The European Parliament, the National Parliaments, and European Integration
In: Revista española de ciencia política, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 348-349
ISSN: 1575-6548
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In: Revista española de ciencia política, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 348-349
ISSN: 1575-6548
In: Politica y Gobierno, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 213-218
Parliament is not well evaluated by citizens. Both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies do not enjoy general approval, despite the important work they do. The parliamentarian who helped elect and to whom one has access is appreciated more than the institution: it is the so-called Fenno effect, a phenomenon that takes its name from the North American professor who in the 1970s analyzed this phenomenon in the United States Congress. USA This is confirmed by the latest National Bicentennial Survey conducted by UC and Adimark. ; El Parlamento no está bien evaluado por la ciudadanía. Tanto el Senado como la Cámara de Diputados no gozan de aprobación general, pese a la importante labor que realizan. Se aprecia más al parlamentario que se contribuyó a elegir y al cual se tiene acceso, que a la institución: es el llamado efecto Fenno, fenómeno que toma el nombre del profesor norteamericano que en la década del 70 analizó este fenómeno en el Congreso de los EE.UU. Así lo confirma la última Encuesta Nacional Bicentenario realizada por UC y Adimark.
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In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/mou.010006069791
WING E-1913. ; "Ordered by the Commons in Parliament, that this ordinance be forthwith printed and published. H. Elsynge, cler. parl. D. com." ; Mode of access: Internet. ; MU: Pre-1801 imprint.
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In: Revista española de ciencia política, Heft 3, S. 224-225
ISSN: 1575-6548
In: Democracy, governance and human rights 23
The Cartagena Agreement is a treaty framework in which its rules can not cover positive whole complex picture and progressive development through a process of integration. The incomplete nature of this standard require that, for purposes of execution accomplished, whether developed of supplemented. It is an that context that Community bodies such as the Andean Parliament, the full importance in the Andean integration process, which since Article 42 of the Cartagena. Agreement defines as the governing body of the System whit communal nature and theoretically with legislative powers in matters within is competence.This article aims to analyze the influence of the issued by the Andean Parliament in the Andean states and the organs and institutions of the Andean Integration System (SAI) under the powers assigned to the international body for the agreement of Cartagena. In this vein, they examine the nature of the decisions of the Andean Parliament, the basis on which the decisions of the Andean Parliament do not produce the desired effects, concluding with some proposals that could achieve obligator Decisions of that international body. ; El Acuerdo de Cartagena es un tratado marco en el que sus normas positivas no pueden abarcar todo el complejo panorama y desarrollo progresivo que experimenta un proceso de integración. El carácter incompleto de esta norma exige que, para efectos de su cumplida ejecución, sea desarrollada o complementada. Es en el citado contexto en el que órganos comunitarios como el Parlamento Andino, cobran toda su importancia en el proceso de integración andina; el cual desde el artículo 42 del Acuerdo de Cartagena se tipifica como el órgano deliberante del Sistema con naturaleza comunitaria, y teóricamente, con potestad normativa en los asuntos que son de su competencia.El presente artículo pretende analizar la influencia de las Decisiones emitidas por el Parlamento Andino en los Estados andinos y en los Órganos e Instituciones del Sistema Andino de Integración (SAI); de conformidad con las atribuciones asignadas a dicho Órgano Internacional por el Acuerdo de Cartagena. En este orden de ideas, se estudiara la naturaleza de las Decisiones del Parlamento Andino, el fundamento por el cual las Decisiones del Parlamento Andino no producen los efectos deseados, finalizando con algunas propuestas que podrían lograr la vinculatoriedad de las Decisiones del mencionado Órgano Internacional.
