Suchergebnisse

Autor u članku razmatra tranzicijsko iskustvo parlamenata u šest zemalja Srednje i Istočne Europe: Češke Republike, Mađarske, Moldavije, Poljske, Rusije i Slovenije. Iskustvo šest postautoritarnih parlamenata ukazuje na četiri tipa parlamenata u početnom desetljeću, od kojih su tri bila održiva i na kraju desetljeća. Dva demokratska tipa parlamenata varirala su uglavnom prema koncentraciji njihovih stranačkih sustava: Češka Republika, Poljska i Slovenija imaju višestranački sustav, dok se Mađarska kreće prema dvostranačkom većinskom sustavu. Postsovjetski su parlamenti – treći tip – postali ovisni o predsjedniku. U četvrtom tipu parlamenta, koji se pojavio početkom desetljeća, došlo je do borbe za vlast između parlamenta i predsjednika, i ustavne i izborne. Ti su sukobi razriješeni, premda veoma različito, u Moldaviji, Rusiji i Poljskoj. Ova analiza ističe važnost i ustavnih i izbornih sustava, koji se u demokratski učvršćenim političkim sustavima mogu smatrati dijelom stabilnog izvanjskog konteksta parlamenata, no u novim su postautoritarnim sustavima u stanju stalne mijene. Određivanje onoga što bi u budućnosti moglo postati stabilno u početnom je desetljeću uvelike bilo dijelom kontinuiranih sukoba. Iskustvo postautoritarnih parlamenata ističe i važnost unutrašnje strukture i dinamike u parlamentima. Pokušaji da se defi niraju pravila procedure izražavaju i simboliziraju sposobnost parlamenta da se opremi kako bi funkcionirao kao neovisno tijelo. Između izvanjskih događaja i unutrašnje strukture postoji učinak dinamičke interakcije, koji je nastavio postojati tijekom cijelog početnog desetljeća. ; In this article the author discusses the transition-related experience of parliaments in six countries of Central and Eastern Europe: the Czech Republic, Hungary, Moldova, Poland, Russia and Slovenia. The experience of the six post-authoritarian parliaments suggests four types of parliaments within the initial decade, of which three were viable at the end of the decade. Two democratic types of parliament varied ...

Gledanje na prošlost iz perspektive sadašnjosti, osobito kada je u pitanju nacionalni identitet, trend je koji prati hrvatsku modernu historiografiju od njenih početaka u 19. stoljeću. Kroz analizu sadržaja povijesne literature i pojedinih suvremenih medija (udžbenici, Internet, TV-kalendar), u radu će se nastojati ukazati na manjkavosti ukorijenjenih anakronizama vezanih za događanja oko Krvavog križevačkog sabora. Istovremeno će se nastojati izložiti nedostatci razmišljanja o samorazumljivosti višestoljetnog postojanja hrvatske nacije kao i o općenito pripisivanju hrvatskog identiteta svemu što se u prošlosti nalazilo na području suvremene Republike Hrvatske. ; Looking at the past from the present day perspective, especially when it comes to national identity, is a trend that has marked modern Croatian historiography from its infancy in the 19th century. By means of an analysis of the content of historical literature and certain modern media, this paper will endeavour to point out the deficiencies of dangerous, rooted anachronisms related to the events surrounding the Bloody Parliament of Križevci. At the same time, it will endeavour to bring forward the deficiencies of reflecting on the selfevidence of the Croatian nation's multi-centurial existence, as well as in general of attributinga Croatian identity to everything that was located on the territory of the modern day Republic of Croatia in the past.

