This article explores how parliamentary debates in postauthoritarian Chile discursively produced and deployed feminized images of victims and survivors of the authoritarian regime to sustain the constitution and establishment of a logic of compensational justice. In describing and delineating the gender politics of representation in these social policy debates, the article also looks at how compensatory justice is constituted along the lines of a neoliberal market mentality. In this way, the article traces how patriarchal power relations and neoliberal governmental rationality are mutually constitutive regimes that require the real and imagined bodies of women as a surface of inscription.
En su origen los museos respondieron a la cultura de su época y a la lógica patriarcal imperante que dejaba sin visibilidad las obras de las mujeres artistas. Una situación de desigualdad que se prolongó durante siglos y que hizo que la contribución de las mujeres a la cultura y a las artes no fuera lo suficientemente conocida. Ante esto se hace preciso analizar el componente ideológico que ha dominado la historia universal del arte y que sigue obstaculizando las condiciones de distribución y exposición de las obras de las mujeres artistas en los museos, en las galerías y en los centros de arte. En este contexto, cabe destacar la participación de la campaña de arte público trasmedia #PortaldeIgualdad y la creación de la Herramienta m av de Autodiagnóstico para la Igualdad en Museos y Centros de Arte en la que se demanda la perspectiva de género en la gestión museística como ejemplo de buenas práticas museísticas y de una cultura auténticamente democrática. ; IMuseums originally reflected the culture of their age and a dominant patriarchal logic that deprived female artists of recognition and visibility. These were times when the aesthetic cannon followed androcentric patterns, being the qualities of genius attributed only to men. Such inequality, perpetuated over the centuries, rendered the contributions of women to art and culture insufficiently known. For this reason, it is necessary to analyze the ideological component that has long dominated world art history and still hampers the conditions in which female artists distribute and exhibit their works in museums, galleries, and art centers. In this context, it is worth mentioning the participation of the trans-media public art campaign #EqualityPortal and the creation of the m av Tool for Self-Diagnosis for Equality in Museums and Art Centers in which the gender perspective is required in museum management as an example of good practice and of a truly democratic culture.
Abstract This article aims to analyze how the reality of criminalized abortion reinforces inequalities of gender, race/ethnicity, and class, which are co-produced within the context of sexage, understood here as the appropriation of women by men, reducing them to the status of thing. The bibliographic and documentary research was carried out, from the perspective of materialistic, historical and dialectical analysis. The main conclusion is that criminalization reinforces the logic of social inequalities in Brazil and the world. This is because poor and black women are the most affected, those who die the most, and because almost all unsafe abortions in the world occur in the peripheric economies. Thus, the consequences of criminalized abortion, whether moral, health or economic, mainly impact poor, black, young women living in peripheral economies.
Philosophical feminism is the only coherent philosophy with universal implications that provides a theoretical alternative to patriarchal thought and sociopolitical structures. I distinguish between a patriarchal logic of power and a feminist logic of pleasure that leads to an enlightened ethical hedonism, a pleasure-centered, feminist ethical framework based on a cooperative rather than authoritarian model of social relations.
Who said manifestos are dead? Some thirty years after the publication of Donna Haraway's illustrious A Cyborg Manifesto (Haraway 1991), fifty years after Valerie Solanas's angry and delightful SCUM Manifesto (Solanas 1967), and 170 years after Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels's influential Communist Manifesto (Marx and Engels 1848), a new manifesto in town in fact bears traces of all these and then some: The Xenofeminist Manifesto. This manifesto, which comes in a gorgeously designed booklet version as well as in a colorful and nostalgic 80s computer-culture website with nerdy hexadecimal page numbers and related Twitter account, is a work from the "xenofeminist" collective Laboria Cuboniks. The name of this collective, whose members are from various parts of the globe, is actually an anagram of "Nicolas Bourbaki," a largely French collective of mathematicians in the early 1900s who sought to affirm abstraction, rigor, and generalization (Laboria Cuboniks 2014). Together with a firm foot in cyberfeminism and a strong penchant for the abstract and universal by way of the logic of computing against the arguably flawed universal of "nature," the manifesto also clearly bears the marks of feminist ecocriticism, new materialism, queer theory, and technological accelerationism. The two books under review bring various activisms and insights together in an original way, and do so clearly with an eye toward reviving the cyberfeminist spirit through, among others, ideas from Shulamith Firestone's Dialectics of Sex (Firestone 1970). This pairing certainly had me excited, since, as I argue elsewhere, I am, together with Haraway's original cyborg manifesto, firmly of the opinion that feminisms of all kinds should intervene in and contribute even more radically to contemporary techno-culture and philosophy of technology. This is because clearly, new media and genetic technologies are at present some of the most powerful techniques by which we live and probably will live in the near future, and because these technologies are intimately interwoven with Eurocentric masculinism, heterosexism, militarism, and capitalism (Hoofd 2016, 225, 229).
