvement of national banking system into legalization schemes of large-scale money laundering in measures of external negative influences, spreading corruption, instability of financial markets and foreign exchange rate leads to increased vulnerability to financial threats of various kinds, distorting the real processes in the national economy, and finally - to the absence of confidence in the financial and economic system of Ukraine, as well as to arising risks related to the possible introduction of the financial crisis. The above mentioned actualizes the necessity for investigation of effective tools, methods and mechanisms concerning combatting money laundering as crime proceeds. There is an urgent need for detailed study of the phenomenon of uncertainty and risk essence that are currently faced as global international problems. Involvement and implementation of risk-based methods requires a profound understanding and processing. Accordingly to the European integration processes, based on the key priorities of the best international experience attracting there should be elaboration of amendments to legislation concerning counteraction to legalization (laundering) of proceeds from crime, terrorist financing and the financing of mass destruction weapons proliferation. Many foreign countries take part in offshore schemes where capital of dubious origin is laundered. Thus, according to the National Crime Agency (NCA) and the Royal Institute of Certified Appraisers, the British luxury real estate market has become one of the most tangible areas of money laundering of dubious origin. Lastyear, about 2.5 million stakeholders took part in this shadow market. ; В статті аналізується правові аспекти деофшоризації фінансової системи України. Саме в офшорах далекого зарубіжжя є можливість приховати корупційні здобутки і утримувати фінансовий капітал та активи поза національним контролем. Ланцюгова офшорна корупція – цивілізаційне зло, що явно підтвердили Панамські документи. Останні засвідчили, що офшорні зони є лагунами, де приховують свої статки від оподаткування не лише олігархи і власники крупного бізнесу, а як виявилося і публічні діячі, зокрема високорангові державні службовці . Загрози зростання сектору тіньової економіки та залучення національної банківської системи до легалізаційних схем із масштабного відмивання брудних коштів в умовах зовнішніх негативних впливів, поширення корупційних проявів, нестабільність фінансових ринків та валютообмінного курсу призводять до зростання вразливості щодо фінансових загроз різного характеру, викривлення реальних економічних процесів у національному господарстві, а у кінцевому результаті – до втрати довіри стосовно фінансово-економічної системи України, а також підвищенню ризиків щодо ймовірного настання фінансової кризи. Зазначене актуалізує необхідність дослідження ефективних інструментів, методів та механізмів протидії відмиванню доходів, одержаних злочинних шляхом. Потребують уваги та детального дослідження явища невизначеності та ризиків, які на сьогодні постали як глобальні світові проблеми. Залучення та використання ризик-орієнтованих методів потребує більш глибокого осмислення та опрацювання. У зв'язку із євроінтеграційними процесами в основу ключових пріоритетів діяльності спеціально уповноваженого органу у сфері фінансового моніторингу повинні бути покладені постулати кращого світового досвіду удосконалення нормативно-правових актів з питань протидії легалізації (відмиванню) доходів, одержаних злочинним шляхом, фінансуванню тероризму та фінансуванню розповсюдження зброї масового знищення. В офшорних схемах, де відмиваються капітали сумнівного походження, приймають участь немало зарубіжних країн. Так, згідно з даними Національного агентства по боротьбі зі злочинністю (National Crime Agency, NCA) та Корлівського інституту сертифікованих оцінювачів британськийринок елітної нерухомості став одним з найбільш відчутних напрямків відмивання грошей сумнівного походження. У минулому році на даному тіньовому ринку прийняло участь біля 2,5 млн. зацікавлених осіб.

