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The Liberals have forced their own beliefs through since European structures began to emerge, but their impact on the concept of integration was weaker than that voiced by the Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats. Factional activity in the European Parliament is another form of the operation of political parties, alongside traditional international party congresses. The paper presents the projects and views of liberal politicians on the process of European integration. Particular attention is paid to the opinions of Gaetano Martino, Cornelis Berkhouwer, Simone Veil, Pat Cox, Graham Watson and Andrew Duff. ; The Liberals have forced their own beliefs through since European structures began to emerge, but their impact on the concept of integration was weaker than that voiced by the Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats. Factional activity in the European Parliament is another form of the operation of political parties, alongside traditional international party congresses. The paper presents the projects and views of liberal politicians on the process of European integration. Particular attention is paid to the opinions of Gaetano Martino, Cornelis Berkhouwer, Simone Veil, Pat Cox, Graham Watson and Andrew Duff.

Parliament – an institution of a democratic state – a member of the Union – is not only an authority but also, as in the case of the European Union, the only directly and universally elected representative body of the European Union. The article presents questions related to the essence of parliament and that of a supranational parliament which are vital while dealing with the subject matter. It proves that the growth of the European Parliament's powers was the direct reason for departing from the system of delegating representatives to the Parliament for the benefit of direct elections. It presents direct and universal elections to the European Parliament in the context of presenting legal regulations applicable in this respect. It describes a new legal category – citizenship of the European Union – primarily in terms of active and passive suffrage to the European Parliament, as a political entitlement of a citizen of the European Union. ; Parliament – an institution of a democratic state – a member of the Union – is not only an authority but also, as in the case of the European Union, the only directly and universally elected representative body of the European Union. The article presents questions related to the essence of parliament and that of a supranational parliament which are vital while dealing with the subject matter. It proves that the growth of the European Parliament's powers was the direct reason for departing from the system of delegating representatives to the Parliament for the benefit of direct elections. It presents direct and universal elections to the European Parliament in the context of presenting legal regulations applicable in this respect. It describes a new legal category – citizenship of the European Union – primarily in terms of active and passive suffrage to the European Parliament, as a political entitlement of a citizen of the European Union.

Autor u članku razmatra tranzicijsko iskustvo parlamenata u šest zemalja Srednje i Istočne Europe: Češke Republike, Mađarske, Moldavije, Poljske, Rusije i Slovenije. Iskustvo šest postautoritarnih parlamenata ukazuje na četiri tipa parlamenata u početnom desetljeću, od kojih su tri bila održiva i na kraju desetljeća. Dva demokratska tipa parlamenata varirala su uglavnom prema koncentraciji njihovih stranačkih sustava: Češka Republika, Poljska i Slovenija imaju višestranački sustav, dok se Mađarska kreće prema dvostranačkom većinskom sustavu. Postsovjetski su parlamenti – treći tip – postali ovisni o predsjedniku. U četvrtom tipu parlamenta, koji se pojavio početkom desetljeća, došlo je do borbe za vlast između parlamenta i predsjednika, i ustavne i izborne. Ti su sukobi razriješeni, premda veoma različito, u Moldaviji, Rusiji i Poljskoj. Ova analiza ističe važnost i ustavnih i izbornih sustava, koji se u demokratski učvršćenim političkim sustavima mogu smatrati dijelom stabilnog izvanjskog konteksta parlamenata, no u novim su postautoritarnim sustavima u stanju stalne mijene. Određivanje onoga što bi u budućnosti moglo postati stabilno u početnom je desetljeću uvelike bilo dijelom kontinuiranih sukoba. Iskustvo postautoritarnih parlamenata ističe i važnost unutrašnje strukture i dinamike u parlamentima. Pokušaji da se defi niraju pravila procedure izražavaju i simboliziraju sposobnost parlamenta da se opremi kako bi funkcionirao kao neovisno tijelo. Između izvanjskih događaja i unutrašnje strukture postoji učinak dinamičke interakcije, koji je nastavio postojati tijekom cijelog početnog desetljeća. ; In this article the author discusses the transition-related experience of parliaments in six countries of Central and Eastern Europe: the Czech Republic, Hungary, Moldova, Poland, Russia and Slovenia. The experience of the six post-authoritarian parliaments suggests four types of parliaments within the initial decade, of which three were viable at the end of the decade. Two democratic types of parliament varied ...

In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures. ; In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures.

The goal of the article is the presentation of the chosen aspects of the evolution of the European Parliament. The author presents the beginnings of this body in the structure of the European Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community. The leitmotiv of the article is to show the increase of the importance of the European Parliament during almost 60 years of its existence, from the advisory body to the co-deciding institution in the area of legislation of the European Community. The important manifestation of the European Parliament's aspiration to strengthen its prerogatives was also the struggle to introduce the general election to this body. In the final part of the article the author tries to analyze the current position of the European Parliament in the institutional structure of the European Union.

