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International audience ; Les séries télévisées marocaines sous le prisme des arrangements du genre d'Éric Macé. par LAMOUDY NADIA Résumé La définition conceptuelle du patriarcat selon Macé démontre d'abord la défaillance de la définition du « patriarcat » de Christine Delphy qui relie cette forme d'inégalité sociale et de subordination à la division du travail qui fait que la femme accomplit le travail domestique sans aucune rémunération. Selon ce sociologue, cette conception du patriarcat est limitée et revêt un caractère plus réducteur et non pas global et exhaustif. Pour Macé, la conception du patriarcat serait une mise en asymétrie du masculin et du féminin qui justifie que les rapports de genre ne sont pas seulement l'histoire d'une différence entre masculin et féminin mais c'est l'histoire d'un conflit et d'un sérieux désaccord. Ainsi, chaque type de société articule à sa manière les questions de sexe, genre et sexualité avec les formes d'organisation de la famille, du travail, du religieux, du politique, de la création culturelle en autant « d'arrangements de genre ». Cette conception contemporaine du patriarcat, et cette conceptualisation des arrangements de genre composites serait une approche très pertinente pour interroger les représentations des identités masculines et féminines dans les séries télévisées marocaines. Ces séries qui connaissent une grande évolution surtout dans les thématiques se rapportant au genre. Les représentations des identités masculines et féminines ne dressent plus uniquement ces tableaux de la femme marocaine confinée au rôle de femme au foyer ou femme, mère de famille mais aussi d'autres profils de femmes libérée , forte, détenant des postes de responsabilité cas des dernières séries contemporaines diffusées dernièrement dans les chaînes télévisées marocaines.

This research offers a dual approach: it offers firstly an analysis of the consequences of gender globalization, through the application of policies meant to be universal, which are imposed to different participants. This research also looks at the reactions of these participants, particularly local women's organizations, and the ways in which they adapt or appropriate these international prescriptions. We mean to uncover how gender, as a specific category in the field of public intervention, spreads out, on the one hand, in development aid programs coming from funding countries, and, on the other hand, in developing countries. A multi-level analysis has thus been conducted, which looked at cooperation policies and programs supervised by Germany, at the application in chad and at the PRODALKA project. Are policies and projects aiming at economic and political empowerment or reforms of the code of personal status really being implemented? Can the impact of the PRODALKA project on the living conditions of women and their recognition by men really be measured? In order to answer these questions, this research, which is both qualitative and quantitative, relies on a survey conducted with 310 women and on a several formal interviews and several non-formal interviews with individuals involved with this topic, within the context of a bilateral program of economic development between Germany and chad. The thesis will show that not a lot of progress has been made by the PRODALKA project, although some women have witnessed an improvement of their conditions. Indeed, the projects carried out have not really taken into consideration women's needs or gender relations because of a posture of neutrality which implies that any type of action carried out in society benefits all groups, without exceptions. Those projects consisted more in actions aimed at integrated women in development, such as those that were conducted in the 1960s. Those types of actions were criticized by the « gender and development » approach, which offer ...

This research offers a dual approach: it offers firstly an analysis of the consequences of gender globalization, through the application of policies meant to be universal, which are imposed to different participants. This research also looks at the reactions of these participants, particularly local women's organizations, and the ways in which they adapt or appropriate these international prescriptions. We mean to uncover how gender, as a specific category in the field of public intervention, spreads out, on the one hand, in development aid programs coming from funding countries, and, on the other hand, in developing countries. A multi-level analysis has thus been conducted, which looked at cooperation policies and programs supervised by Germany, at the application in chad and at the PRODALKA project. Are policies and projects aiming at economic and political empowerment or reforms of the code of personal status really being implemented? Can the impact of the PRODALKA project on the living conditions of women and their recognition by men really be measured? In order to answer these questions, this research, which is both qualitative and quantitative, relies on a survey conducted with 310 women and on a several formal interviews and several non-formal interviews with individuals involved with this topic, within the context of a bilateral program of economic development between Germany and chad. The thesis will show that not a lot of progress has been made by the PRODALKA project, although some women have witnessed an improvement of their conditions. Indeed, the projects carried out have not really taken into consideration women's needs or gender relations because of a posture of neutrality which implies that any type of action carried out in society benefits all groups, without exceptions. Those projects consisted more in actions aimed at integrated women in development, such as those that were conducted in the 1960s. Those types of actions were criticized by the « gender and development » approach, which offer ...