This dissertation contains three essays, each addressing a different question in political economy and comparative politics. The first essay speaks to the large literature arguing that dictatorships can achieve high levels of economic growth if dictators can commit to not expropriate elites. Extant research has focused on the role of formal institutions – legislatures and parties – in helping elites constrain dictators' predation. I complement this literature by documenting the role of an informal institution, elite financial networks, in constraining the dictator. I argue that dense financial ties among elites diffuse private information on the state of the economy, hence facilitating elites' monitoring – if the dictator reneges on his commitments to elites, informed elites are able to infer and punish his defection. Accordingly, I hypothesize that dictatorships with denser elite financial networks enjoy stronger property rights. To test my argument, I uncover networks of elites' co-ownership of offshore companies – a strong type of financial tie – using a large, untapped leak of private financial information, the Panama Papers. A thorough regression analysis of almost all dictatorships in the period 2002−2013 supports my theory: a one-standard deviation increase in financial network density predicts a half-standard deviation decrease in expropriation risk.The second essay asks: why have some countries counted hundreds of their citizens fleeing to fight in Syria, while other countries' citizens have remained bystanders? There are three methodological challenges to answering this question. First, there may be two groups of countries: one at no risk of "supplying" foreign fighters and another supplying some positive amount. Second, there is no theory that specifies a functional form linking countries' features to foreign fighter supply. Third, existing models for predicting foreign fighter supply perform poorly out of sample or yield output that is not amenable to social-scientific interpretations. To solve these challenges, I augment a count regression model, the hurdle negative binomial, with two machine learning tools. Namely, I allow features to affect the response non-parametrically, by using kernel functions that represent expansions of the data. Furthermore, I add regularization terms that penalize complexity to mitigate overfitting. My approach combines the strengths of predictive and confirmatory models: it performs similarly to state-of-the-art machine learning algorithms in prediction while providing substantively interpretable output. Applying the model to data on 163 countries, I find that populous, developed countries, with a large Sunni population and proximity to Syria supply more fighters. These results lend themselves to viewing foreign fighter supply as largely driven by structural forces.The third essay contributes to the literature on civil war, which has recently shifted its attention from state-rebel violence to rebel-rebel violence. I build on this work by applying tools from social network analysis to visualize, summarize, and model conflict among 22 rebel groups in Lebanon's Civil War, specifically in the period 1980−1991. Using a network graph and node-, dyad-, and network-level statistics, I find a conflict structure in line with historical accounts: a dense pattern of hostilities, high reciprocity in hostilities (i attacks j ⇔ j attacks i), low transitivity in hostilities (the enemy of my enemy is my friend), infighting within religious sects, and the existence of 3 central groups. Furthermore, using regression models tailored to network data, I find that groups that command support from the ethno-religious sect they belong to, control valuable natural resources and territory, and use terrorist tactics are more likely to attack other rebels, while groups that are able to reach an agreement with the state are less likely to attack other rebels. Finally, using a clustering model, I detect 2 sub-conflicts: a narrow cluster that includes the infighting among Palestinian groups and their Sunni allies and a broader cluster that includes the hostilities between rival Shi'ite groups. My approach is relevant to policy-makers deciding which rebel groups to support, particularly in conflicts where opposition to the state is fragmented.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Table of Contents -- List of Maps -- Table of Cases -- Table of Statutes -- Table of Parliamentary and State Papers -- Table of Treaties and Conventions -- Introduction: A Utopian Dream? -- 1. Approaches to InternationalDispute Resolution -- I. Resolving Disputes between States: Influences on Policy Making -- II. The Nineteenth Century Approach -- III. Approach to Arbitration -- 2. The Geneva Arbitration -- I. The Anglo-American Relationship 1782-1861 -- II. How the Claims Arose -- III. The Diplomatic Negotiations Regarding the Treaty of Washington and the Tribunal's Terms of Reference, the Arguments of the Parties -- IV. The Claims -- V. Constitution of the Tribunal and the Proceedings -- VI. The Case of the United States -- VII. The Case of Britain -- VIII. Final Award of the Arbitrators -- IX. Sir Alexander Cockburn's Dissenting Award -- X. The Foreign Enlistment Act 1819 -- XI. Results of the Arbitration and Effect -- XII. Diplomatic Reflections on the American Civil War -- XIII. Lessons of the Geneva Arbitration -- 3. Forms of Dispute Resolution as Instruments of Prevention: Part I -- I. The Behring Sea Arbitration -- II. The Anglo-Venezuela Arbitration -- 4. Forms of Dispute Resolution as Instruments of Prevention: Part II -- I. The Pious Fund Case -- II. The Dogger Bank Inquiry -- III. The Panama Canal Dispute -- IV. The Casablanca Case -- 5. Towards a Code of International Arbitration: Instruments of Peace and Diplomacy -- I. Evolution of an International Law to Resolve Disputes between States -- II. Anglo-American Treaty Discussions -- III. The Influence of American Jurists -- IV. The Hague Conference and Convention 1899 -- V. An International Court of Arbitration -- VI. The Inquiry Process -- VII. The Permanent Court of Arbitration -- VIII. Second Hague Peace Conference.

