Statues of the Imperial University of Strasbourg and the teachings of Pan-Germanism In 1871, the architectural conception of Strasburg's new university, and its sculptured decoration, used to depend on imperial politics. However, University did not adhere in an unconditional way, to the forced integration of Alsace in the German Empire. As it could soften decisions concerning the exterior sculptures (those of the interior of the building were more influenced by politics), it could impose the triumph of humanist and nationalist thoughts (where the spiritual values mattered more than power representations) against the official art of the 2nd Reich. But teachers, who were widely responsible for some choices, had excited without any chauvinism, Protestantism and Prussia's, Germany and Pangermanist Europe's literary and scientific glories. Most of these sculptures implicitly show the problem of connexion between art and power, and its acceptance by concerned populations - like Alsatians -and the problem their effectiveness in terms of propaganda.
L'ouvrage retrace l'histoire d'une organisation pangermaniste autrichienne, le Deutscher Klub , depuis sa fondation à Vienne en 1908 jusqu'à sa dissolution en 1939, et même au-delà. En 1957 l'organisation a été ressuscitée sous le nom de Neuer Klub , et elle existe encore aujourd'hui. Ce livre propose une très bonne étude de l'histoire du pangermanisme et de l'extrême droite en Autriche sur le temps long.
The failure of the Weimar Republic and the rise of National Socialism remains one of the most challenging problems of twentieth-century European history. The German Right, 1918-1930 sheds new light on this problem by examining the role that the non-Nazi Right played in the destabilization of Weimar democracy in the period before the emergence of the Nazi Party as a mass party of middle-class protest. Larry Eugene Jones identifies a critical divide within the German Right between those prepared to work within the framework of Germany's new republican government and those irrevocably committed to its overthrow. This split was only exacerbated by the course of German economic development in the 1920s, leaving the various organizations that comprised the German Right defenceless against the challenge of National Socialism. At no point was the disunity of the non-Nazi Right in the face of Nazism more apparent than in the September 1930 Reichstag elections.
Il peut sembler paradoxal de s'intéresser à la question « grande-allemande » alors même que celle-ci est largement associée au nationalisme, voire au nazisme. Avant 1933, Le pangermanisme a constitué un courant politico-idéologique très puissant en Allemagne et en Autriche. Les sociaux-démocrates ont bien évidemment lutté contre leur emprise ; pour autant la question de la grande Allemagne n'a cessé de hanter leur horizon, notamment en Autriche. Les historiens de la social-démocratie ont relativement peu travaillé sur les projets grand-allemands envisagés par les sociaux-démocrates à plusieurs moments de leur histoire, tant cette question est demeurée longtemps tabou après le national-socialisme. Notre contribution revient donc sur leurs projets de « grande Allemagne » démocratique, projet par essence transnational.
About the ideas and policies that characterized the rightward trajectory of Austrofascism in the 1930s, this study provides a fresh perspective on the debate. Thorpe argues for a transnational approach to fascism in Austria and situates the case studies within a broader context of Italian and German fascism
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AbstractStarting out from the question of how history and law relate to each other, the article traces the influence of historical interpretations in the making of the Nuremberg Trials, taking these as examples for transitional trials more generally. In trying to explain Germany's apparently aberrant historical evolution, special-path explanations forged by historians gained in prominence after 1933. Several schools of historical thought proved particularly influential, among them the Namierites in Britain, the Andler-Vermeil school of Pangermanism in France, and the so-called Kehrites who emigrated from Germany to the US. These ideas then traveled to Nuremberg where they informed the prosecutors' understanding of German history, leaving a discernible impact on the trials' design and dynamics. In Nuremberg's aftermath, these trial narratives would come to inform influential strands in postwar historiography, with the special path both enjoying popularity and inviting heavy criticism to the present day.