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The Liberals have forced their own beliefs through since European structures began to emerge, but their impact on the concept of integration was weaker than that voiced by the Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats. Factional activity in the European Parliament is another form of the operation of political parties, alongside traditional international party congresses. The paper presents the projects and views of liberal politicians on the process of European integration. Particular attention is paid to the opinions of Gaetano Martino, Cornelis Berkhouwer, Simone Veil, Pat Cox, Graham Watson and Andrew Duff. ; The Liberals have forced their own beliefs through since European structures began to emerge, but their impact on the concept of integration was weaker than that voiced by the Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats. Factional activity in the European Parliament is another form of the operation of political parties, alongside traditional international party congresses. The paper presents the projects and views of liberal politicians on the process of European integration. Particular attention is paid to the opinions of Gaetano Martino, Cornelis Berkhouwer, Simone Veil, Pat Cox, Graham Watson and Andrew Duff.
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Parliament – an institution of a democratic state – a member of the Union – is not only an authority but also, as in the case of the European Union, the only directly and universally elected representative body of the European Union. The article presents questions related to the essence of parliament and that of a supranational parliament which are vital while dealing with the subject matter. It proves that the growth of the European Parliament's powers was the direct reason for departing from the system of delegating representatives to the Parliament for the benefit of direct elections. It presents direct and universal elections to the European Parliament in the context of presenting legal regulations applicable in this respect. It describes a new legal category – citizenship of the European Union – primarily in terms of active and passive suffrage to the European Parliament, as a political entitlement of a citizen of the European Union. ; Parliament – an institution of a democratic state – a member of the Union – is not only an authority but also, as in the case of the European Union, the only directly and universally elected representative body of the European Union. The article presents questions related to the essence of parliament and that of a supranational parliament which are vital while dealing with the subject matter. It proves that the growth of the European Parliament's powers was the direct reason for departing from the system of delegating representatives to the Parliament for the benefit of direct elections. It presents direct and universal elections to the European Parliament in the context of presenting legal regulations applicable in this respect. It describes a new legal category – citizenship of the European Union – primarily in terms of active and passive suffrage to the European Parliament, as a political entitlement of a citizen of the European Union.
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The article presents the author's analysis of the constitutional acts of European states with a bicameral parliament with a view to fixing some typical forms of interaction between the parliament chambers in them. The study has showed that the joint sessions (on taking the oath by the head of state, presidential elections, deciding to declare war, granting pardon); formation of permanent and temporary committees and commissions; formation of the higher bodies of state power or appointment of officials serve as typical forms of interaction between the parliament chambers. Within the legislative sphere, it is disclosed such typical forms of interaction between the parliament chambers as the bill approval in both chambers in an identical version and "tacit consent". It is concluded that the typical forms of interaction between the parliament chambers of European states reflect their sovereign but established approaches, elaborated by the doctrine and tested by practice.
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In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures. ; In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures.
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Death makes us all equal, but the funerary rituals that take place later depend on the position occupied by the deceased in society or within each organization or institution. The regional parliaments that over the years have been developing different regulations, usages and customs to deal with the death of their members are not unrelated to this. Little do the elected officials imagine that on the very day of their inauguration, a civil servant has already planned what to do in the event of their death, because haste is a bad adviser and there is a risk of incurring in inequalities and comparative grievances. I therefore intend with this article to publicize the work carried out by the Protocol Services when they have faced mourning on the following occasions: death of presidents in office, former presidents, former regional presidents, parliamentarians, former parliamentarians, officials or retired officials. The activity of the Protocol services of the legislative chambers is not characterized by contact with other regional colleagues, so I think it is appropriate that there be a compilation study to which to turn, in case of doubt or need. The study will dedicate a special section to the activity of the Parliament of Navarra in this matter. ; La muerte nos iguala a todos, pero los ritos funerarios que se desarrollan con posterioridad dependen del puesto ocupado por el fallecido en la sociedad o en el seno de cada organismo o institución. A ello no son ajenos los parlamentos autonómicos, que a lo largo de estos años han ido desarrollando normativas, usos o costumbres diferentes para afrontar la muerte de sus integrantes cuando esta acontece. Poco imaginan los cargos electos que el mismo día de su toma de posesión, un funcionario ya tiene previsto qué hacer en caso de óbito, porque las prisas son malas consejeras y se corre el riesgo de incurrir en desigualdades y agravios comparativos. Con este trabajo pretendo dar a conocer la labor realizada por los Servicios de Protocolo cuando se han enfrentado al luto ...
