Suchergebnisse

The author of the book analyzes the constitutional foundations of the government systems of modern Ukraine during the years 1917–2017. The book is devoted to the analysis of enacted constitutions, the complete or partial amendments to the constitution and the analysis of directions introduced or initiated changes.

A characteristic feature of Polish-Russian mutual perception is binarity, manifesting itself in various discursive spaces, from colloquial stereotypes, through popular literature, to sophisticated forms of meta-historical discourse. Asian-Europeanness, Latin-Byzantism/Orthodoxy, collectivism-individualism, and authenticity-falsehood, are just some of the oppositions that organise the social imagination of Poles and Russians in the sphere of their mutual assessments and opinions. The article draws attention to the partial manifestations of such oppositions (literary discourse, postcolonial studies, etc.) in order to show their hidden, dialectical dimension. To achieve this goal, the author refers to the category of ratio and emotum, which refers to a specific current of the European philosophical tradition. Both of these binary categories are the foundation for creating an image of the Other. They also fit into self-defining strategies important for understanding Polish and Russian identity. ; A characteristic feature of Polish-Russian mutual perception is binarity, manifesting itself in various discursive spaces, from colloquial stereotypes, through popular literature, to sophisticated forms of meta-historical discourse. Asian-Europeanness, Latin-Byzantism/Orthodoxy, collectivism-individualism, and authenticity-falsehood, are just some of the oppositions that organise the social imagination of Poles and Russians in the sphere of their mutual assessments and opinions. The article draws attention to the partial manifestations of such oppositions (literary discourse, postcolonial studies, etc.) in order to show their hidden, dialectical dimension. To achieve this goal, the author refers to the category of ratio and emotum, which refers to a specific current of the European philosophical tradition. Both of these binary categories are the foundation for creating an image of the Other. They also fit into self-defining strategies important for understanding Polish and Russian identity.

The article aims to analize the nature and systemic implications of the constitutional reform carried out in the Italian Republic in 2020, which reduced the number of members of the chambers of parliament. It was the first revision of the Italian constitution since 2001 that was approved in a nationwide referendum, which was the condition for the entry into force of the amendment (two other constitutional revisions: from 2005 and 2016, were rejected in a referendum vote). The concept of rationalization of parliamentarism has been adopted as the leading theoretical reference in this text. The initial research question focused on to what extend the postulate of rationalization of the Italian parliamentarism was achieved by the way of undertaken initiatives to revise the constitutional order. The analyzes carried out allowed to formulate a proposal to explain the potential of rationalization of parliamentarism within the so-called partial reform in the face of failures in implementing comprehensive reforms.

Socio-economic conditions of refugees' settlement in Bulgaria in the 1920s.The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups. ; The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups.

In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner. ; In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner.

Belorussian military cooperation with Russia causes the partial isolation of Lukashenko's land from the West-European environment. The possibility of Belorussian membership in NATO has been curbed, up to the moment of close cooperation with the eastern ally. Only becoming independent from Russia could contribute to the rapid rapprochement between Belarus and West-European organizations and could hammer out a regular cooperation. Russian authorities are exploiting the military activities while achieving goals of foreign policy. In this way the plans during the energetic conflicts with Belarus and deployment of missile defense elements in Poland and Czech were accomplished. The exploitation of the military policy by Russia is perceived as a bargaining card which is used for achieving main national aims. Mr Lukashenko, with the help of bilateral cooperation may stay in power, which is mostly grounded on the recognition from the army. Mutual cooperation in the area of defense is very close, however, the president of Belarus is constantly refusing Russian authorities, who take the initiative to incorporate Belarusian country as one of the provinces, in order to maintain the external sovereignty of this country. ; Belorussian military cooperation with Russia causes the partial isolation of Lukashenko's land from the West-European environment. The possibility of Belorussian membership in NATO has been curbed, up to the moment of close cooperation with the eastern ally. Only becoming independent from Russia could contribute to the rapid rapprochement between Belarus and West-European organizations and could hammer out a regular cooperation. Russian authorities are exploiting the military activities while achieving goals of foreign policy. In this way the plans during the energetic conflicts with Belarus and deployment of missile defense elements in Poland and Czech were accomplished. The exploitation of the military policy by Russia is perceived as a bargaining card which is used for achieving main national aims. Mr Lukashenko, with the help of bilateral cooperation may stay in power, which is mostly grounded on the recognition from the army. Mutual cooperation in the area of defense is very close, however, the president of Belarus is constantly refusing Russian authorities, who take the initiative to incorporate Belarusian country as one of the provinces, in order to maintain the external sovereignty of this country.

