Suchergebnisse

[POR] Em muitos momentos pensa-se que temas mais corriqueiros das pesquisas na área da ciência política já chegaram à sua exaustão sem imaginar a possibilidade de uma nova forma de exploração ou análise, como o caso dos partidos políticos. A obra Party Brands in Crisis: Partisanship, Brand Dilution, and the Breakdown of Political Parties in Latin America (2016), de Noam Lupu, conseguiu romper esta sensação. O livro oferece a primeira explicação geral sobre a queda de grandes partidos consolidados em países da América Latina. Seu diferencial está no olhar mais atento para a relevância dos efeitos dos comportamentos das elites partidárias nas atitudes do público massivo.

Studies about Peronism at subnational levels as well as research addressing the political violence in the sixties and seventies are consolidated fields in Argentinian historiography. Furthermore, articles on Peronist groups that opposed the sector led by Montoneros have been published in the last fifteen years. In that line of inquiry, various investigations have considered provincial and local settings where intense factional conflicts arose inside the Peronist party. At the intersection of those historiographical questions, this research centers on the case of the Comando de Organización (CO) in the Province of Chaco during the period 1973-1976 and focuses on two conceptual issues. The first one, in line with some key theoretical principles provided by Carl Schmitt's Theory of the Partisan, poses a description of the type of political violence inflicted by this organization. The second issue refers to the discussion about the use of the term right-wing Peronism to define diverse anti-Montoneros actors. To this end, the ideological propositions of the CO in Chaco are compared with the ideas traditionally held by the Peronist populism. ; Tanto los estudios sobre el peronismo en los espacios subnacionales, como aquellos que abordan la violencia política de los años sesenta y setenta constituyen campos consolidados en la historiografía argentina. En la última década y media se han añadido trabajos en torno a los grupos peronistas opuestos al sector hegemonizado por Montoneros. En esa indagación, diversas investigaciones se detuvieron en escenarios provinciales y locales en los que los conflictos facciosos intraperonistas se desarrollaron con intensidad. En el cruce de esas inquietudes historiográficas, el presente artículo repara en el caso del Comando de Organización (CO) de la provincia del Chaco durante el período 1973-1976, y se focaliza en dos problemas conceptuales. El primero, siguiendo algunas claves teóricas provistas por la teoría del partisano de Carl Schmitt, plantea una caracterización del tipo de ...

In this article, we analyze the patterns of change in party identification observed in the 2000 & 2006 presidential elections in Mexico. Based primarily on national exit poll data, we focus on three observed & interrelated phenomena: first, there was a slight decline in the level of partisanship observed not only among voters who turned out, but also among the electorate at large. Secondly, party identification remains one of the most important explanatory variables of the vote in Mexico, but partisan voting was slightly weaker in 2006, as evidenced by the levels of cross-over voting & split-ticket voting in each election. Finally, a multivariate analysis based on these data shows significant changes in the social & ideological composition of party identification, providing evidence of how partisan realignment among segments of the Mexican electorate is taking place. From 2000 to 2006, formerly strong PRI identifiers, such as women & rural voters, adopted identification with either PAN or PRD. Our analysis also documents transformations such as leftist PAN voters changing to PRD & highly educated voters becoming increasingly independent. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyses the viability of Benford's Law in the forensic study of the detection of electoral frauds. According to this law, the initial digits of a set of numbers follow a logarithmic distribution as long as the data has not been disturbed. Implementation of this law in socioeconomic data -or in other types of data -- depends on the presence of a two-fold randomized process: events of a distribution, and probability distributions selected from a reduced group. Through agent-based models, it is demonstrated that this law does not offer a robust test to distinguish between clean elections and elections that have been manipulated. In the model-in-question, partisan preferences are modified by means of social transmission and the parameters are calibrated with data from the Mexican 2006 elections. Adapted from the source document.

The concept "partisan identity" has played a crucial role in studies regarding electoral/voting behavior, especially in the US. However, in Mexico studies in this area are scant, thus, the importance of this article. Partisan identity has been defined as a psychological link between an individual & a political party. This essay analyzes the development of partisan identity among Mexicans & how it might be related to the electoral realignment of 2 July 2000. Using data from three national post-electoral surveys from 1994, 1997, & 2000, the authors show that this was the most important variable in determining how the votes were cast in those three elections. They also examine how partisan identity developed over the past 15 years & its main components. The PRI has lost most members, & its followers tend to be among the oldest voters. On the other hand, most PAN sympathizers tend to be found in younger generations. This evidence supports the notion that the transition in Mexico is best understood as an intergenerational change. 5 Tables, 5 Graphs, 1 Appendix. Adapted from the source document.

The determinant factors of partisan independence are analyzed using the case of Mexico and the variation between its 32 federal entities. Through an instrumental probit model, it transpires that when controlling for the possible inverse causality between partisan independence and a negative evaluation of government performance, this last variable, provides, by far, the strongest prediction of lack of identification with any political party in detriment of cultural, modernization or political-institutional variables. Adapted from the source document.

Existe un marco legal-institucional para la cooperación entre las Comunidades autónomas por medio de los convenios de gestión de servicios y los acuerdos de cooperación de mayor alcance. Cuando el gobierno de Navarra negoció con el de la Comunidad autónoma vasca un acuerdo fue impedido por la política partidista tratando de que ni se creasen espacios oficiales de interlocución. Pusieron el interés político por encima de las instituciones. ; Autonomia erkidegoen arteko lankidetzarako lege- eta erakunde-esparru bat dago, zerbitzuen kudeaketa-hitzarmenen eta irismen handiagoko lankidetza-akordioen bitartez gauzatzen dena. Nafarroako gobernuak Euskal Autonomia Erkidegokoarekin akordio bat negoziatu zuenean, alderdikeriaren politikak eragotzi egin zuen, are elkarrizketarako espazio ofizialik ere sor ez zedin. Interes politikoa erakundeenaren gainetik jarri zuten. ; There is a certain legal/institutional cooperative framework amongst the Autonomous Communities through service management agreements and cooperation agreements that have a greater scope. When the government of Navarre was negotiating such an agreement with the Basque Autonomous Community, it was hindered by partisan politics aiming to avoid the mere creation of official spaces of dialogue. Political interests were placed above those of the institutions.

Pre-electoral coalitions in Mexico constitute one of tendencies of party competition in federal and local elections. Their frequency, composition and level of success are examined and it pretends to show that relevant institutional and political factors are associated to the tendency of growing number of pre electoral coalitions. Findings show that electoral rules that establish costs and benefits, as well as electoral competitiveness are positively related to building coalitions. In addition, and despite opposite perception, ideological compatibility is also important in the process of building coalitions. The evidence that supports these findings consists on the analysis of six federal deputies elections and three presidential elections between 1994 and 2009; and 96 governor elections in 32 states between 1994 and 2011. Adapted from the source document.