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This paper develops and tests empirically a theory of the effect on political trust of forms of behaviour that violate social, political and legal norms about how politicians ought to behave. These include taking money for favours, over-indulging in private life and making misleading promises to win votes. The evidence comes from a specially designed survey in Britain, France and Spain, countries where popular distrust of politicians appears greater than illegal political behaviour. Bad behaviours, especially abandoning election promises once in office, have a much stronger effect on distrust of political parties that do differences in partisanship. Comparing national regressions shows that the impact of bad behaviours is very similar in Britain, France and Spain.

In April 2017, J.M. Design Studio—three Pittsburgh-based artists and designers—responded to the Customs and Border Protection's public request for proposals for a wall along the US-Mexico border. J.M. Design Studio then announced their own call for more border "wall" proposals from other artists. The following commentary details these prototype concepts and tracks the executive policies and rhetoric that established a foundation for the border wall. This commentary also shows how J.M. Design Studio's prototype submission and the subsequent artistic platform they initiated both model how creative connection and the co-option of established public channels are themselves acts of political resistance in an era of disrupted democratic participation and ossified partisanship.

The lead-up to the 2018 midterm elections has seen a record number of women win primaries for the Democratic Party. Not only is the party fielding more women candidates than ever before, women are more likely to vote for Democrats than men. In new research Heather L. Ondercin investigates this gender gap in partisanship, finding that it began to develop in the 1960s, rather than in the 1980s as many had previously thought. What has characterized this gender gap, she writes, is that as the gender imbalance between who both parties elect has grown, so has the their support from men and women, with women increasingly favoring Democrats and men, Republicans.

Scotland's 2014 Independence Referendum affords a rare opportunity to examine public support for the break-up of a long-established, stable democracy. Analyses of support for Scottish independence reveal that while issues of national identity loomed large in the vote, they were not the only factors involved. Questions around the economic and political direction of the state, and around uneven development, ideology and trust in established politicians also influenced voters' decisions. Partisanship also mattered, as voters were more likely than not to follow the lead of their party in what had become a highly partisan contest. But some parties – especially Labour – saw large minorities of their supporters vote against the party's line to support independence.

The complicated and multi-layered policymaking process in the European Union presents private interests, such as business firms, with an interesting strategic choice of whom and how to lobby. As the costs of lobbying at the domestic level increase, firms are expected to, instead, devote their resources to lobbying at the European level. Specifically, this article examines how domestic access points and domestic partisanship affect the costs and benefits of lobbying at the domestic versus European level. Using data on firm-level decisions to lobby the EU, this research finds that in countries where is it more costly (or less beneficial) to lobby domestically, firms are more likely to lobby at the EU level.

The election of Barack Obama in 2008 was initially viewed as signaling a postracial era in American politics. However, since 2008, race and racial attitudes have appeared to pervade American political discourse and shape political attitudes and behavior to an even greater extent. Using data from the American National Election Studies, this article examines the extent to which white racial attitudes have shaped evaluations of perhaps the most visible African American in politics today after the president: the First Lady, Michelle Obama. Findings show that racial resentment played a large role in evaluations of Michelle Obama, even after controlling for other explanatory variables, which include partisanship, ideology, and affect toward Barack Obama.

Noel Pearson is one of Australia's most prominent and influential Aboriginal intellectuals. This article examines a major idea in his writing: the "quest for a radical centre". Through the concept of the radical centre, Pearson articulates both his desire to transcend existing policy paradigms and an ethics of partisanship which emphasizes the importance of listening to and negotiating with one's political adversaries. Pearson's development of this concept is explored in light of the role Pearson has played as leading advocate for Indigenous welfare reform, and especially his pivotal contribution to the public debate over the introduction of the Northern Territory Emergency Response Intervention by the Howard government in 2007

For much of Barack Obama's presidential run and his subsequent two terms as president he has been dogged by accusations that he was not born in the US, and is therefore ineligible to be president. In order to explain the continuing prevalence of this view, despite the evidence to the contrary, Josh Pasek looks at whether or not such 'birthers' are motivated by partisanship of racial prejudice. They find that while on the surface the 'birther' view is motivated by party ideology and racism, such views actually lead people to dislike President Obama, and thus leaves them more open to accepting claims that he was not born in the US.

This study drew on the literature in motivated reasoning and 2009 Pew survey data to examine the roles of partisanship, education, news exposure, and their interactions in the misperception that health care reform would create "death panels." Radio news exposure encouraged the misperception only among Republicans, while newspaper exposure discouraged it, especially among non-Republicans. But rather than polarize perceptions along partisan lines as predicted, Fox News exposure contributed to misperception mainstreaming. Finally, this study identified a complex role for education in both inhibiting misperceptions (as a main effect) and promoting them (as an interaction with Fox News exposure). ; Yes ; https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/manuscript-submission-guidelines

Noel Pearson is one of Australia's most prominent and influential Aboriginal intellectuals. This article examines a major idea in his writing: the "quest for a radical centre". Through the concept of the radical centre, Pearson articulates both his desire to transcend existing policy paradigms and an ethics of partisanship which emphasizes the importance of listening to and negotiating with one's political adversaries. Pearson's development of this concept is explored in light of the role Pearson has played as leading advocate for Indigenous welfare reform, and especially his pivotal contribution to the public debate over the introduction of the Northern Territory Emergency Response Intervention by the Howard government in 2007.

AbstractThis article explains governors' decisions to support or oppose Medicaid expansions offered under the 2010 Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. We theorize that governors' decisions to oppose the funding should depend on both political demands and the level of need in the state, though politics and need are often in tension. We find that governors' partisanship and the composition of the legislature have substantively meaningful effects on governors' decisions, but the level of need in the state exerts little effect on governors' decisions. This suggests that for high profile, highly politicized issues such as the Affordable Care Act, political considerations outweigh the needs of citizens and state economic conditions in gubernatorial decision making.

This research examines the effects of party competence perceptions on African–Americans' party identification. Using ordinary least squares regression to analyse data taken from the 1996 National Black Election Study, I regress African–Americans' party identification and feeling thermometers for Democrats and Republicans on items that measure African–American assessments of the political parties' ability to handle certain issues. The results indicate that those matters of race and economics influence party identification. Moreover, party competence perceptions influence partisanship more than party identification. Unlike the literature suggesting that individual factors are not significant, I find that individual life circumstances do influence African–Americans' party identification.

Federalist No. 70 is widely viewed as a sweeping description and defense of the need for energy in the executive. This essay begins this detailed examination of Federalist No. 70 by comparing Alexander Hamilton's ideals with James Madison's more cautionary exposition on separated powers. According to the author, Hamilton's notion of a public service driven by honor eventually was undermined by partisanship and congressional prerogatives expressed in the rise of a "businesslike" path away from corruption and waste. The essay concludes with a brief description of a "counterfactual" revision to Federalist No. 70 containing a conception of good public service with a capacity to resist the incursions of expanding democratization and political parties.

This article assesses which factors underpin public attitudes towards two recent and controversial foreign policy issues: Britain's involvement in the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Using data from the 2005 and 2010 British Election Studies, it undertakes a statistical examination of which sociological and political factors are related to support for and opposition to British involvement in these conflicts. It shows that attitudes are structured both by social characteristics and by beliefs and evaluations rooted in domestic politics. The former include gender, age and ethnic group, while the latter include partisanship and newspaper readership. It demonstrates the need for further investigation of foreign policy attitudes among the British public.