The aim of the research is to explore various forms of participation of the EU Member States Parliaments in the political processes of the European Union. The assessment of the intensity of the analyzed participation will be made by applying the concept of classification of the distinguished participation, which includes passive and active participation. This study has a significant impact in the context of participation of citizens, whose direct representatives are elected members of the national Parliaments (NP). The article verifies the hypothesis that the variety of forms of participation of NP in the political processes in the EU strengthens the democratic legitimacy by increasing transparency and accountability of the EU institutions and by improving cross-level communication lines between the EU institutions and national authorities. Active forms of participation increase influence of NP on the EU political processes. However, a wide range of informal participation increases the effectiveness of supranational decision-making processes, in particular, reducing the technocratic nature of the decisions.

The aim of the research is to explore various forms of participation of the EU Member States Parliaments in the political processes of the European Union. The assessment of the intensity of the analyzed participation will be made by applying the concept of classification of the distinguished participation, which includes passive and active participation. This study has a significant impact in the context of participation of citizens, whose direct representatives are elected members of the national Parliaments (NP). The article verifies the hypothesis that the variety of forms of participation of NP in the political processes in the EU strengthens the democratic legitimacy by increasing transparency and accountability of the EU institutions and by improving cross-level communication lines between the EU institutions and national authorities. Active forms of participation increase influence of NP on the EU political processes. However, a wide range of informal participation increases the effectiveness of supranational decision-making processes, in particular, reducing the technocratic nature of the decisions.

Gledanje na prošlost iz perspektive sadašnjosti, osobito kada je u pitanju nacionalni identitet, trend je koji prati hrvatsku modernu historiografiju od njenih početaka u 19. stoljeću. Kroz analizu sadržaja povijesne literature i pojedinih suvremenih medija (udžbenici, Internet, TV-kalendar), u radu će se nastojati ukazati na manjkavosti ukorijenjenih anakronizama vezanih za događanja oko Krvavog križevačkog sabora. Istovremeno će se nastojati izložiti nedostatci razmišljanja o samorazumljivosti višestoljetnog postojanja hrvatske nacije kao i o općenito pripisivanju hrvatskog identiteta svemu što se u prošlosti nalazilo na području suvremene Republike Hrvatske. ; Looking at the past from the present day perspective, especially when it comes to national identity, is a trend that has marked modern Croatian historiography from its infancy in the 19th century. By means of an analysis of the content of historical literature and certain modern media, this paper will endeavour to point out the deficiencies of dangerous, rooted anachronisms related to the events surrounding the Bloody Parliament of Križevci. At the same time, it will endeavour to bring forward the deficiencies of reflecting on the selfevidence of the Croatian nation's multi-centurial existence, as well as in general of attributinga Croatian identity to everything that was located on the territory of the modern day Republic of Croatia in the past.

The hereby paper undertakes the analysis of the genesis and evolution of the Finland's Parliament Eduskunta from the moment of its establishment till nowadays, including the characteristics of its present constitutional position, being a result of its development during the centuries, with paying special attention to the current normative state and made on the basis of the hitherto constitutional practice. The article aims at deriving the origin and presenting the development of this organ in Finland, which in consequence leads to reliable conclusions in the field of determining its current constitutional position in the system of the supreme state authorities of Finland. The subject of the paper particularly focuses mostly on the analysis of the beginnings of Eduskunta's formation and Finnish parliamentarianism, as well as its further evolution during different periods of its history, i.e. the time when Finland was included into the Kingdom of Sweden, the period when it was incorporated into the Russian Imperium and after it gained independence in 1917. The work also concentrates on the analysis of Eduskunta's current constitutional position, its composition, internal structure, functions and competences presented on the basis of the exegesis of the provisions of the binding Basic Law of 1999 and the Parliament's Rules of Procedure. The constitutional principles referring to the Parliament also seem to be of particular significance in this context, for they contribute to a more precise definition of Eduskunta's constitutional position, as well as to pointing out its originality and dissimilarity regarding parliaments of other contemporary democratic states. ; W niniejszym opracowaniu przeprowadzono analizę genezy i ewolucji parlamentu finlandzkiego – Eduskunty: od chwili jego ustanowienia do czasów współczesnych, w tym – na podstawie dotychczasowej praktyki ustrojowej – dokonano charakterystyki obecnej pozycji ustrojowej tego parlamentu, będącej wynikiem jego rozwoju na przestrzeni wieków, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem aktualnego stanu normatywnego. Artykuł ma na celu ustalenie źródeł powstania oraz przedstawienie rozwoju tego organu w Finlandii, co w konsekwencji prowadzi do wiarygodnych wniosków w zakresie określenia jego obecnej pozycji ustrojowej w systemie naczelnych organów państwowych Finlandii. Przedmiot pracy koncentruje się przede wszystkim na analizie początków Eduskunty i parlamentaryzmu fińskiego, a także dalszej ewolucji Eduskunty w różnych okresach, tj. w czasach, gdy Finlandia była włączona do Królestwa Szwecji, funkcjonowała w obrębie Imperium Rosyjskiego oraz po uzyskaniu przez nią niepodległości w 1917 r. Opracowanie koncentruje się też na analizie obecnej pozycji ustrojowej Eduskunty, jej składu, organizacji wewnętrznej, funkcjach oraz kompetencjach przedstawionych na podstawie egzegezy postanowień obowiązującej ustawy zasadniczej z 1999 r. oraz regulaminu parlamentu. Zasady konstytucyjne odnoszące się do parlamentu również wydają się mieć w tym kontekście szczególne znaczenie, ponieważ przyczyniają się one do dokładniejszego zdeterminowania pozycji ustrojowej Eduskunty, a także wskazują na jej oryginalność i odmienność w stosunku do parlamentów innych współczesnych państw demokratycznych.