This research offers a dual approach: it offers firstly an analysis of the consequences of gender globalization, through the application of policies meant to be universal, which are imposed to different participants. This research also looks at the reactions of these participants, particularly local women's organizations, and the ways in which they adapt or appropriate these international prescriptions. We mean to uncover how gender, as a specific category in the field of public intervention, spreads out, on the one hand, in development aid programs coming from funding countries, and, on the other hand, in developing countries. A multi-level analysis has thus been conducted, which looked at cooperation policies and programs supervised by Germany, at the application in chad and at the PRODALKA project. Are policies and projects aiming at economic and political empowerment or reforms of the code of personal status really being implemented? Can the impact of the PRODALKA project on the living conditions of women and their recognition by men really be measured? In order to answer these questions, this research, which is both qualitative and quantitative, relies on a survey conducted with 310 women and on a several formal interviews and several non-formal interviews with individuals involved with this topic, within the context of a bilateral program of economic development between Germany and chad. The thesis will show that not a lot of progress has been made by the PRODALKA project, although some women have witnessed an improvement of their conditions. Indeed, the projects carried out have not really taken into consideration women's needs or gender relations because of a posture of neutrality which implies that any type of action carried out in society benefits all groups, without exceptions. Those projects consisted more in actions aimed at integrated women in development, such as those that were conducted in the 1960s. Those types of actions were criticized by the « gender and development » approach, which offer theoretical and methodological tools that could have been used to prevent some of the mistakes that were made. ; La présente recherche développe une double démarche : l'analyse des effets de la globalisation du genre par des politiques qui se veulent universelles en s'imposant à différent-e-s acteurs/actrices et les réactions de ceux/celles-ci, particulièrement celles des organisations féminines locales, dans la façon d'adapter ou de se réapproprier ces prescriptions internationales. Il s'agit de rendre compte de la manière dont le genre en tant que catégorie d'intervention publique parvient à se déployer d'une part dans les programmes d'aide au développement des pays financeurs et d'autre part dans les pays du Sud. Une analyse multi-niveaux est donc menée, tant au niveau des politiques et programmes de la coopération allemande, que de l'état tchadien puis du PRODALKA. Des projets et politiques visant à l'empowerment économique et politique, mais aussi la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes ou des réformes du code du statut personnel, sont-ils vraiment mis en oeuvre ? Peut-on repérer des effets du PRODALKA sur les conditions de vie des femmes mais aussi concernant leur reconnaissance par les hommes ? Pour répondre à ces questions, la recherche, à la fois qualitative et quantitative, s'appuie sur une enquête auprès de 310 femmes et sur une vingtaine d'entretiens formels et de plusieurs autres non formels auprès des personnes intéressées par cette thématique dans le cadre d'un programme bilatéral de développement économique tchado-allemand. La thèse montre que peu de progrès ont été rendus possibles par l'intervention du PRODALKA, bien que certaines femmes aient vu leurs conditions améliorées. En effet, les projets menés ont peu tenu compte des besoins des femmes ou des relations de genre à cause d'une posture de neutralité postulant que toute action menée dans la société profite à tous les groupes sociaux sans exclusive. Ils relevaient plutôt des actions de type « intégration des femmes dans le développement telles que celles qui étaient menées dans les années 1960 et ont été critiquées par l'approche « genre et développement » qui a proposé des outils théoriques et méthodologiques qui auraient pu éviter les erreurs commises.

With our initial intention to be liberated from the definitions -- technical, technocratic or thoseemanating from the sociology of the social appropriation of ICT uses -- in order to analyze the usage of the Internet in women's and feminist organizations in Africa, we focused in this thesis on theoretical work relating to patriarchy and the coloniality of power (totality of social relations characterized by subalternity -- hierarchization between the dominants and the dominated -- produced by the expansion of capitalism.) Thisposition enabled us to establish a working analytical framework without imposing Western, South Americanor Asian theoretical analyses on Africa. It also facilitated how we expressed the problematic of the relationship between male domination and the domination inherent in the coloniality of power, which wehave called "colonialtairian" in the context of globalization and hypermodernity. The differentiated manifestations of this relationship in South Africa and Senegal helped us delineate the field and context within which local women's or feminist organizations use or don't use the Internet. Comparing their representations within the conceptual framework proved edifying and indispensable in determining thepoliticization of their use. It thus became apparent that among the information and communication technologies, the Internet crystallizes one means by which the "Information Society" is both the product andthe production of a hypermodern globalization in which the systems of coloniality of power and patriarchy function conjointly. This conjunction is clearly evidenced both theoretically and empirically. Especially noteworthy is that the epistemology used in this context reconnects to traditionalistic, nationalistic,paternalistic and male constructions of knowledge echoing what this tool facilitates: a rapid increase of the appropriation of women's bodies, the dominants' rhetorical and political grandstanding, the institutionalization of concepts, the Westernization of thought, privatization ...