At the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th a sense of solidarity shared by the people of the Northern Europe appeared: Pan-Scandinavianism. First it had a certain impact at cultural and spiritual levels. In a narrower sense the term was used when referring to the possibility of creating a political union between the Nordic kingdoms during the middle decades of the 19th century. Although it seemed that the political side of Pan-Scandianvianism had a good chance of accomplishing itself, especially after the Three Years War (1848-1851), the international context from the period that followed did not favour that plan. The collapse of the political Pan-Scandinavianism was in 1864 – the Second Schleswig-Holstein War. Sweden-Norway failed in helping Denmark against Prussia and Austria, despite the fact that King Karl XV was an advocate of Pan-Scandinavianism. Leaving this aspect aside, there were other internal difficulties of the Nordic states that Pan-Scandinavianism had to face, including the emerging nationalism. On a broader view, Pan-Scandinavianism appeared as an opponent of Panslavism and Pangermanism. Thus the dream of a unified Scandinavia was abandoned in the 19th century and Pan-Scandinavianism focused on cultural, scientific and economic cooperation.
Статья посвящена восприятию философии Фридриха Ницше во Франции до появления постмодернистского «французского Ницше». Отношение к немецкому мыслителю никогда не было однозначным. Автор подчеркивает, что первые рецензии на работы Ницше были весьма резкими: французские критики обвиняли Ницше в имморализме и нигилизме, хаотичная и сокрушительная стихия дионисийского экстаза отталкивала их. Интерес ницшеанские идеи вызвали главным образом в литературных кругах, в то время как профессиональные философы не уделяли им серьезного внимания. В статье дается представление о первых академических исследованиях, посвященных творчеству немецкого мыслителя, которые принадлежат выходцам из Эльзаса и Лотарингии, основоположникам французской германистики Анри Лиштанберже, придерживавшемуся правых взглядов, и социалисту Шарлю Андлеру; отмечается, что не последнюю роль в трудной судьбе наследия Ницше во Франции сыграли политика Веймарского архива и деятельность сестры мыслителя Элизабет Фёрстер-Ницше, а также две мировые войны. Вклад в реабилитацию ницшеанства внесли Жорж Батай (акцентирующий внимание на тех сторонах философии Ницше, которые были чужды национал-социалистической идеологии), представители французского постмодернизма и постструктурализма, а также Джоржо Колли и Мадзино Монтинари, издавшие рукописное наследие Ницше. Знаменитые коллоквиумы в Руайомоне (1964) и Серизи (1972) явились свидетельством особого внимания со стороны философов к фигуре Ницше. В конце 60-х гг. XX в. Ницше становится «программным» философом. В целом, оценки, которые давались творчеству Ницше, нередко бывали взаимоисключающими. ; This paper deals with the reception of Friedrich Nietzsche's philosophy in France before the birth of the postmodern "French Nietzsche". The attitude of French intellectuals to the German thinker has never been simple. The author emphasizes that the first reviews of Nietzsche's works were very harsh: French critics accused Nietzsche of nihilism and immorality; chaotic and devastating nature of Dionysian ecstasy repelled them. Nietzsche's ideas aroused interest mainly in literary circles, while professional philosophers did not accept them. The article gives an idea of the first academic studies of Nietzsche's writings published by the founders of German studies in France, the rightwing thinker Henri Lichtenberger and the socialist Charles Andler, both of them natives of Alsace and Lorraine. The difficult destiny of Nietzsche's philosophy in France was determined by the strategy chosen by the Nietzsche Archive in Weimar and the position adopted by Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche, philosopher's sister, as well as by the two world wars. A significant contribution to the rehabilitation of Nietzsche was made by Georges Bataille (who focused on those aspects of Nietzsche's philosophy which were alien to National Socialist ideology), by postmodernists and poststructuralists, and by Giorgio Colli and Mazzino Montinari who published Nietzsche`s manuscripts. Famous colloquia at Royaumont (1964) and Cerisy (1972) are evidence of special attention paid by philosophers to Nietzsche. At the end of 1960s Nietzsche's philosophy became part of the program of higher education in France. The majority of interpretations of Nietzsche's works are mutually exclusive.