This thesis explores the relationship between water infrastructure, ecological change, and the politics of planning in New Orleans and the Mississippi River Delta, USA. Complex assemblages of water control infrastructure have been embedded in the delta over the last several centuries in an effort to keep its cities protected from floodwaters and maintain its waterways as standardized conduits for maritime transportation. This thesis investigates the historical development of these infrastructural interventions in the delta's dynamics, and shows how the region's eco-hydrology is ensnared in the politics and materiality of pipes, pumps, canals, locks, and levees. These historical entanglements complicate contemporary efforts to enact large-scale ecosystem restoration, even while the delta's landscape is rapidly eroding into the sea. This historical approach is extended into the present through an examination of how waterway standards established at so-called chokepoints in the global maritime transportation system (the Panama Canal, for example) become embedded and contested in coastal landscapes and port cities worldwide. Turning towards urban ecology, the thesis examines socioecological responses to the flooding following Hurricane Katrina in 2005, with a special focus on how infrastructure failures, flooding intensity, and land abandonment are driving changing vegetation patterns in New Orleans over the past decade. The thesis contributes new conceptual language for grappling with the systemic relations bound up in water infrastructure, and develops one of the first studies describing urban ecosystem responses to prolonged flooding and post-disaster land management. This provides insights into the impending planning challenges facing New Orleans and coastal cities globally, where rising sea levels are bringing about renewed attention to how infrastructure is implicated in patterns of ecological change, hazard exposure, resilience, and social inequality. ; At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript. Paper 3: Manuscript. Paper 4: Accepted. Paper 5: Manuscript.

59 p. ; El propósito fundamental de esta monografía es definir los conceptos fundamentales acerca del clima organizacional y la motivación, y todo lo referente a este tema, así como también la fundamentación legal. Para lograr esto se empleó una investigación de tipo documental que consiste en la búsqueda, análisis, crítico e interpretación de datos secundarios, es decir, se consultó como referencias bibliográficas fuentes secundarias como libros, documentos, tesis, trabajos de investigación, sitios web, diccionarios, documentos legales como la Constitución Política de la República de Panamá y el Código de Trabajo, entre otros. Asimismo, se pudo llegar a la siguiente conclusión; que el clima organizacional, es la presunción que un empleado pueda tener acerca de su lugar de trabajo, que tanto el clima laboral como la motivación en las empresas es de suma importancia para el logro de los objetivos empresariales, las organizaciones deben hacer un trabajo sistémico y reconocer cuales son las herramientas a emplear para lograr la motivación de sus empleados, que la comunicación es un factor muy importante para las relaciones interpersonales, asimismo que afiliación, poder, productividad, eficacia, baja rotación de empleados, satisfacción adaptación, innovación, competencia, entre otros. Y que, por otro lado, inadaptación del personal, alta rotación, poca productividad, ausentismo laboral, entre otros, también depende del clima laboral y de la motivación que el individuo tenga para el momento. Que existe una motivación intrínseca y otra extrínseca, y que el individuo debe satisfacer ciertas necesidades básicas y fundamentales para poder lograr llegar a la meta deseada. Que los departamentos de Recursos Humanos deben estar muy pendiente de observar, evaluar y aplicar estrategias para mejorar el clima organizacional y elevar la motivación de los empleados como un activo valioso dentro de las organizaciones. ; The main purpose of this monograph is to define the fundamental concepts about organizational climate and motivation, and everything related to this topic, as well as the legal foundation. To achieve this, a documentary-type investigation was used that consists of the search, analysis, criticism and interpretation of secondary data, that is, secondary sources such as