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The aim of this study is to analyze the presence and use of social networks,particularly Facebook on behalf of Members of Galician Parliament delivering, themost recent data of audience and the different investigations about the SpanishMembers of Parliament activity on the net (mails, blogs, Facebook, webs and Twitter) and comparing the results in each case.For the past five months, a quantitative, exploratory and longitudinal tracking of theFacebook accounts which belong to the Members of the Galician Parliament hasbeen carried out, also a daily follow-up of the updates of the state and the postingof comments, links, photos, videos and questions on the wall of 75 parliamentarians.To access the Facebook of each member, a simulation technique will be used,through participant observation, a task that will complement the description of thetools available through site and official links of the Galician Members of theParliament and the requested information to the different parliamentary groups.The results show that the evolution of the use of Facebook is greater in the societythan in Members of the both the Spanish and Galician Parliament, and in the caseof the Galician Parliament there is greater presence than in the former. Althoughthe use of this tool is quite similar in both cases, it is almost testimonial inreference to most of the Members of the Galician or Spanish Parliaments. ; El objetivo de este estudio es analizar la presencia y utilización de la red socialFacebook por parte de los diputados del Parlamento de Galicia, partiendo de losdatos más recientes de audiencias y del repaso de diferentes investigacionessobre la actividad de los parlamentarios españoles en la red (mails, páginas web, blogs, Facebook y Twitter), y comparando los resultados obtenidos en cada caso.Se trata de una investigación cuantitativa, de carácter exploratorio y longitudinal, através del rastreo de las cuentas en Facebook de los representantes delParlamento gallego a lo largo de cinco meses, y del seguimiento diario de laactividad en la red de los diputados, observando las distintas variables yposibilidades ofrecidas en el empleo de esta herramienta por parte de los 75miembros de la Cámara autonómica que integran el universo de estudio.En concreto, se observaron todas las actualizaciones de estado realizadas,comentarios, enlaces, fotografías y vídeos visibles en el muro de cadaparlamentario, calculando sus medias y ranking de actividad, además de comprobar la lista de amigos, grupos y páginas agregadas o el idioma empleado.Para acceder al Facebook de los diputados gallegos se utilizó la técnica de lasimulación, a través de la observación participante, además de la informacióninstitucional disponible en la red y los datos complementarios solicitados a losdistintos grupos parlamentarios.Los resultados muestran que la evolución en la utilización de Facebook es mayoren la sociedad que en los parlamentarios del Congreso de los Diputados y elParlamento de Galicia y que, si bien en los representantes gallegos se observamayor presencia que en los anteriores, la utilización de esta herramienta es muy similar en ambos casos, pues apenas la tercera parte de ellos registran ciertaactividad, siendo prácticamente testimonial en la mayoría de los diputadosestatales y autonómicos analizados.
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One of the most important decisions taken by the Mexican Assembly is to approve the annual budget of the country. Beijing Agreements in 1995 change the perception in the parliament which was merely for men. So, the few Mexican women in the parliament from the different parties organized the "Women's Parliament" to reach gender equity not only in the different parties but in political, economic and social life. This year the women deputies and senators divided the country in five regions and had meetings outside of the central parliament office. at San Lázaro in Mexico City. These meetings tried to include the rich diversity demands from the different states, municipals and NGOs that participate during three weeks between February and March 2005. At the end of the regional meetings all the agreements were approved in the federal parliament. After Beijing Agreements + 10 not only the government but politicians are aware of improving empowerment women which has been a goal in a "machista" and traditional society
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