U legitimiranju komunističke vlasti u Hrvatskoj/Jugoslaviji nakon Drugog svjetskog rata važnu ulogu imale su i tradicionalne institucije zakonodavne, izvršne i sudbene vlasti. Njihovo oblikovanje u Federalnoj Državi/Narodnoj Republici Hrvatskoj započelo je 1943. te je nastavljeno do donošenja Ustava NRH 18. siječnja 1947., kojim dobivaju ustavnu potvrdu. U odnosu na njihove ustavne pozicije, u dosadašnjim istraživanjima poslijeratnog političkog sustava u Hrvatskoj zaključeno je da su stvarnu vlast i monopol odlučivanja imala najviša tijela KPJ, tj. KPH. Pri tome stvarni položaj i uloga središnjih državnih tijela u funkcioniranju političkog sustava vlasti u Hrvatskoj nakon 1945. do sada nisu sustavno istraženi te se ovim radom daje doprinos na tom području. Prezentiraju se rezultati istraživanja organizacije i djelovanja Sabora NRH u sustavu vlasti u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju formalnog federalizma i stvarnog centralizma (1945. – 1953.). Postavljeno je više istraživačkih ciljeva: odnos između njegova formalnog ustavnog (de iure) i stvarnog (de facto) položaja u sustavu vlasti, ustroj, sastav, zakonodavna djelatnost i druge funkcije, odnosi s KPH/SKH i republičkim institucijama vlasti, te utjecaj njegova djelovanja na svakodnevni život stanovništva. Njegova organizacija i djelovanje uspoređeni su s organizacijom i djelovanjem Narodne skupštine FNRJ, institucija zakonodavne vlasti drugih jugoslavenskih republika, te drugih država u kojima je bila uspostavljena komunistička vlast, ponajprije Ruske Sovjetske Federativne Socijalističke Republike (RSFSR) i Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalističkih Republika (SSSR). Postavljeno je nekoliko hipoteza koje su istraživanjem i potvrđene: ustavni položaj vrhovnog tijela državne vlasti u Hrvatskoj Sabor NRH nije ostvarivao u praksi; bio je organiziran po uzoru na Narodnu skupštinu FNRJ; njegova zakonodavna djelatnost nije uključivala stvarnu raspravu, već samo formalno normiranje prethodno definiranih političkih ciljeva i ideja KPH/SKH; u Saboru NRH nije bilo pluralizma političkoga mišljenja; građani su se obraćali Saboru NRH prvenstveno s ciljem ostvarivanja osobnih prava, ponajprije socijalnih. Osnovne metode korištene u istraživanju su kritička analiza izvora i komparativna metoda. Rezultati su prezentirani kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a u pojedinim poglavljima sistematizirani su u obliku grafičkih i tabličnih prikaza. Doktorskim radom daje se doprinos boljem poznavanju institucija i političkog sustava vlasti FD/NRH u razdoblju 1945. – 1953. Istraživanje može biti poticaj sličnim istraživanjima i u drugim bivšim jugoslavenskim republikama. Omogućuje se usporedba s političkim sustavima vlasti u drugim europskim državama u kojima je bila uspostavljena komunistička vlast. ; The important role in legitimising the communist system of government in Croatia/Yugoslavia after the Second World War was played by the traditional institutions of legislative, executive and judicial government. Their organization in Federal State / People's Republic of Croatia began in 1943, and continued until the Constitution of the People's Republic of Croatia adoption on 18th January 1947, which gave them constitutional confirmation. As the supreme state governing institutions were declared People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament and its Presidium; Government of the People's Republic of Croatia was declared as the supreme executive and administrative governing institution, and Supreme Court of the People's Republic of Croatia was declared as the supreme judicial institution. In relation to their constitutional position, in previous researches of post-war political system in Croatia, was concluded that the real authority and decision-making monopoly had the highest body of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, ie. Communist Party of Croatia. In doing so, the actual position and the role of republic governmental institutions in the communist system of government in Croatia after 1945 haven't been systematically researched, and this doctoral thesis makes a contribution in this scope. The doctoral thesis presents the results of researching the organisation and activity of People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament during the period of formal federalism and actual centralism (1945 – 1953). The aim is to explain the realation between the constitutional and actual position of the Parliament in the communist system of government, its structure, composition, legislative activity, relations with the Communist Party of Croatia/League of Communists of Croatia and republic governmental institutions, as well as the influence of its activities on everyday lives of the population. Parliament's organisation and activity is also compared to the organisation and activity of the National Assembly of Yugoslavia, as well as with legislative institutions of the former Yugoslavian republics and other European states with established communist rule, primarily Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). A number of hypotheses are confirmed by research: the constitutional position of the supreme state governing institution, Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia didn't achieve in practice; it was organized on the model of the National Assembly of Yugoslavia; its legislative activity didn't include the actual debate, but only a formal adoption and promulgation of pre-defined political goals and ideas of the Communist Party of Croatia/League of Communist of Croatia; in People's Republic of Croatia'a Parliament, there wasn't pluralism of political opinion; citizens addressed the Parliament, primarily with the aim of solving personal problems, especially social. Main methods used in research were critical analysis of resources (notably original, unpublished archival documents) and comparative method. The research results are presented by a combination of thematic and chronological approach. In certain chapters, they are systematized in the form of graphical and tabular overviews. Doctoral thesis is structured as follows. In the first, introductory chapter are explained the research topic, main goals, hypotheses and scientific contribution, methodology, as well as literature and resources used in the research. The chapter gives an overview of the previous researches relevant to the topic, and the classification of legislatures in such researches. The second chapter gives an overview of the Yugoslav/Croatian communist system of government and the position of legislatures in this system in theory. There are explained the main characteristics of the then revolutionary ideology of the ruling Communist Party, as well as formal constitutional provision. They are compared with the main characteristics of the Soviet communist system of government. It also gives an overview of the classical Marxist theory about the state, government and legislatures, and demonstrates how it was used in the writings and speeches of Yugoslav theoreticians and politicians. The third and fourth chapter give an overview of the People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament organization and activity in practice, divided into two chronological periods: until the adoption of the People's Republic of Croatia's Constitution in January 1947, and thereafter up in 1953. The fifth, concluding chapter, summarizes the main research results. Chapter six contains several appendixes: the results of parliamentary elections in Croatia 1946, 1947 and 1950; a list of councilors, ie. representatives in State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia and in People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament 1943 – 1953; a list of members of the Presidium of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia 1945 – 1953; a list of representatives from Croatia in Constituent Assembly of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia / National Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia 1945 – 1953; a list of laws adopted by the National Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia 1946 – 1953; a list of tables and figures used in doctoral thesis). Seventh chapter contains a list of sources and literature used in the research. Doctoral thesis contributes to better understanding of institutions and the political system of government in Croatia in the period 1945 – 1953. Comparative approach in the presentation of research results, gives a contribution to knowledge of the political system of government and central governing institutions in the former Yugoslavia, as well in the other former Yugoslavian republics. At the same time, it can be a impulse for similar researces in those states. It also enables comparation with the political systems of government and legislatures in other European states with established communist rule. Through the analysis of the influence of its activities on everyday lives of the population, it gives contribution to the history of everyday life in communist Croatia and Yugoslavia.

