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Gender-based violence (GBV) or violence against women and girls (VAWG), is a global pandemic that affects 1 in 3 women in their lifetime and VAWG is one of the most prevalent human rights violations in the world. The high level of investment going into the COVID-19 recovery plan is a unique opportunity to reshape our patriarchal society, to coordinate across sectors and institutions and to take measures to reduce gender inequalities. Relief efforts to combat the pandemic should take the needs of the vulnerable population, particularly women and girls afflicted by GBV into consideration, as their needs were mostly ignored in the recovery plan of Ebola. GBV is linked to dominance, power and abuse of authority or because any calamity, be it a pandemic, conflict or a disaster. This will further exacerbate pre-existing gendered structural inequalities and power hierarchies as protective mechanisms fail leaves women and girls more vulnerable, fueling impunity for the perpetrators. There is a need for international and domestic violence prevention policies to not only focus on narrowly defined economic or political 'empowerment' because that is insufficient when it comes to challenging existing gender inequalities. Incorporating an individual's religious beliefs and community of faith (mosque, church, temple or synagogue) can offer a support system for an individual and her/his family amid a public health crisis. There is a need to engage men and boys by tailoring messages to challenge gender stereotypes and unequal gender roles to overcome patriarchy.

Dilma Rousseff is the first woman elected head of state of Brazil. Although her election carries symbolism for Brazilian women, claims of women's emancipation through representation must be questioned through an analysis of the Brazilian patriarchal state. This paper examines the claim that Rousseff's election opens doors for all Brazilian women. The research involves analysis of electoral statistics, media frames, and government documents, which show that, in spite of a woman president, women's representation in Brazilian government is still low in numbers and in the state agenda. The literature suggests that masculine gender hegemony and the presence of a patriarchal state undermine the creation of possibilities through women's political representation. Rousseff's weak campaign positions on gender issues indicate that her election's potential for substantive representation is still limited.

This book is a story of one man's journey through patriarchy, and his reflections on the issues of masculinity, sexuality, rape, pornography, prostitution, and transgenderism. Robert Jensen's latest book The End of Patriarchy: Radical Feminism for Men (2017) is written from his own gender location as a man who became persuaded by the intellectual and political coherence of radical feminism. In focusing on contemporary issues of sexuality/gender, he tackles topics that are controversial not only in the dominant culture but within feminism itself. In exploring these from a radical feminist perspective, he pin-points the crucial differences between radical feminism and liberal/postmodern feminisms. He compellingly argues that a radical feminist ethics, rooted in a shared moral commitment to human dignity, solidarity, and equality, offers an escape from the pathology of patriarchy. Jensen writes with ease, never letting go of a mode of analysis anchored in his embodied subjectivity. The book is paradoxically uplifting, given the weightiness of its topics, because it is fundamentally concerned with the broader themes of humanity and the possibilities for freedom.

The lines above are from slogans performed by Zanana Ensemble, a women's group of performing-protestors in Delhi (personal video, Jan 2020). It illustrates the centrality in reportage and social media representations of both urban and rural women in the protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act in India (e.g. The Suno India Show, 2020, Mar 8). This paper looks at discursive interventions online and protests against political and social injustices against women in India within the wider protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act which erupted in December 2019 and continues to evolve at the time of writing. In attempting to classify some modes of publicness on digital media platforms that are prevalent amongst women resisting the oppressions of living under an authoritarian regime that overlaps with traditional patriarchal structures, this paper explores the radical potential of spheres of affect which challenges representative authority and questions "who" has the right to construct the political.

This paper discusses some of the dominant discourses on women's body and sexuality besides other structural and institutional factors which impact on women's sexual rights and sexuality and the interplay between these factors and Islam. Also the focus is on the way women's sexuality is constructed in Islam through various interpretations of the text (Qur'an and hadith), and how the traditional/customary practices curb women's body and sexuality. The paper also highlights the issues and challenges for women's movement in Muslim countries in raising the issue of women's sexuality and reproductive rights. These issues are important mainly for two reasons: firstly, the emergence of conservative forces using religion to curb women's rights and secondly, cultural or customary practices are overriding the textual Islam and thus, depriving women of their rights. The paper is mainly based on secondary sources.Â

In recent years, concerns over the risks posed by artificial intelligence (AI) have mounted. In response, international organizations (IOs) have begun to translate the emerging consensus on the need for ethical AI into concrete international rules and standards. While the path toward effective AI governance faces many challenges, this essay shifts attention to an obstacle that has received little attention so far: the growing illiberal backlash in IOs. Prompted by Poland's recent rejection of a European position on AI due to the document's mention of "gender equality," we argue that Poland followed a strategy that illiberal actors now regularly employ in IOs. To combat gender norms and women's rights across issue areas, illiberal contesters first identify the progressive language in international documents and then threaten to veto those documents—unless such language is watered down or removed. This spoiling strategy, we argue, may not only lead to the compromising of fundamental human rights norms but may also prevent much needed rules for AI from being adopted altogether. Against this background, we urge scholars and practitioners concerned with AI ethics to pay closer attention to illiberal backlash politics. IOs are emerging as spaces where progressive AI rules and standards are increasingly contested—and where they need to be defended to safeguard fundamental rights in an age of rapid technological change.