Główne refleksje badawcze w artykule koncentrują się na zastosowanych przez podmioty polityczne narzędziach marketingowych w mediach elektronicznych celem pozyskania poparcia społecznego. W kręgu zainteresowań autorki znalazły się dwie dotychczasowe kampanie wyborcze poprzedzające wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 oraz w 2009 roku. Teoretyczną podstawą badań była koncepcja ramowania (framing) przekazów medialnych. Ze względu na obszerność zgromadzonego materiału badawczego w artykule ostatecznie zaprezentowane są spostrzeżenia dotyczące reklam audiowizualnych oraz zawartości witryn internetowych podmiotów politycznych, które w wyniku elekcji uzyskały mandaty w Parlamencie Europejskim. Przeprowadzona analiza wykazała z jednej strony przywiązanie podmiotów politycznych do rozpowszechniania materiałów promocyjnych w telewizji, z drugiej konsekwentnie wzrastające zainteresowanie również kampanią prowadzoną w Internecie. Wyraźnie zarysowującym się zjawiskiem jest prezydencjalizacja polityki - kluczową rolę w kampaniach wyborczych, w tym w przekazach perswazyjnych odgrywają liderzy partyjni. ; The main research concern of this paper is the marketing tools used in the electronic media by political entities for the purpose of winning social support. The author refers to the two election campaigns preceding the European Parliament elections in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical foundation for the research was provided by the concept offraming of media messages. On account of the abundance of the material collected, the paper presents observations made with reference to audiovisual commercials and the content of the websites belonging to the political entities that won EP mandates in those elections. The analysis evidences the attachment of political entities to the dissemination of their promotional materials via television, on the one hand, and their consistently increasing interest in Internet campaigns on the other. A clear trend of the presidentialization of politics can be noted, as the key role in election campaigns and persuasive message dissemination is played by party leaders.

Główne refleksje badawcze w artykule koncentrują się na zastosowanych przez podmioty polityczne narzędziach marketingowych w mediach elektronicznych celem pozyskania poparcia społecznego. W kręgu zainteresowań autorki znalazły się dwie dotychczasowe kampanie wyborcze poprzedzające wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 oraz w 2009 roku. Teoretyczną podstawą badań była koncepcja ramowania (framing) przekazów medialnych. Ze względu na obszerność zgromadzonego materiału badawczego w artykule ostatecznie zaprezentowane są spostrzeżenia dotyczące reklam audiowizualnych oraz zawartości witryn internetowych podmiotów politycznych, które w wyniku elekcji uzyskały mandaty w Parlamencie Europejskim. Przeprowadzona analiza wykazała z jednej strony przywiązanie podmiotów politycznych do rozpowszechniania materiałów promocyjnych w telewizji, z drugiej konsekwentnie wzrastające zainteresowanie również kampanią prowadzoną w Internecie. Wyraźnie zarysowującym się zjawiskiem jest prezydencjalizacja polityki – kluczową rolę w kampaniach wyborczych, w tym w przekazach perswazyjnych odgrywają liderzy partyjni. ; The main research concern of this paper is the marketing tools used in the electronic media by political entities for the purpose of winning social support. The author refers to the two election campaigns preceding the European Parliament elections in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical foundation for the research was provided by the concept of framing of media messages. On account of the abundance of the material collected, the paper presents observations made with reference to audiovisual commercials and the content of the websites belonging to the political entities that won EP mandates in those elections. The analysis evidences the attachment of political entities to the dissemination of their promotional materials via television, on the one hand, and their consistently increasing interest in Internet campaigns on the other. A clear trend of the presidentialization of politics can be noted, as the key role in election campaigns and persuasive message dissemination is played by party leaders.