A l'origen els museus van respondre a la cultura de la seua època i a la lògica patriarcal imperant que deixava sense visibilitat les obres de les dones artistes. Una situació de desigualtat que es va prolongar durant segles i que va fer que la contribució de les dones a la cultura i a les arts no fora prou coneguda. Davant això es fa necessari analitzar el component ideològic que ha dominat la història universal de l'art i que continua obstaculitzant les condicions de distribució i exposició de les obres de les dones artistes en els museus, en les galeries i en els centres d'art. En aquest context, cal destacar la participació de la campanyad'art públic trasmedia #PortaldeIgualdad i la creació de l'Eina MAV d'Autodiagnòstic per a la Igualtat en Museus i Centres d'Art en la qual es demanda la perspectiva de gènere en la gestió museística com a exemple de bones pràctiques museístiques i d'una cultura autènticament democràtica. ; I Museums originally reflected the culture of their age and a dominant patriarchal logic that deprived female artists of recognition and visibility. These were times when the aesthetic cannon followed androcentric patterns, being the qualities of genius attributed only to men. Such inequality, perpetuated over the centuries, rendered the contributions of women to art and culture insufficiently known. For this reason, it is necessary to analyze the ideological component that has long dominated world art history and still hampers the conditions in which female artists distribute and exhibit their works in museums, galleries, and art centers. In this context, it is worth mentioning the participation of the trans-media public art campaign #EqualityPortal and the creation of the MAV Tool for Self-Diagnosis for Equality in Museums and Art Centers in which the gender perspective is required in museum management as an example of good practice and of a truly democratic culture ; En su origen los museos respondieron a la cultura de su época y a la lógica patriarcal imperante que dejaba sin visibilidad las obras de las mujeres artistas. Una situación de desigualdad que se prolongó durante siglos y que hizo que la contribución de las mujeres a la cultura y a las artes no fuera lo suficientemente conocida. Ante esto se hace preciso analizar el componente ideológico que ha dominado la historia universal del arte y que sigue obstaculizando las condiciones de distribución y exposición de las obras de las mujeres artistas en los museos, en las galerías y en los centros de arte. En este contexto, cabe destacar la participación de la campaña de arte público trasmedia #PortaldeIgualdad y la creación de la Herramienta MAV de Autodiagnóstico para la Igualdad en Museos y Centros de Arte en la que se demanda la perspectiva de género en la gestión museística como ejemplo de buenas práticas museísticas y de una cultura auténticamente democrática.
The state's financial stringency manifests a crisis which was less evident up until 1989, in the times of a richer state and the system competition with the Eastern block: the substantial crisis of the universities themselves. lt tears away facades which disclosed the uninspiredness and indecision of many of its members. Their »normal discourse« corresponds to a monological thinking, a technological concept of education, which is an expression of patriarchal logic. Feminist criticism of domination fundamentally questions this logic. lf the social sciences would choose to make human rights issues their basic orientation, the society would perhaps develop its own demand for the social science's expertise and commitment.
AbstractFeminist anthropology sought to transform the sex‐gender systems that enabled marriage. This essay considers the complications of that promise in the context of my recent research with antifeminist marriage resisters called Men Going Their Own Way (MGTOWs). Despite a history of marriage resistance in the Indian women's movement, contemporary women's organizations rely on civil and criminal law relating to marriage to secure resources for their clients and thus cannot afford to transform its heteronormative patriarchal logic. MGTOWs challenge gender roles and paid labor within marriage and seek alternatives to conjugality, but do so on terms that highlight their pain and disavow their privileges.
summary of this overview analyses the main ideas put forward in the book Violence against women: relations in the context. Assuming that the right is an instrument that responds to patriarchal logic, the work points to the need to apply a gender methodology to study violence against women, taking into account the context and using a relational approach. The outline, like the book, is structured around four thematic axes: (1) principles and concepts, (2) criminal law and violence against women, (3) sexual violence, (4) violence against women and protection of human rights. ; Resumen Esta reseña analiza las principales ideas vertidas en el libro Violencias contra las mujeres: relaciones en contexto. Asumiendo que el derecho es un instrumento que responde a la lógica patriarcal, la obra señala la necesidad de aplicar una metodología de género para estudiar la violencia contra las mujeres, teniendo en cuenta el contexto y empleando un enfoque relacional. La reseña se articula, al igual que el libro, alrededor de cuatro ejes temáticos: 1) principios y conceptos, 2) derecho penal y violencia contra las mujeres, 3) violencia sexual, 4) violencia contra las mujeres y protección de derechos humanos.