Djelovanje Hrvatskog sabora u komunističkom razdoblju (1945.-1990.) nije cjelovito obrađena tema. Ovim člankom daje se prilog poznavanju njegove organizacije u razdoblju od 1963. do 1974. godine. Detaljno je opisana razgranata struktura i aktivnost njegovih pet vijeća (Republičko, Privredno, Prosvjetno-kulturno, Socijalnozdravstveno i Organizaciono-političko) i radnih tijela, koju ilustrira i broj održanih sjednica. Između ostalog, to je trebalo pokazivati položaj Sabora kao formalno najvišeg tijela vlasti, odnosno centra u kojem se donose najvažnije političke odluke o svim područjima života u Hrvatskoj. U vezi s tim, naznačena je potreba za detaljnom analizom odnosa između formalnog (de iure) i stvarnog (de facto) položaja Sabora u tadašnjem političkom sustavu vlasti, kako bi se odgovorilo na pitanje je li, na koji način i u kojoj mjeri taj položaj bio oslabljen u odnosu na druga državna politička tijela (ponajprije Izvršno vijeće Sabora), odnosno instrumentaliziran od strane središnjih tijela Saveza komunista Jugoslavije/Hrvatske. Rezultati istraživanja prezentirani su kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a na kraju članka sistematizirani su u obliku tabličnog prikaza. ; The organisation and the activities of the Croatian Parliament in the communist period (1945-1990) is not a fully researched topic. The paper gives a contribution to the knowledge of its organisation in the period from 1963 to 1974. Its branched structure and the activities of its councils and working bodies are described in detail, which is also illustrated by the number of held sessions. By the Yugoslavian constitution adopted in April 1963, also called "the charter of selfmanagement", the name of the state was changed from People's to Socialist, its socialist attributes were emphasized, and selfmanagement was introduced in all segments of the society. By the new republican constitutions, such changes were also carried out in all then-existing Yugoslavian republics, including Croatia. In the forefront were placed »the sovereign rights of the working people and the Yugoslavian nations which they exercise«, inter alia, as representatives of the working people in councils of federal and republican assemblies. It had affected the organisation of the highest formal political institutions of the government, including federal and republican assemblies, which were declared as »the highest state and self-government authorities, under the law and obligations« of federation, i.e. the republic. The declarative constitutional concept on the assemblies as the highest state and self-government authorities implied the shift in their organisation and activities from the traditional legislative bodies and »law factories« towards »the responsible policy holders«. In other words, »becoming the working selfgovernment bodies«, assemblies were meant to become the centres in which »the whole social practice and harmonised politics is gathered«. Thus, for example, by the constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia from April 1963, it was declared that the Parliament (Sabor) can discuss and adopt declarations and resolutions »on all issues of common interest for the Republic [.] laying down values on politics in certain area and the means of its achievement«. The Croatian Parliament's Rules of Procedure from 1965 provided the possibility of convening a General Croatian Conference (Opći sabor Hrvatske), i.e. joint sessions »on all issues of the common interest for the Republic« of all of Parliament's councils with the Central Committee of the Socialist League of Working People of Croatia and the Republican Committee for Croatia of the Association of Trade Unions in Yugoslavia. The main characteristic of the organisation of the Croatian Parliament in the period from 1963 to 1974 was its complex structure. In order to express its working character and central role in the political decision-making process in all spheres of life in Croatia, it was organised as a five-cameral institution. It was the highest number of its chambers in the whole socialist period: until 1953 it was unicameral, in the period 1953-1963 bicameral, and in the period 1974-1990 a three-cameral institution. Those five chambers were: the Republican Council, the Economic Council, the Educational and Cultural Council, the Social and Health Council and the Organisational and Political Council. The Republican Council had 120 representatives, directly elected by the municipal assemblies and citizens. The other four councils had 80 representatives each, elected by the municipal assemblies among the workers across the working areas within the competence of each council. Except the Presidency of Parliament and its five councils, during the whole period 110 different permanent or temporary working bodies were established. Of that total, there were 27 joint working bodies of Parliament as a whole; the Republican Council had 20, the Economic Council 14, the Educational and Cultural Council 15, the Social and Health Council 18, and the Organisational and Political Council 16 permanent or temporary working bodies. The Parliament's councils and working bodies held in total 3 960 sessions, i.e. 360 per year. By comparison, in the period 1947-1953 during which it was organised as a unicameral body, the Parliament and its working bodies held in total 220 sessions (around 30 per year). In the period 1953- 1963 during which it was organised as a bicameral body, the Parliament and its working bodies held in total 1224 sessions, i.e. around 120 per year. More detailed data on the number of sessions held in the analysed period are listed in the table at the end of this paper. The table also includes a systematic overview of all working bodies which were described earlier in this paper, llustrating at the same time the dynamics of changes in their establishment and elimination. Some authors describe the Parliamentary institutions in the communist states with the metaphor rubber stamp legislatures, meaning the institutions with small practical power in the political decisionmaking process, which automatically put a stamp on the legislative proposals of their governments, i.e. communist parties as the real owners of the political power. Some of the researches singled out as exceptions the Polish Sejm and the Yugoslavian Federal Assembly (in the frame of the political system established by the Yugoslavian constitution from 1974). That opens a new research topic about whether the Croatian Parliament in the period 1963-1974 was also "a paradoxical institution" or an exception. In other words, the relation between the formal (de iure) and the real (de facto) position of Croatian Parliament in the political system of that time should be more closely researched, as well as to find whether its position was weakened, in what way and to what extent by the comparison with other state political institutions (notably the Executive Council of Parliament of the Socialist Republic of Croatia), i.e. instrumentalized by the central bodies of the League of Communist of Yugoslavia/Croatia.

ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (from November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1432. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.1 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. As opposed to the previous version 2.0, this version corrects some errors in various corpora and adds the information on upper / lower house for bicameral parliaments. The vertical files have also been changed to make them easier to use in the concordancers.

ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1431.

Politički je sustav Bosne i Hercegovine kompleksan. Parlamentarna skupština Bosne i Hercegovine, kao nominalno najviše zakonodavno-predstavničko tijelo u državi, oslikava tu složenost, ne samo kroz svoj sastav, način funkcioniranja, ovlasti i aktivnosti, nego i kroz ime. Koristeći komparativnu metodu najsličnijih slučajeva i analizu sadržaja, ovaj rad pokazuje da se ambivalentnost koja proizlazi iz imena Parlamentarne skupštine Bosne i Hercegovine oslikava i na odnos političkih elita prema građanima, što slabi, odnosno onemogućuje uspješan razvitak društva te dovodi do deficita u demokratskoj praksi političkoga sustava. Uspoređujući bikameralna tijela 37 država, a potom i nekolicinu parlamentarnih skupština koje su uspostavljene u svijetu, rad potvrđuje da su parlamentarne skupštine sastavni dio institucionalnoga okvira međunarodnih organizacija, odnosno da su sastavne jedinice međunarodnoga sustava, unutar kojega djeluju države kao nositelji suverenosti. U nacionalnim državama, gdje suverena volja proizlazi iz pojedinca-građanina, parlamentarne skupštine ne mogu optimalno funkcionirati jer je izvor iz kojega one crpe svoju legitimnost drugačiji. ; The political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina is complex. The Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as nominally the highest legislative-representative body in the state, reflects that complexity, not only through its composition, means of functioning, jurisdictions and activities, but also through its name. By using a comparative method of most similar cases and contents analysis, this paper shows that the ambivalence deriving from the name of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina is reflected on the relationship between the political elites and citizens which undermines, i.e. makes impossible, a successful development of society and brings about a deficit in the democratic practises of the political system. Comparing the bicameral bodies of 37 states, and then a few parliamentary assemblies created around the world, the paper confirms that parliamentary assemblies are an integral part of the institutional framework of international organizations, i.e. that they are integral units of the international system within which states act as holders of sovereignty. In national states, where sovereign will comes from the individual citizen, parliamentary assemblies cannot function optimally since the source of their legitimacy is different.

ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1405.

ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1388. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project.

Rad se bavi ponašanjem zastupnika i zastupnica u Europskom parlamentu s posebnim naglaskom na osmi saziv. Nekoliko čimbenika pokazalo se ključnim pri razumijevanju zastupničkog ponašanja. Jedan od čimbenika je država iz koje zastupnici dolaze koji je najizraženiji prilikom ekonomskim pitanjima. Nadalje, osobna ideološka uvjerenja također su bitan čimbenik. Najviše analize u radu posvetilo se čimbenicima utjecaja nacionalne političke stranke te utjecaju europskih grupacija. Promatrajući lojalnosti prema grupaciji i političkoj stranci pokazalo se kako europska politička grupacija ima najveći utjecaj na ponašanje zastupnika. Stope lojalnosti zastupnika u osmom sazivu izrazito su visoke, a trendovi su identični i ukoliko se posebno promatraju zastupnici i zastupnice iz Hrvatske. Političke grupacije svoj utjecaj vrše kroz alokaciju zastupnika po odborima, osiguravanju vidljivosti zastupnika te podržavanju zastupničkih inicijativa. ; This paper deals with MEP behavior with emphasis on the 8th term. There are several factors that are crucial in understanding their behavior. One of them is member states from which MEPs come and it is most pronounced when it comes to economic issues. Furthermore, personal ideological beliefs are also important factors. In this paper, the most of analysis was focused on the factors of influence of national political parties and also European parties. If we look at loyalty towards the European party and national political party, it is shown that the European party in the European Parliament has the strongest influence on MEP behavior. The loyalty rates of MEP in the 8th term are extremely high, and the trends are identical for MEPs from Croatia. European parties exert influence through the allocation of MEPs to committees, ensuring their visibility and showing support for their parliamentary initiatives.

U radu se prikazuju rezultati istraživanja ustroja i djelovanja Izvršnog vijeća Sabora SRH u ustavnom razdoblju 1963-1974. Rad Izvršnog vijeća prati se kroz četiri mandatna razdoblja: četvrto 27. lipnja 1963.-11. svibnja 1967, peto 11. svibnja 1967.-9. svibnja 1969, šesto 9. svibnja 1969.-7. siječnja 1972. te sedmo 7. siječnja 1972.-8. svibnja 1974. Rezultati istraživanja temelje se na analizi arhivskog gradiva fondova Izvršno vijeće Sabora SRH 1953-1990. i Sabor SRH 1945-1982. u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu, te propisa i drugih akata objavljenih u službenim listovima. U radu se donosi sistematizirani pregled svih članova po mandatnim razdobljima, pregled propisima definirane nadležnosti i unutarnjeg ustroja te analiza obilježja i rezultata rada Izvršnog vijeća u promatranom razdoblju. ; The article presents Executive Council of Parliament of Socialist Republic of Croatia (1963-1974), as one of the central governing institutions, with special interest in its organization, functions and activity. The first chapter gives an overview of the provisions about constitution and procedure of members' election. Four mandate periods were established within which the activity of the Executive Council should be monitored: The fourth mandate from 27th June 1963 till 11th May 1967, the fifth mandate from 11th May 1967 till 9th May 1969, the sixth mandate from 9th May 1969 till 7th January 1972 and the seventh mandate from 7th January 1972 till 8th May 1974. The same chapter brings the list of all members organized according to mandates. The second chapter gives an overview of the functions defined in regulations. The next chapter gives an analysis of its organization, divided in four parts: guidance of Executive Council, working bodies (boards, commissions, workgroups), councils and committees, and administrative and professional service. The last chapter gives an analysis of the activity of Executive Council. It is concluded that the most of the activity concerns the discussion of questions related to economy and finances, organization of central Republic's institutions, republican and regional (local) governing bodies, as well as system of justice, security and home affairs. As well, follow questions related to education, science and culture, health care system and social policy, labour relations, foreign affairs and international relations.