This paper invokes the almost dormant voices of both men and women; that should speak out against patriarchy especially in the face of the re-awakening scourge of violent crime, rape and domestic violence in South Africa. The paper is motivated by the present statistics that are unfathomably high regarding this scourge. While the struggle against racial Capitalism transcended the binary of race and class, it did not (fully) embrace an anti-patriarchal struggle that was waged by progressive thinkers internationally. Hence we are faced with a situation in which women still play second fiddle in the day to day business of the country(irrespective of the power they wield)today. Some of the radical Feminists and Marxist thinkers in the country also made a political blunder by relying on the fact that once the contradictions (between labour and capital) are ameliorated, then we will have an egalitarian, anti-sexist society. This political blunder gave way to the situation in which patriarchy had ingrained itself into the psyche of the society. The paper therefore argues for a stronger Feminist Movement that will offset women's oppression in patriarchal gender relations, and also posits a more radical transformation of the society rather than relying on the Neo-liberal political agenda of the ruling class. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p896

As we touch the 73rd year of Indian independence, the injustice against women only seems to increase. The question arises as to who is actually accountable for the pain of every other woman who is raped, assaulted, sodomized or burned to death every 21 minutes, regardless of her age, caste or creed. Today, India, ironically symbolized as mother India, stands to be one of the most insecure countries for women. In spite of that, the punishments for outraging the modesty of women do not include chemical castration, bobbitization or death sentence. Through this article, we have aimed to shed light on the fact that the government of our country has faltered in providing adequate justice to women whose lives have been destroyed. We have tried linking the shortcomings of our government with the age-old patriarchal system. We have laid emphasis on the fact that every government officer is just as responsible for the pain of an Indian woman as is a stalker, rapist or any other man who tries to outrage her modesty, as they all are the products of our impaired society and its principles and hence, share the same patriarchal ideology.

As an English author, Anne Brontë was disregarded and left in the shadows for a very long time due to the loud echo of her sisters' voices. But this does certainly not diminish the fact that her works are of great importance for understanding the social norms of the Victorian period, and it does not mean that she did not influence the work of many authors that addressed the subjects regarding the status of women in the Victorian era. It is well known that women had undergone serious struggles to acquire a status and the privileges that were easily accessible to men, especially when it comes to marital rights and political investment. Anne Brontë was one of the authors of the time who used her writing to defy the social norms and put a new light on the position of women. Her second novel The Tenant of Wildfell Hall (1848), was published under the pseudonym Acton Bell, and the reason underlying this choice was the prevailing view of the public that women were not allowed to speak their mind. The society was hard on the novel because it depicted a heroine brave enough to bend the rules and the laws, as well as to express her thoughts without fear of being judged. With this novel, Anne Brontë voiced her views on the Victorian patriarchy to the general public and we could say that she presented us with a critical overview of her period, and helped in creating a new, more appreciated concept of a Victorian woman. She addressed the most important problems regarding the rights of women that needed to be changed, such as the women's rights in marriage and custody of her children. She had also helped in allowing the women to stand against the patriarchal orthodoxy and changing the prevailing social standards. The aim of this study is to provide a discourse on Victorian patriarchy seen through Anne Brontë's eyes and expressed within the novel The Tenant of Wildfell Hall.

As an English author, Anne Brontë was disregarded and left in the shadows for a very long time due to the loud echo of her sisters' voices. But this does certainly not diminish the fact that her works are of great importance for understanding the social norms of the Victorian period, and it does not mean that she did not influence the work of many authors that addressed the subjects regarding the status of women in the Victorian era. It is well known that women had undergone serious struggles to acquire a status and the privileges that were easily accessible to men, especially when it comes to marital rights and political investment. Anne Brontë was one of the authors of the time who used her writing to defy the social norms and put a new light on the position of women. Her second novel The Tenant of Wildfell Hall (1848), was published under the pseudonym Acton Bell, and the reason underlying this choice was the prevailing view of the public that women were not allowed to speak their mind. The society was hard on the novel because it depicted a heroine brave enough to bend the rules and the laws, as well as to express her thoughts without fear of being judged. With this novel, Anne Brontë voiced her views on the Victorian patriarchy to the general public and we could say that she presented us with a critical overview of her period, and helped in creating a new, more appreciated concept of a Victorian woman. She addressed the most important problems regarding the rights of women that needed to be changed, such as the women's rights in marriage and custody of her children. She had also helped in allowing the women to stand against the patriarchal orthodoxy and changing the prevailing social standards. The aim of this study is to provide a discourse on Victorian patriarchy seen through Anne Brontë's eyes and expressed within the novel The Tenant of Wildfell Hall.