A few years ago, veteran employment was associated in the United States with the charity. Today both public administration and many private companies are willing to assist former soldiers. Within the next five years, about one million soldiers will have to leave the armed forces because of the planned partial withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan and defense cuts. Most of them will find employment, however, a significant percentage, especially the young veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars will remain unemployed. Veterans affairs are crucial both for the President of the United States, the Congress and the whole American society, as they are related to the economic and social aspects of the state functioning. On the other hand, misconception about ex-combatants prevents the use of their potential and skills acquired in the military, and is not reflected in any way on the economy of the state. This situation is frustrating because veterans can be very good workers having many qualities that are desirable among employers, such as leadership skills, cooperation, loyalty and initiative.

In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner. ; 3 ; 1 ; 103 ; 124 ; 6 ; Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna

Realization of a national interests is a leading through the country political-economy actions based on a possessed national strategy. In Polish reality the role of leading strategy should be played by a long-term development plans. Now strategy - Long-time National Development Strategy Poland 2030 is one of them. It defines detailed in some, defined by country, areas of its actions and indicate the way of achieve them. In case of Polish sea interest, we should admit that they are not strictly related with sea economy and in a much higher degree are determinate in sectors strategy, energetic, environment and regional development. Achieving them is conditioned by ability to use it's own potential and due to limited possibility in impact on sea areas, also in use already existing or arising supranational arrangements. Independent leaded by Poland actions should be concentrate in Baltic Sea. Important target should be correlation polish national interests with regional cooperation plans. It should be concentrate in sailing security issue, especially oil tankers and incorporate polish ports into system of transporting commodities form Asia to Europe and combating organized crimes. We should admit that, the most important target of polish presence on others water reservoirs is partial assumption of liability for polish transport of LNG gaze security by UE and NATO. That is why committed ourselves in UE action, including combating immigrations (BRODEX project) is necessary.

The aim of the paper is an overview of urban planning ideas and factors affecting development of towns and cities in the western part of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Greater Poland, part of Pomerania, Kingdom of Poland, Galicia) that had a real impact on the quality of life of city dwellers in the period between the demise of the Polish-Lithuanian state (1795) and the World War One (1914). In the paper I deal mainly with the restructuring of the urban fabric in the towns and cities in question in the first half of the nineteenth century, which had a decisive impact on urban development before 1914. I analyse also the main selected urban planning elements that had the closest ties with the developmental factors: the process of creating tree-lined alleys, roads and boulevards, the creation of railway districts, the impact of the military factors on urban forms and the expansion of urban greenery. It is completed by conclusions, which also discuss the urban planning regulations. Some significant elements are not mentioned: the idea of garden cities or urban land incorporations, which pertained to peripheral areas and started to change the urban landscape often only in the last years of the period. The paper is based on the existing scholarly literature and the previous research of the author, and has a review-oriented and interpretational character. It results in a new attempt at a partial, though stretching beyond the partition borders, synthesis of the urban development in the Central Europe, or – as this region is often called in the Polish literature – the East-Central Europe.

The nearly universal access to higher education (HE) in developed countries was once praised as a great democratic achievement, and a basis for both economic development and social mobility. After the onset of the 2008 recession, the narratives changed considerably. The most radical critics of HE propose a partial "deschooling" of society by reversing the process of massification. This paper aims to present a critical discourse analysis (CAD) of the "don't go to college" discourse that became popular in Poland and the United States. I trace the differences in the way the decision to go to college is conceptualized in Poland and the U.S to the differences in dominant political ideologies – democratic and egalitarian in the U.S., paternalistic and conservative in Poland. I also show how recent changes in the actual HE systems put those ideologies at odds with the educational realities of both countries. ; Uniwersalizację dostępu do wykształcenia wyższego uznawano za wielkie osiągnięcie krajów demokratycznych, podstawę dla ich rozwoju gospodarczego i społecznej ruchliwości. Ostatnie lata przyniosły jednak znaczą zmianę w treści narracji dotyczących szkół wyższych. Najbardziej radykalne formy krytyki zawierają sugestię, że konieczne jest dokonanie częściowego "odszkolnienia" społeczeństwa przez cofnięcie procesów umasowienia.Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników krytycznej analizy dyskursu (KAD) odszkolnienia na podstawie źródeł pochodzących z USA i Polski. Zastosowanie KAD pozwala mi pokazać, jak te, z pozoru podobne, narracje mają u swych podstaw dwie przeciwstawne ideologie polityczne – liberalny indywidualizmu w wypadku USA i konserwatywny paternalizm w Polsce. Wskazuję też, w jaki sposób rzeczywista sytuacja absolwentów szkół wyższych stawia w wątpliwość racjonalność prognoz i planów formułowanych w obu odmianach analizowanego dyskursu.