U radu se istražuju ustroj i djelovanje Izvršnog vijeća Sabora NRH, republičkog izvršnog tijela vlasti, u razdoblju od njegova osnivanja Ustavnim zakonom NRH 1953. godine do donošenja novog Ustava SRH 1963. godine. U navedenom razdoblju rad Izvršnog vijeća prati se kroz tri mandatna razdoblja: prvo 6.2.-18.12.1953, drugo 18.12.1953.-10.4.1958. te treće mandatno razdoblje 10.4.1958.-27.6.1963. godine. Istraživanje se prvenstveno temelji na analizi arhivskoga gradiva fondova Izvršno vijeće Sabora SRH 1953-1990. i Sabor SRH 1945-1982. u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu te zakona, podzakonskih propisa i drugih akata objavljenih u službenim listovima (Narodne novine, Službeni list FNRJ). U prvom dijelu rada analiziraju se odredbe o postupku izbora Izvršnog vijeća te donosi pregled i popisi izabranih članova po mandatnim razdobljima. U nastavku rada naglasak je na definiranju poslova iz stručne nadležnosti, te pregledu organizacije i rekonstrukciji unutarnjeg ustroja Izvršnog vijeća (upravljanje Izvršnim vijećem, stručna tijela: odbori i komisije, administracija Izvršnog vijeća). U posljednjem poglavlju analiziraju se osnovna obilježja i rezultati rada Izvršnog vijeća u promatranom razdoblju, s posebnim osvrtom na rad u sjednicama, pripremanje prijedloga zakona, te donošenje podzakonskih propisa i drugih akata iz njegove nadležnosti. ; The article presents Executive Council of Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia (1953-1963), as one of the central governing institutions, with special interest i n its organization, functions and activity. The first chapter gives an overview of the provisions about constitution and procedure of members' election. It was constituted by 15 to 30 members, elected from members of the Republican Chamber of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia. Three mandate periods were established within which the activity of the Executive Council should be monitored: The first mandate from 6th February till 18th December 1953, the second mandate from 18th December 1953 till 10th April 1958 and the third mandate from 10th April 1958 till 27th June 1963. The same chapter brings the list of all members organized according to mandates. The second chapter gives an overview of the functions defined in regulations. According to the provisions of Constitutional Law from 1953, it is defined which functions has the Executive Council taken over from the authority of the abrogated Government of the People's Republic of Croatia and Presidium of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia. Further analysis points that in period from 1953 to 1956 Executive Council was acting as executive-administrative body and from 1956 to 1963 primarily as executive-political body. In 1956, due to the reorganisation of the public administration, the majority of administrative functions until then under the jurisdiction of the Executive Council were transferred to the authority of the Republic's governing bodies. According to that, Executive Council acts primarily as executive-political body, under which authority is enforcement of general politics and measures, as well as adoption of acts and putting precise tasks to governing bodies for their accomplishment. The next chapter gives an analysis of its organization, divided in three parts: guidance of Executive Council, working bodies (boards and commissions) and administrative and professional service. The last chapter gives an analysis of the activity of Executive Council. It is concluded that the most of the activity concerns the discussion of questions, preparation of laws and adoption of acts related to economy and finances, organization of central Republic's institutions, republican and regional (local) governing bodies, as well as education, science and culture. Less activity concerned the discussion of questions, preparation of laws and adoption of acts related to other administrative fields, first of all, system of justice and home affairs, health care system and social policy, as well as labour relations.

