Suchergebnisse

Recently, in the province of Buenos Aires, the law of gender parity on the electoral lists was approved without heated debate about the "necessity" of the law, as well as justice or injustice of the new representation law. As a result of the enactment of this law and the debate at national level that generated, our intention is to systematize the arguments for and against the political rights of women in Argentina. To get closer to our objective we will use as main source the shorthand versions of the parliamentary debates on occasion of the Buenos Aires parity law of 2016. For its novelty in our country, this law reactivated discourses contrary to the women´s participation that we already believed surpassed. This work looks for identify the arguments that show resistance to women's political participation, and how these arguments are reissues of old arguments already spilled in the parliamentary area whenever this issue managed to enter the agenda politics. We also consider that it is important to contextualize the present moment and, in order to construct situated knowledge, we make a brief historical tour of the political participation of women in Argentina. Our intention is to identify the discourses at play, constructors of feminine citizenship. ; Recientemente en la provincia de Buenos Aires se aprobó la ley de paridad de género en las listas electorales, no sin acalorados debates acerca de la necesidad de la ley, como así también de la justicia o injusticia que la sanción de la misma representa. Con motivo de la sanción de dicha ley y el debate que generó a nivel nacional, nos proponemos sistematizar los argumentos a favor y en contra de los derechos políticos de las mujeres en Argentina. Para acercarnos a nuestro objetivo usaremos como fuente principal las versiones taquigráficas de los debates parlamentarios en ocasión ley de paridad bonaerense de 2016. Por su novedad en nuestro país, esta ley reactivó discursos contrarios a la participación femenina que ya creíamos superados. Este trabajo busca ...

Recientemente en la provincia de Buenos Aires se aprobó la ley de paridad de género en las listas electorales, no sin acalorados debates acerca de la necesidad de la ley, como así también de la justicia o injusticia que la sanción de la misma representa. Con motivo de la sanción de dicha ley y el debate que generó a nivel nacional, nos proponemos sistematizar los argumentos a favor y en contra de los derechos políticos de las mujeres en Argentina. Para acercarnos a nuestro objetivo usaremos como fuente principal las versiones taquigráficas de los debates parlamentarios en ocasión ley de paridad bonaerense de 2016. Por su novedad en nuestro país, esta ley reactivó discursos contrarios a la participación femenina que ya creíamos superados. Este trabajo busca identificar los argumentos que evidencian resistencias a la participación política de las mujeres, y cómo estos argumentos son reediciones de antiguos argumentos, ya vertidos en el recinto parlamentario cada vez que este tema logró ingresar a la agenda política. Consideramos también importante contextualizar el momento actual y, en pos de construir conocimiento situado, realizamos un breve recorrido histórico sobre la participación política de las mujeres en Argentina. Nuestra intención es identificar los discursos en juego, constructores de la ciudadanía femenina. ; Recently, in the province of Buenos Aires, the law of gender parity on the electoral lists was approved without heated debate about the "necessity" of the law, as well as justice or injustice of the new representation law. As a result of the enactment of this law and the debate at national level that generated, our intention is to systematize the arguments for and against the political rights of women in Argentina. To get closer to our objective we will use as main source the shorthand versions of the parliamentary debates on occasion of the Buenos Aires parity law of 2016. For its novelty in our country, this law reactivated discourses contrary to the women´s participation that we already believed surpassed. This work looks for identify the arguments that show resistance to women's political participation, and how these arguments are reissues of old arguments already spilled in the parliamentary area whenever this issue managed to enter the agenda politics. We also consider that it is important to contextualize the present moment and, in order to construct situated knowledge, we make a brief historical tour of the political participation of women in Argentina. Our intention is to identify the discourses at play, constructors of feminine citizenship. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales

The victory of the Left in 2012, and the application of reinforced parity legislation, led to significant gains for women in French politics, with 27% women in parliament and 50% in government, including a powerful Women's Minister. However, a poor performance by the Right, and the concentration of women in less powerful positions, indicate that the battle for equality is not yet won. Segolene Royal's bid to become France's first female Speaker also ended in drama and failure. Promises to remove all state funding for parties who do not respect parity in the future could be the most important outcome for women of this election. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractDo women in politics contribute to gender parity in education? This study seeks to provide an empirical answer to this question by examining whether women in politics (women parliamentarians) contribute to closing the gender inequality in education using a global sample of 191 countries from 1990 to 2020. We deployed the two‐stage least square (IV‐TSLS) technique and gender quota as an instrument to isolate the exogenous effect of women in politics on gender parity in primary, secondary and tertiary education. The findings from the IV‐TSLS estimators show that an increase in the number of female parliamentarians is associated with a significant increase in gender parity at all levels of education. These results survived several robustness checks, including using different estimators such as the Lewbel two‐stage least squares and the Kinky least‐squares estimators. Based on the quota type, we documented that women in politics significantly spur gender parity in education in countries with reserved seat quotas and not in countries with candidate quotas. We also found that the results differ across different geographical regions and income groups. The findings call on policy‐makers to address societal, legal and structural barriers limiting women's political participation to achieve gender parity at all levels of education.

The aim of this study is to describe the stylistic features of Internet-mediated political discourse, basing on two samples of hypertextual materials authored by organizations promoting (Kongres Kobiet the Congres of Women, abbr. KK) and criticizing (Antyparytety - Antiparity, abbr. AP) the Polish gender parity initiative of 2009/2010. Firstly, the notion of rhetorical style is introduced in the context of political discourse analysis. Accordingly, rhetorical styles are understood here broadly as emergent properties of texts characterized by clusters of linguistic devices used strategically for persuasive purposes. Next, the methodological framework for the ensuing stylistic analysis is delineated and the "critical" angle of the present study is elucidated. In the course of analysis of two samples of texts (KK - approx. 2080 words; AP approx 1930 words) representing antagonistic positions in the gender parity debate, it is demonstrated that there are more similarities than differences between their rhetorical styles. By focusing on the interrogation of such categories as generic frames, strategies of addressing the reader and pervasive rhetorical figures, it has been shown that both styles exemplify a high degree of saturation with persuasion-oriented linguistic devices. This makes both analyzed styles to some extent manipulative, since they tend to efface rational argumentation for the sake of appeals to emotions and employ some classic propagandists tricks (e.g. glittering generalities, stereotyping, simplification or testimonials). Yet, it seems that the opponents of the gender parity initiative (AP) rely on such devices more heavily, as their texts are mainly oriented towards discrediting the project by arising readers' doubt and anxiety. The proponents (KK), after all, must also inform the readers about the details of their initiative and present sound reasons why it should be embraced. That is why the rhetorical style emerging in AP corpus seems to be shaped primarily by linguistic devices of pathos, while the rhetorical style of KK's texts relies on logos and ethos.

AbstractAre nonverbal reactions during parliamentary debate gendered? Do male and female members of parliament (MPs) experience applause or jeering differently? In short, yes, and the gendered nature of a speech matters. Using an original corpus of over 544,000 speeches given in German state parliaments, we first estimate the gendered nature of parliamentary speeches and then examine how reactions to speeches given by male and female MPs differ. Female and male MPs receive similarly positive and negative reactions to their speeches on average, but they receive different reactions depending on the gendered nature of the speeches. Speeches using language associated with women's topics receive fewer reactions overall and even fewer when delivered by men. The gendered nature of parliamentary interjections could affect how women MPs view their position and how women voters view parliament.

This study offers a comprehensive, in-depth analysis of Slovak illiberal anti-gender parliamentary discourse based on a unique dataset consisting of 85 parliamentary speeches. It presents who the main actors are in terms of the illiberal anti-gender discourse in Slovakia and which narratives they postulate. It also considers if there is any variation in the identified narratives. The qualitative content analysis covered several critical anti-gender narratives in the rhetoric of illiberal parties. I argue that the occurrence and range of anti-gender narratives within the Slovak parliamentary illiberal discourse are diverse, and this diversity varies in the ideological background of the analysed parties. While some of the more traditional Christian conservative parties, such as the KDH, and new populist parties such as OĽaNO or Sme Rodina, have articulated gender primarily as a threat to Slovak Catholics, Christianity, traditional marriage, and families, others like the nationally conservative-oriented SNS or the Smer-SD have stressed the loss of national sovereignty and legal aspects around the Istanbul Convention, and utilized this topic to strengthen their Eurosceptic rhetoric. Finally, the far-right K-ĽSNS has used an eclectic approach combining all found anti-gender narratives while using the most abusive language towards transgender persons and other sexual minorities.