books, documents, theses, research papers, websites, dictionaries were consulted as bibliographic references , legal documents such as the Political Constitution of the Republic of Panama and the Labor Code, among others. Likewise, the following conclusion could be reached; that the organizational climate is the presumption that an employee may have about their workplace, that both the work environment and the motivation in companies is of the utmost importance for the achievement of business objectives, organizations must do systemic work and recognize which are the tools to be used to achieve the motivation of its employees, that communication is a very important factor for interpersonal relationships, as well as affiliation, power, productivity, efficiency, low employee turnover, satisfaction, adaptation, innovation, competition , among others. And that, on the other hand, staff maladjustment, high turnover, low productivity, absenteeism from work, among others, also depends on the work environment and the motivation that the individual has for the moment. That there is an intrinsic and an extrinsic motivation, and that the individual must satisfy certain basic and fundamental needs in order to achieve the desired goal. That Human Resources departments must be very aware of observing, evaluating and applying strategies to improve the organizational climate and raise the motivation of employees as a valuable asset within organizations.

En los últimos años se reconoce el incremento de investigaciones judiciales asociadas a casos de corrupción tanto en el sector público como en el privado. La mayoría de ellas, han sido visibilizadas por los medios de comunicación, lo que genera escándalos mediáticos que impactan la confianza del ciudadano en lo público y sus instituciones. Esta tendencia mundial se ilustra para Colombia con casos como el Carrusel de la contratación en Bogotá, los recobros en el sistema de salud, Interbolsa, los Panamá Papers y, recientemente, los sonados procesos de Obredecht y el Cartel de la Toga. Este último para referirse al escándalo de corrupción en la justicia. En el nivel internacional, el último reporte del Índice de Percepción de la Corrupción –IPC- de Transparencia Internacional muestra riesgos de los países frente a la percepción de corrupción. Según el reporte, ningún país de los 176 evaluados en este índice se acerca a una puntuación del 100% en el 2016, siendo de 43 el promedio global, lo que ubica a la corrupción como un fenómeno endémico de lo público con efectos tangibles en la confianza ciudadana (Transparencia Internacional, 2016). Colombia aportó a la tendencia mundial. En los últimos años el país se mantiene en los puestos más bajos del índice en el que ocupa el puesto 90 de 176 países para el 2016. Su puntaje en los últimos cinco años ha permanecido constante aún con las recientes reformas para luchar contra la corrupción (Transparencia Internacional, 2015). De igual manera, la Organización para la Cooperación y Desarrollo Económico –OCDE- señaló en 2015 que los avances globales para combatir el soborno transnacional fueron mínimos. Y en el caso colombiano, insuficientes o de nula aplicación, por lo que recomendaron:  Aumentar el conocimiento del sector corporativo sobre medidas anticorrupción aplicables a los negocios (leyes, regulaciones y directrices).  Implementar iniciativas en el sector privado que articulen valores, políticas y procedimientos de conformidad con los Principios Empresariales para contrarrestar el Soborno (Transparencia Internacional, 2013), a fin de prevenirlo en todas las actividades empresariales.  Mejorar la recolección y análisis de las estadísticas relativas a la aplicación de la Convención. El Observatorio Anticorrupción de la Secretaría de Transparencia de la Presidencia de la República, debería utilizar la información de la que dispone para contribuir a una mejor comprensión del fenómeno de la corrupción en el país.  