Na osnovu analize izvornih arhivskih dokumenata i propisa objavljenih u službenim listovima, opisuje se djelokrug, ustroj i sastav Prezidijuma Sabora NRH. Njegovi temelji postavljeni su u radu Zemaljskog antifašističkog vijeća narodnog oslobođenja Hrvatske (ZAVNOH), odnosno njegova Predsjedništva, koje je kao uže tijelo plenuma osnovano 9. svibnja 1944. godine. Na Četvrtom zasjedanju održanom 24. i 25. srpnja 1945. u Zagrebu, ZAVNOH je promijenio naziv u Narodni sabor Hrvatske, a njegovo Predsjedništvo od tada djeluje kao Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske. U razdoblju 1945.–1953. njegovo djelovanje može se podijeliti u četiri mandatna razdoblja: Predsjedništvo Narodnog sabora Hrvatske/Prezidijum Sabora NRH (25. srpnja 1945.–30. studenoga 1946.), Prezidijum Ustavotvornog sabora NRH (30. studenoga 1946.–20. siječnja 1947.), Prezidijum Sabora NRH prvoga saziva (20. siječnja 1947.–4. prosinca 1950.) i Prezidijum Sabora NRH drugoga saziva (4. prosinca 1950.–6. veljače 1953.). U prvom dijelu rada opisuje se osnivanje i prestanak rada Prezidijuma Sabora, u drugom njegov djelokrug, a u trećem ustroj i sastav po mandatnim razdobljima. Njegov ustroj i djelokrug uspoređeni su s ustrojem i djelokrugom Prezidijuma Narodne skupštine FNRJ i prezidijuma drugih jugoslavenskih republika. Rezultati istraživanja prezentirani su kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a dijelom su sistematizirani u obliku tabelarnih prikaza. ; This paper describes the scope, structure and the composition of the Presidium of Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia (PRC) which was active as a political governmental body in Croatia from 1945 to 1953. According to the Yugoslav constitutional system of government, the same political body existed on the federal level as the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY), as well as in every republic-member of the Yugoslav federation and the scope, organization and composition of the Presidium of Parliament are compared with the scope, organization and composition of those bodies. The foundations of the activities of the Presidium of Parliament, as well as other central governmental institutions in Croatia (namely, Parliament, Government, and Supreme Court) were laid in the work of the State Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia (ZAVNOH) i.e. its Presidency, since until the end of the war they together performed the legislative, executive and judiciary government. During the 4th session that took place in Zagreb from 24 to 25 July 1945 ZAVNOH changed is title to the People's Parliament of Croatia and since then its Presidency worked as the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia. In the period from 1945 to 1953 its activity can be divided into four mandate periods: the Presidency of the People's Parliament of Croatia/the Presidium of the Parliament of the PRC (25 July 1945–30 November 1946), the Presidium of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC (30 November 1946–20 January 1947), the Presidium of the 1st Session of the Parliament of the PRC (20 January 1947–4 December 1950) and the Presidium of the 2nd Session of the Parliament of the PRC (4 December 1950–6 February 1953). Its existence in the system of governmental power is the result of taking over the Soviet constitutional solutions about organizing the state and governmental institutions in the 1946 constitution of the FPRY and through it also in the constitutions of each federal unit. It was the main legislative body in the period until the constituting of the Constituent Parliament of the PRC, since the Parliament of the PRC only had a single short five-day session in late August 1946. This is confirmed by the information about 29 laws passed by the Presidium of Parliament in the period from 8 September 1945 to 20 November 1946. Besides legislative, it also performed other functions from the jurisdiction then belonging to the Parliament. The constitution of the PRC from 1946 bestowed upon it performing tasks that are usually given to the president of the state (representing in the country the people's and state sovereignty of the PRC, calling the general elections, granting pardons, awarding medals and recognitions), as well as other executive tasks partly closely linked to the legislative activities. The special function pertained to supervising the people's committees. The important difference in the scope in relation to the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY was that it did not have the authority in the area of foreign affairs. Even though the constitution of the PRC from January 1947 lists it together with the Parliament in the chapter on the highest bodies of the governmental power in Croatia, the sources and constitutional-legal texts of the time, in accordance with the principle of unity of power, define it as a body which "stems from the Parliament" and is subordinated to it. Also, despite being formally constitutionally defined as one of the highest bodies of governmental power in Croatia, in reality it was the Party's transmission, since the actual power and monopoly in decisionmaking was in the hands of the bodies of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia/the League of Communists of Yugoslavia i.e. the Communist Party of Croatia/the League of Communists of Croatia. It was a collegiate body comprised of members of the Parliament. The decision of its composition was formally passed by the Parliament, but based on the conclusions reached during sessions of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia. It was elected for the same term as the Parliament, but it continued to perform its duties after the dissolution of the Parliament, until the election of the new Presidium of Parliament. From 1945 to 1953 the total of 45 MPs were included in its activities. 13 of them were members during all four mandate terms, 11 during two and 14 during only one. The structure and the way of work were determined by the Rulebook dated from 7 August 1947. They were the exact copy of the structure and the way of work of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the FPRY, with differences deriving from different jurisdictions (federal, republic) of these two bodies.