In 1992, with the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty, a new institution, namely EU citizenship, was created. The treaty introduced a qualitative change in the sphere of political and legal position of citizens of the Member States, who gained in these spheres a number of new powers. One of them is the right to diplomatic and consular protection. The analysis of these two rights leads to a conclusion about the great discrepancy that exists between treaty guarantees and the effective exercise of this right. The Member States did not agree with third countries on this subject, which is a requirement of international law. Secondary law also allows only a partial exercise of the treaty's right to care in the territory of third countries. It has been reduced only to consular assistance and is still narrowly understood. The treaty law of EU citizens remains therefore at a very early stage of development. ; W 1992 r., wraz z przyjęciem Traktatu z Maastricht, powstała nowa instytucja, jaką jest obywatelstwo Unii Europejskiej. Traktat wprowadził jakościową zmianę w sferze pozycji politycznej i prawnej obywateli państw członkowskich, którzy zyskali w tych sferach szereg nowych uprawnień. Jednym z nich jest prawo do opieki dyplomatycznej i konsularnej. Jego analiza prowadzi do wniosku o dużym rozdźwięku, jaki istnieje pomiędzy gwarancjami traktatowymi a efektywnym wykonywaniem tego prawa. Państwa członkowskie nie porozumiały się bowiem z państwami trzecimi w tym przedmiocie, co jest wymogiem prawa międzynarodowego. Także prawo wtórne umożliwia jedynie częściowe wykonywanie traktatowego prawa do opieki na terytorium państw trzecich, ponieważ zostało ono sprowadzone tylko do pomocy konsularnej, i to jeszcze wąsko ujętej. Prawo obywateli Unii Europejskiej znajduje się zatem jeszcze na bardzo wczesnym etapie swojego rozwoju.

Przedmiotem omówienia są ankiety do Niemieckiego atlasu językowego, opracowane przez bibliotekarza pracującego w Marburgu – Georga Wenkera (1852–1911). Publikacja zawiera analizę językową tych ankiet (z 80 miejscowości) z terenu Mazur wschodnich – powiatów ełckiego, gołdapskiego, oleckiego. Choć ankiety służyły do eksploracji gwar niemieckich, to jednak udało się wskazać polskie cechy gwarowe, dzięki czemu było możliwe częściowe odtworzenie stanu gwar mazurskich w XIX wieku na terenie wysuniętym najdalej na wschód ówczesnych Prus Wschodnich. Ankiety to jedyny zbiór danych z tego czasu, dający szeroki ogląd gwar Mazur wschodnich, położonych na obszarze peryferycznym, przez długie lata znacznie oderwanym od polszczyzny ogólnej, mającym nikłe związki z polskim życiem kulturalnym i politycznym, na co dzień naznaczonym infiltracją języka niemieckiego. ; This book is devoted to the discussion of questionnaires for the German Linguistic Atlas (Deutscher Sprachatlas), designed by Georg Wenker (1852–1911), a librarian working in Marburg. The present study offers a linguistic analysis of replies to Wenker's questionnaire collected in eighty locations in eastern Mazuria – the Ełk, Gołdap and Olecko districts. Although the questionnaire had been designed to explore German dialects, it was possible to identify Polish dialectal features and to conduct a partial reconstruction of the state of Mazurian dialects of Polish in the easternmost part of the historical province of East Prussia in the nineteenth century. Wenker's survey material is a unique set of data from the period which provides a broad perspective on local dialects of eastern Mazuria, a peripheral area which had a limited contact with the general Polish language for a long time, did not have much connection with Polish cultural and political life, and was characterised by the penetration of the German language. ; Publikacja finansowana z subwencji na utrzymanie i rozwój potencjału badawczego Instytutu Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk. ; This work was financed from a subvention for maintaining and developing the research potential of the Institute of Slavic Studies, Polish Academy of Sciences.