This article describes how rural claimants have had their claims dealt with under family provision legislation. This legislation provides that, where a testator does not provide adequate provision for the proper maintenance and support of certain dependants, the court in its discretion may make further provision out of the estate. As regards this legislation, this article concentrates on the expectations of farming sons who have worked on farms and who may expect to receive a major share of a family property. Their claim is compared against the claims of daughters and widows. The article contends that family provision legislation, which in many cases works to the advantage of farming sons, reflects forms of patriarchy which overlap with and incorporate rural ideas of labour and the place of women on farms.

The paper focuses on the implications of patriarchy and gender equality on the productive development of Nigerian workforce as it continues to contribute to national development in a fast globalizing 21st century. It aims to determine that patriarchy and gender equality are practically functional tools for the promotion of workers productivity in contemporary Nigeria. It concedes that there is appreciable degree of belief by many Nigerians that patriarchy is a big factor undermining productive advancement of Nigerian workers and also fostering the propagation of social and gender inequalities in the country. Against this belief, the paper submits that the twin concepts of patriarchy and gender equality are potentially working tools for the sustained productivity of Nigerian workers; and therefore recommends, among others, change of perception to support the prevalence of patriarchy and gender equality, effective implementation of gender mainstreaming and meritocracy, eschewing social and political vices within the context of equal respect/treatment for and among all Nigerians.

This article discusses the ways in which feminist politics have been dissolved since the 1980s, most notably in the popular cultural sphere, so as to make feminism appear anachronistic. It considers how various discourses and texts have sought to efface the political impetus of feminism through claims to political correctness. Young women are thus interpolated into a more insidious patriarchy that re-inscribes female shame, guilt, passivity and silence in both professional and personal contexts, at the same as it espouses the discourse of equal rights. Many are not only apologizing for the equal rights that been "granted" to them, but have also become apologists for this "benevolent" patriarchy. This article opens the debate as to how feminist politics may be revived given the ubiquity of these de-politicising discourses.

There are poignant westernHimalayan ballads that narrate the tales of women who were immured at the foot of a waterway (kulh), to ensure a steady supply of water. In this paper we probe how the early legends of walled-up women were linked to state formation and how ruling elites later used such events to move up the social and political ladder. The paper also explores how pervasive the patriarchal hold over the lives of women was, how nuanced was the power of patriarchs, and how death became a spectacle, echoed in the ballads of walled-up wife. The focus is not only on narrative representations. Rather, we presume that like all narratives these ballads too are rooted in specific historical, cultural, and ideological contexts. We ask, therefore, what ideological goals and rhetorical strategies may have contributed to representations within the cultural reality of the narrators and audiences. Also, how does this exceptional portrayal function within the 'unified narrative' and its overall conceptualization of women beyond the walled-up wife? Crucial to understanding these issues are the dominant gender discourses that were prevalent in the culture-scapes in which these ballads were formed. While recounting some of these ballads, therefore, we chart out the trajectory of their progression as a genre, which eventually binds them as a meta-narrative reinforcing the patriarchal values rather powerfully. It might be of some interest to note that there are similar ballads and folktales in easternEurope and other parts of India as well, which open up the questions about how pervasive and insidious such practices were, and how entrenched the patriarchal values were.

This article offers an anthropological analysis of the gender politics inside Queen's Park, Ontario's provincial legislature. Using ethnographic data, I explore how political actors reproduce larger social and historical patterns of structural sexism and inequitable distributions of power, while simultaneously producing a localized political culture of inequity inside the legislature. Résumé Cet article offre une analyse anthropologique de la politique entre les hommes et les femmes à l'intérieur de Queen's Park, la législature provinciale de l'Ontario. En se servant de données ethnographiques, j'explore la façon dont les acteurs politiques reproduisent les modèles sociaux et historiques du sexisme structurel et la distribution inéquitable du pouvoir, tandis que simultanément une culture politique localisée existe au sein de la législature.