In 1999, after a heated debate on gender parity in political representation, the French constitution was amended to include the principle of "equal representation" of both sexes. This paved the way for the introduction of gender quotas. In the same period, a bill providing reservations for women at the national level provoked a political crisis in India. The objective of this article is to compare both debates, looking in particular at the way women's representation was framed. In France, the main argument against quotas was that republican representation should be unitary and transcend social differences, but at the end of the 1990s, women in mainstream politics were seen as one element of the dual nature of human kind, different from other categories such as class or race. In India, the specific representation of certain groups (Dalits, lower castes, tribal groups) had been the traditional framework for political representation since independence in 1947. But when the bill proposed to extend reservations to women, opponents of the project claimed that women did not constitute a category in themselves, and that sex should be intersected with caste and religion for the attribution of quotas. Looking at parliamentary debates, articles, and tribunes supporting or opposing quotas in both countries, we show that the arguments mobilized reveal different conceptions of the political representation of gender difference, which are partly transversal and partly specific to each country. ; Peer Reviewed

Although many political authorities endorse the basic goal of parity between men and women across the board, reality does not yet reflect this in Germany. In the German Bundestag, for example, at present 37.1 percent of representatives are women. Divided among the six parties with the greatest likelihood of being elected to the Bundestag, a total of 1,979 people are running for office in the upcoming election. Of these, 35.7 percent are women. An analysis of the lists of candidates by party shows that the parties currently represented in the Bundestag have significantly higher proportions of women among their candidates than the opposition parties FDP and AfD do. In the top 48 slots-that is, the first three on each of the 16 state lists-the Green Party is putting forward 32 women, the Left Party 27, and the SPD 25. With 15 female candidates for office, the Union Parties (CDU/CSU) are also higher than the FDP and AfD (with 11 and eight candidates respectively). Of the 263 ministerial posts available since Germany was founded, women have only held 43. Although Germany has a female chancellor and the gender distribution in the current cabinet is almost equal, certain ministerial posts have yet to be held by a woman. The government resulting from the upcoming Bundestag election could serve as an example by explicitly committing itself to gender parity. In state parliaments, women are more underrepresented than on the national level. In the former, the proportion of women is 31 percent and has recently fallen. Only three out of 16 regional governments are headed by a woman. An international comparison shows that extended use of voluntary quotas for the parties-as already practiced in Germany-could be a highly viable way of achieving parity. They would be more effective if consistently implemented by all at all levels. And voters can make a difference by demanding equal representation from the parties.

International audience ; In 1999, after a heated debate on gender parity in political representation, the French constitution was amended to include the principle of "equal representation" of both sexes. This paved the way for the introduction of gender quotas. In the same period, a bill providing reservations for women at the national level provoked a political crisis in India. The objective of this article is to compare both debates, looking in particular at the way women's representation was framed. In France, the main argument against quotas was that republican representation should be unitary and transcend social differences, but at the end of the 1990s, women in mainstream politics were seen as one element of the dual nature of human kind, different from other categories such as class or race. In India, the specific representation of certain groups (Dalits, lower castes, tribal groups) had been the traditional framework for political representation since independence in 1947. But when the bill proposed to extend reservations to women, opponents of the project claimed that women did not constitute a category in themselves, and that sex should be intersected with caste and religion for the attribution of quotas. Looking at parliamentary debates, articles, and tribunes supporting or opposing quotas in both countries, we show that the arguments mobilized reveal different conceptions of the political representation of gender difference, which are partly transversal and partly specific to each country.

International audience ; In 1999, after a heated debate on gender parity in political representation, the French constitution was amended to include the principle of "equal representation" of both sexes. This paved the way for the introduction of gender quotas. In the same period, a bill providing reservations for women at the national level provoked a political crisis in India. The objective of this article is to compare both debates, looking in particular at the way women's representation was framed. In France, the main argument against quotas was that republican representation should be unitary and transcend social differences, but at the end of the 1990s, women in mainstream politics were seen as one element of the dual nature of human kind, different from other categories such as class or race. In India, the specific representation of certain groups (Dalits, lower castes, tribal groups) had been the traditional framework for political representation since independence in 1947. But when the bill proposed to extend reservations to women, opponents of the project claimed that women did not constitute a category in themselves, and that sex should be intersected with caste and religion for the attribution of quotas. Looking at parliamentary debates, articles, and tribunes supporting or opposing quotas in both countries, we show that the arguments mobilized reveal different conceptions of the political representation of gender difference, which are partly transversal and partly specific to each country.