The paper synthetically presents new trends and selected issues concerning Germany's stance vis-à-vis Russia in the second decade of the 21st century. It concentrates on an analysis of the following substantive issues:– draft of the essence of domestic political shifts in Germany and Russia in international context;– presentation of general assumptions featuring the new strategy in German policy vis-à-vis Russia;– showing principal challenges as well as selected problems of German cooperation with Russia in the period 2014-17;– underscoring new tendencies in Russia's impingement on Germany together with German judgments as to Russia's international role in the era of the Ukrainian crisis in light of opinion polls.Over the years 2003-17, as a result of internal changes in Germany, a multi-party system took on a shape that made it harder to create a coalition and a new government after the parliamentary election of September 24, 2017. In Russia, in turn, the authoritarian government system with president Vladimir Putin at the helm strengthened. President Putin, through the annexation of Crimea and support for separatists in Donbas, begot to the persistent destabilization of Ukraine. The above mentioned developments were accompanied by a transition from the post-Cold War, unipolar international system, with the United States on top, towards a multipolar international system with the rising significance of China and Russia. Russia transformed into a geopolitical "competitor" of its strategic partner, Germany. On the other hand, Germany – as a leading EU and NATO state – together with France attempted to solve the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. It managed merely to achieve a partial armistice in Donbas within the framework of the OSCE mission (the Second Minsk Agreement from February 12, 2015). Due to the strong political and economic ties, Germany solely and temporarily suspended some forms of contact and cooperation with Russia and decided to reintroduce them in 2015. Germany engaged in hammering Western sanctions against Russia and their implementation during 2014-18. It concurrently supported Ukraine in its endeavors to achieve association with the EU in 2016. Simultaneously, Russia took advantage of its trump cards in the form of its presence in Germany ("Russian Germans", media: Sputnik and RT as well as sympathy in some political and social circles) to prop up anti-Western and populist tendencies in this country. ; The paper synthetically presents new trends and selected issues concerning Germany's stance vis-à-vis Russia in the second decade of the 21st century. It concentrates on an analysis of the following substantive issues:– draft of the essence of domestic political shifts in Germany and Russia in international context;– presentation of general assumptions featuring the new strategy in German policy vis-à-vis Russia;– showing principal challenges as well as selected problems of German cooperation with Russia in the period 2014-17;– underscoring new tendencies in Russia's impingement on Germany together with German judgments as to Russia's international role in the era of the Ukrainian crisis in light of opinion polls.Over the years 2003-17, as a result of internal changes in Germany, a multi-party system took on a shape that made it harder to create a coalition and a new government after the parliamentary election of September 24, 2017. In Russia, in turn, the authoritarian government system with president Vladimir Putin at the helm strengthened. President Putin, through the annexation of Crimea and support for separatists in Donbas, begot to the persistent destabilization of Ukraine. The above mentioned developments were accompanied by a transition from the post-Cold War, unipolar international system, with the United States on top, towards a multipolar international system with the rising significance of China and Russia. Russia transformed into a geopolitical "competitor" of its strategic partner, Germany. On the other hand, Germany – as a leading EU and NATO state – together with France attempted to solve the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. It managed merely to achieve a partial armistice in Donbas within the framework of the OSCE mission (the Second Minsk Agreement from February 12, 2015). Due to the strong political and economic ties, Germany solely and temporarily suspended some forms of contact and cooperation with Russia and decided to reintroduce them in 2015. Germany engaged in hammering Western sanctions against Russia and their implementation during 2014-18. It concurrently supported Ukraine in its endeavors to achieve association with the EU in 2016. Simultaneously, Russia took advantage of its trump cards in the form of its presence in Germany ("Russian Germans", media: Sputnik and RT as well as sympathy in some political and social circles) to prop up anti-Western and populist tendencies in this country.

Reformatory ideas of Khayr ad-Din at-Tunusi and Rifa at-Tahtawi inscribed into an interesting discussion which has been going on in the Arabic and Muslim world since the beginning of the 19th century; the discussion which centred around very important matters concerning the political system, social and political reforms, comparison of the representative system and democracy with their antithesis: despotism, and also around the search for the ways out of stagnation and backwardness, which essentially included the reform of the educational system – which idea was emphasised by all thinkers. Their objective was to find the answer to the basic question pervading the representatives of the Muslim world: the question about the reason of its fall and backwardness, and the basis of European supremacy considering the role of the oppressive governments, anachronistic state structures, lack of modern school system and other issues, but most of all – crystallisation of the ideas and notions concerning the relationship between tradition and modernity, modern state, social and political system. Hence the contemplation of settling the relationship with the West, the character of this relationship and the idea of complete or partial acceptance of the European models of government. ; Myśl reformatorska Chajr ad-Dina at-Tunusiego i Rifa'y at-Tahtawiego wpisała się w ciekawy dyskurs, który toczy się w świecie arabsko-muzułmańskim od zarania XIX wieku, dyskurs wokół niezwykle ważnych zagadnień ustrojowych, reform polityczno-społecznych, porównania systemu przedstawicielskiego, demokracji, z jego przeciwieństwem, despotyzmem, a także wokół poszukiwania dróg wyjścia ze stagnacji i zacofania, którego niezbędnym elementem była podkreślana przez wszystkich myślicieli reforma systemu edukacyjnego. Ich celem było udzielenie odpowiedzi na nurtujące przedstawicieli tego świata podstawowe pytanie o przyczynę jego upadku i zacofania oraz podstawy europejskiej supremacji, z uwzględnieniem roli despotycznych rządów, anachronicznych struktur społecznych, braku nowoczesnego systemu szkolnictwa i innych zagadnień, ale przede wszystkim – skrystalizowanie idei i wyobrażeń dotyczących relacji pomiędzy tradycją a nowoczesnością, współczesnym systemem państwowym, społecznym i politycznym. Stąd rozważania wokół ułożenia stosunków z Zachodem i charakteru tych relacji, przyjęcia całkowicie lub częściowo europejskich wzorców rządzenia.