Mejorar e implementar una protección reforzada para los denunciantes, y mejorar el acceso a la información y los canales de denuncias para los ciudadanos. Establecer un marco jurídico sólido que proporcione protección para los denunciantes que informan sobre posibles casos de soborno transnacional (OCDE, 2015, p. 10). Otro organismo que evaluó recientemente el desempeño de Colombia en la lucha contra la corrupción fue la Organización de las Naciones Unidas –ONU- que, a través del Grupo de Examen de la aplicación de la Convención de las Naciones Unidas contra la Corrupción, expresó como logros la aplicación de sanciones y la ampliación de los plazos de prescripción para los delitos de corrupción, la anulación de contratos por actos de corrupción y la cooperación con el sector privado. Sin embargo, mostró preocupación por los pocos avances logrados en materia de penas más fuertes, el alcance de delitos asociados al lavado de dinero, tipificación de otros delitos de corrupción, destitución y extradición de funcionarios, entre otros (ONU, 2014). También la Organización de Estados Americanos –OEA- le recomendó a Colombia en 2013, luego de la Cuarta Ronda de Evaluación de la Convención Interamericana contra la Corrupción, i) mejorar las condiciones de investigación y sanción de las conductas delictivas asociadas a la corrupción, ii) mejorar la articulación de las entidades encargadas de luchar contra esta para que compartan información, iii) crear la Unidad Nacional Anticorrupción de la Fiscalía General de la Nación, iv) mejorar las acciones de coordinación institucional en el marco de la Comisión Nacional de Moralización, entre otras. En este sentido, los análisis de la Corporación Transparencia por Colombia –TPC- (2015a), expresan que los países que ocupan las primeras posiciones del IPC, presentan las siguientes características: altos niveles de libertad de prensa, acceso a información sobre el presupuesto público (incluye información de procedencia del dinero y tipo de gasto), altos niveles de integridad entre quienes ocupan cargos públicos, órganos de control técnicos e independientes, y un poder judicial efectivo e independiente (TPC, 2015a). Estas características se inscriben dentro de las propuestas por Pope (2000): i) Legislatura electa portaestandarte de la lucha contra la corrupción y exigente ante la responsabilidad del Ejecutivo; ii) Ejecutivo que se caracterice por su integridad; iii) Poder judicial independiente; iv) Auditor general que actúa en representación de los ciudadanos y que no debe ser nombrado por el partido en el gobierno; v) Fiscal, libre de interferencias políticas, que reciba e investigue quejas sobre mala administración pública; vi) Agencias anticorrupción independientes, especializadas, con recursos y personal suficientes; vii) Servicio público al servicio del público, que sea imparcial, honesto y de carrera; viii) Gobierno local, donde los efectos de la corrupción son más visibles para el ciudadano común; ix) Medios de comunicación libres e independientes; x) Sociedad civil; xi) Sector privado corporativo y; xii) Actores y mecanismos internacionales. Ahora bien, Colombia y la mayoría de países de América Latina adolecen de estas características, "los niveles de corrupción son altos comparados con los de otras regiones en desarrollo" (Szelubski, 2009, p. 50). De ahí que este autor relacione la corrupción con los problemas democráticos de América Latina, indicando que estos tienen fundamento en el presidencialismo y la volatilidad de los partidos políticos. Además, plantea que "el déficit de la democratización es consecuencia de otros dos déficit: el de la ética pública y el de la equidad". El problema de la corrupción en América Latina no proviene de la falta de leyes sino de su escasa aplicación, lo cual queda también reflejado en una inexistencia de controles a la corrupción (Szelubski, 2009, p. 48-50). Este autor finaliza su análisis indicando que son tres los factores que favorecen la corrupción en América Latina: 1) falta de delimitación de lo público y lo privado, 2) ordenamiento jurídico e institucional inadecuado a la realidad y 3) inoperancia de las instituciones. Aunque la corrupción es considerada como fenómeno multicausal, los estudios sistemáticos de Transparencia Internacional demuestran una relación entre este fenómeno y la débil institucionalidad de los países. Para el caso colombiano, esta debilidad institucional se caracterizaría por: mecanismos de control insuficientes, normatividad con poca capacidad vinculante, cultura política y de gestión asociada a hechos de corrupción, desinterés por acatar normas o acuerdos internacionales frente al tema, fuerte vinculación histórica entre clases políticas, gremios económicos, administración pública y grupos ilegales, además de la cultura del narcotráfico que permeó las estructuras e instituciones del poder público. ; Maestría