U radu se istražuje kako zastupnici u Hrvatskom saboru percipiraju političku moć korisnica materinskih domova u Hrvatskoj te kakve iznose naknada iz sustava socijalne skrbi (zajamčene minimalne naknade i naknade za troškove stanovanja) zastupnici smatraju primjerenima korisnicama nakon otpusta iz domova. Konačno, istražuje se postoji li povezanost između percepcije zastupnika o političkoj moći korisnica i naknada iz sustava socijalne skrbi koje zastupnici predlažu. Percepcija o političkoj moći korisnica iskazana je kao stav zastupnika o značajnosti udjela korisnica u glasačkoj snazi Hrvatske te o sklonosti zastupnica mobilizaciji i pristupanju javnim dužnosnicima. Istraživanje je provedeno anketiranjem zastupnika, a rezultati daju naslutiti kako zastupnici vjeruju u nesklonost korisnica mobilizaciji i obraćanju javnim dužnosnicima. Međutim, najveći dio zastupnika niti se slaže niti ne slaže s tvrdnjom da je udio korisnica materinskih domova u ukupnoj glasačkoj snazi Hrvatske beznačajan. Zastupnici su, u prosjeku, predložili iznose zajamčene minimalne naknade i naknade za troškove stanovanja koji su znatno viši od iznosa koje je na temelju zakona zaista moguće ostvariti u sličnim situacijama. Također, rezultati pokazuju kako zastupnici koji iskazuju veći stupanj slaganja s tvrdnjom da korisnice materinskih domova nisu sklone mobilizaciji predlažu manji iznos zajamčene minimalne naknade i manji iznos naknade troškova stanovanja za pomoć majkama nakon otpusta iz domova. Međutim, nije dokazana povezanost percepcije zastupnika o udjelu korisnica u ukupnoj glasačkoj snazi Hrvatske s iznosima naknada koje su zastupnici predlagali, kao ni povezanost predloženih iznosa s percepcijom zastupnika o tendenciji korisnica da se za pomoć obrate javnim dužnosnicima. ; This paper explores how members of the Croatian Parliament perceive the political power of maternity home users in Croatia, expressed as Parliament members' views on the voting strength of maternity home users, propensity to mobilize and propensity to approach public officials for help. Additionally, it explores the benefit amounts of the welfare system they consider appropriate for users upon exiting maternity home (specifically the guaranteed minimum benefit and assistance of housing settlement costs). Ultimately, the paper investigates whether there is a correlation between the Parliament members' perceptions of the political power of maternity home users and the benefits of the welfare system proposed by the members. The results of a survey suggest that members of Parliament believe that maternity home users are reluctant to mobilize and approach public officials for help, while members neither agree nor disagree with the statement that the share of maternity home users in the total voting strength of Croatia is insignificant. Members of the Parliament proposed a guaranteed minimum benefit and amount of assistance in the settling of housing costs that are significantly higher than amounts actually achievable in similar situations under Croatian law. Also, the results show that members of the Parliament who express a greater degree of agreement with the statement that maternity home users are not likely to mobilize are proposing a lower guaranteed minimum benefit and a lower amount of assistance in the settling of housing costs. However, no correlation was found between Parliament members' perceptions of the maternity home users' voting strength and the amounts of welfare benefits proposed by Parliament members. There was also no correlation found between the members' perceptions of the maternity home users' tendency to approach public officials for help and the amounts of welfare benefits proposed by Parliament members.

Tema ovoga rada je djelovanje Srpske demokratske stranke u razdoblju od konstituiranja prvog višestranačkog Sabora pa sve do početka srpske pobune u kolovozu 1990. Također, u radu se razmatra osnivanje stranačkih odbora i neuspješan pokušaj širenja u drugim republikama SFRJ te uloga vodstva i članova stranke u početku srpske pobune u Hrvatskoj. Rad je nastao na temelju dostupnih arhivskih dokumenata, svjedočenja i medijskih istupa stranačkih vođa. ; The topic of this paper is the activity of Serbian Democratic Party in Croatia from the establishment of the first multi-party Parliament to the outburst of Serbian rebellion in August 1990. The paper further tackles the establishment of party committees in other Yugoslav republics, as well as the role of leadership and party members at the beginning of Serbian rebellion. The work is based on available archive documents, testimonies and media outlets of party leaders. The secondary and tertiary sources have also been consulted, such as Croatian, Serbian, and Bosnian and Herzegovinian media, as well as available monographs about circumstances current at that time. In the analyzed period, the party leader Jovan Rašković, who was present at most founding meetings in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Vojvodina and Serbia, played a crucial role in the establishment of new Serbian Democratic Party committees. However, his dream of becoming party leader among Serbs at Yugoslav level completely failed. In this period, Serbian Democratic Party started institutionally taking over authority in several Croatian municipalities, as this was an essential precondition for deciding on joining the newly established Community. Serbian Democratic Party policy was geared towards the creation of illegitimate and parallel institutions, which tried to match their decisions with Croatian Parliament's legitimate decisions. It was furthermore in line with the destabilization of Croatia's internal affairs, since Serbian Democratic Party correctly assessed that this line would be the first line of defence of Croatia's constitutional order and sovereignty. Additionally, there was turmoil within the party leadership. Jovan Rašković survived the first attempt, initiated by some party leaders, to shift from the presidency. However, Milan Babić overtook, supported by Serbian state politics, the leadership initiative. Within the same party, a differentiation was present between the supporters of Communist and of Chetnik ideologies. Nevertheless, this process did not question their negative attitude toward the new political circumstances in Croatia. Serbian Democratic Party itself was undoubtedly the initiator and organizer of the rebellion of the Croatian Serbs, while the role of low-rank party members was carrying out armed action in the field. All this was evidently done with the political support of Serbia and Yugoslav National Army. Additionally, Serbian Democratic Party stepped out of the regulal political activity by destroying Croatian constitutional order, thus becoming a terrorist organization and the core of personnel in the upcoming Serbian aggression on Croatia.