This paper presents a discursive analysis of the gendering of Alberta's K-6 Social Studies draft curriculum. It examines if and to what extent the social studies curriculum promotes a gender-less portrayal of history buttressed by a façade of diversity and inclusion. In borrowing from Carol Bacchi's theories of "what's the problem represented to be" (WPR) and policies as gendering, it focuses on the discursive positioning of gendered norms and knowledge structures within the curriculum to unearth how the curriculum cultivates traditional masculinist and settler-colonial forms of historical truth while silencing those who contradict these narratives (1999; 2017). Through paying attention to the inclusion of binary gendered representation, their contextual underpinnings, and where gendered absences are positioned, the paper uncovers how the curriculum promotes a return to historical narratives predicated on patriarchal and white thought that pose dire implications for student's conceptualization(s) of their and their province's identities.
Abstract This article analyses the film Thappad (The Slap) (2020) directed by Anubhav Sinha, which portrays slapping as a form of domestic abuse and a violation of women's right to self-respect. This study investigates the incorporation of Universal Human Rights principles into the discourse of Hindi cinema. Through textual analysis of the film text, the paper examines how the film employs the language of rights as a counter-narrative against patriarchal ideologies, promoting gender equality and dignity within domestic settings. It argues that by countering the conservative cultural perspectives pertaining to spousal abuse through the discourse and philosophy of Human Rights, the film contributes to societal transformation. The paper identifies a shift in the film's discourse from traditional, orthodox narratives to universal narratives centred around rights.
Abstract This essay draws on Marxist thinking to argue that equity is essential to the social reproduction of finance capital. Equitable doctrines can be seen as assemblages that define and reproduce the way in which money, people and property relate to each other. Assemblages of equity/capital are ideological complexes – ways of being, thinking and acting that effectively legitimize a particular mode of production. The role that equity plays in the functioning of a regime of profit making is effectively concealed from the student of the subject. Feminist scholars have perhaps been the most successful in drawing attention to the "hidden" patriarchal logic of the subject. However, unless feminist insights are linked to an understanding of the social reproduction of capital, we cannot appreciate how modes of capital accumulation operate under cover of the legitimizing effects of equitable doctrines.
The different women emancipatory movements that developed from the end of the 18th century challenged patriarchal ways of understanding, not only what rights consist of, but also what strategies to use when deploying activism. Many of the claims that were shaping the beginnings of these movements —the right to education, suffrage, equal pay— insisted, for example, on diluting the patriarchal affective arrangement, borne upon and with patriarchal oppression. It is pertinent, then, to investigate the way in which the different self-defined emancipatory women's movements altered what to understand as a political strategy based on their certainty that the patriarchal order is legitimized through a specific affective arrangement that was intended to be unalterable. The goal of this paper is twofold. On one hand, to argue that, since its inception, women's emancipatory movements understood that, to be successful and, above all, lasting, the path requires altering the patriarchal affective arrangement to generate other possible ones capable of challenging the oppression that is based on an affective order purportedly unchangeable. The second objective is to argue that this process sets in motion a specific affective agency where affects are not mere resources for action, but rather indicate a stressed, although productive, relationship in terms of capacity for action, between affects and emotions. It was a matter of underlining, through different strategies, the contingency and injustice of the patriarchal affective arrangement in order to establish another one ready for emancipation and, from there, intervene in the world under a new logic. ; Los diferentes movimientos emancipatorios de mujeres que se gestaron a partir de fines del siglo XVIII, impugnaron modos patriarcales de entender no solo en qué consisten los derechos, sino también qué estrategias utilizar a la hora de desplegar el activismo. Muchos de los reclamos que fueron conformando los inicios del movimiento —derecho a la educación, al sufragio, a la igualdad de salario— insistieron, por ejemplo, en diluir la configuración afectiva patriarcal encabalgada sobre y con la opresión patriarcal. Resulta pertinente, entonces, indagar en el modo en que los distintos movimientos de mujeres autodefinidos como emancipatorios alteraron qué entender como estrategia política, a partir de su certeza en que el orden patriarcal se legitima a través de una configuración afectiva específica que se pretendió inalterable. El objetivo de este trabajo es doble. Por un lado, argumentar que, desde sus comienzos, los movimientos emancipatorios de mujeres entendieron que, para ser exitosos y, sobre todo, perdurables, el camino requiere alterar la configuración afectiva patriarcal para generar otras posibles, capaces de desafiar la opresión fundada en un orden afectivo pretendidamente inalterable. El segundo objetivo consiste en argumentar que este proceso pone en funcionamiento una agencia afectiva específica, donde los afectos no son meros recursos para la acción, sino que señalan una relación tensionada, aunque productiva, en términos de capacidad de acción, entre afectos y emociones. Se trata de subrayar, a través de distintas estrategias, la contingencia e injusticia de la configuración afectiva patriarcal, para establecer otra dispuesta para la emancipación y desde allí intervenir en el mundo bajo una nueva lógica.