With our initial intention to be liberated from the definitions -- technical, technocratic or thoseemanating from the sociology of the social appropriation of ICT uses -- in order to analyze the usage of the Internet in women's and feminist organizations in Africa, we focused in this thesis on theoretical work relating to patriarchy and the coloniality of power (totality of social relations characterized by subalternity -- hierarchization between the dominants and the dominated -- produced by the expansion of capitalism.) Thisposition enabled us to establish a working analytical framework without imposing Western, South Americanor Asian theoretical analyses on Africa. It also facilitated how we expressed the problematic of the relationship between male domination and the domination inherent in the coloniality of power, which wehave called "colonialtairian" in the context of globalization and hypermodernity. The differentiated manifestations of this relationship in South Africa and Senegal helped us delineate the field and context within which local women's or feminist organizations use or don't use the Internet. Comparing their representations within the conceptual framework proved edifying and indispensable in determining thepoliticization of their use. It thus became apparent that among the information and communication technologies, the Internet crystallizes one means by which the "Information Society" is both the product andthe production of a hypermodern globalization in which the systems of coloniality of power and patriarchy function conjointly. This conjunction is clearly evidenced both theoretically and empirically. Especially noteworthy is that the epistemology used in this context reconnects to traditionalistic, nationalistic,paternalistic and male constructions of knowledge echoing what this tool facilitates: a rapid increase of the appropriation of women's bodies, the dominants' rhetorical and political grandstanding, the institutionalization of concepts, the Westernization of thought, privatization ...

With our initial intention to be liberated from the definitions -- technical, technocratic or those emanating from the sociology of the social appropriation of ICT uses -- in order to analyze the usage of the Internet in women's and feminist organizations in Africa, we focused in this thesis on theoretical work relating to patriarchy and the coloniality of power (totality of social relations characterized by subalternity -- hierarchization between the dominants and the dominated -- produced by the expansion of capitalism.) This position enabled us to establish a working analytical framework without imposing Western, South American or Asian theoretical analyses on Africa. It also facilitated how we expressed the problematic of the relationship between male domination and the domination inherent in the coloniality of power, which we have called "colonialtairian" in the context of globalization and hypermodernity. The differentiated manifestations of this relationship in South Africa and Senegal helped us delineate the field and context within which local women's or feminist organizations use or don't use the Internet. Comparing their representations within the conceptual framework proved edifying and indispensable in determining the politicization of their use. It thus became apparent that among the information and communication technologies, the Internet crystallizes one means by which the "Information Society" is both the product and the production of a hypermodern globalization in which the systems of coloniality of power and patriarchy function conjointly. This conjunction is clearly evidenced both theoretically and empirically. Especially noteworthy is that the epistemology used in this context reconnects to traditionalistic, nationalistic, paternalistic and male constructions of knowledge echoing what this tool facilitates: a rapid increase of the appropriation of women's bodies, the dominants' rhetorical and political grandstanding, the institutionalization of concepts, the Westernization of thought, ...

With our initial intention to be liberated from the definitions -- technical, technocratic or thoseemanating from the sociology of the social appropriation of ICT uses -- in order to analyze the usage of the Internet in women's and feminist organizations in Africa, we focused in this thesis on theoretical work relating to patriarchy and the coloniality of power (totality of social relations characterized by subalternity -- hierarchization between the dominants and the dominated -- produced by the expansion of capitalism.) Thisposition enabled us to establish a working analytical framework without imposing Western, South Americanor Asian theoretical analyses on Africa. It also facilitated how we expressed the problematic of the relationship between male domination and the domination inherent in the coloniality of power, which wehave called "colonialtairian" in the context of globalization and hypermodernity. The differentiated manifestations of this relationship in South Africa and Senegal helped us delineate the field and context within which local women's or feminist organizations use or don't use the Internet. Comparing their representations within the conceptual framework proved edifying and indispensable in determining thepoliticization of their use. It thus became apparent that among the information and communication technologies, the Internet crystallizes one means by which the "Information Society" is both the product andthe production of a hypermodern globalization in which the systems of coloniality of power and patriarchy function conjointly. This conjunction is clearly evidenced both theoretically and empirically. Especially noteworthy is that the epistemology used in this context reconnects to traditionalistic, nationalistic,paternalistic and male constructions of knowledge echoing what this tool facilitates: a rapid increase of the appropriation of women's bodies, the dominants' rhetorical and political grandstanding, the institutionalization of concepts, the Westernization of thought, privatization ...

What is the impact of the combat for equality which is tending to develop in the family and democracy? Do we need the hierarchisation of the places or rather differentiation of these places? The Starting point will be, in France, the evolutionof the authority within the family, i.e. the advent of parental authority which accompanies the decline of the paterfamilias. This questions the impact of the parenthood on the introduction of the paternal function. It also relates to the masculine and the female one. A parallelism will be carried out at the scale of the democratic society, studying the upheavals which the seek for equality induces. Our assumption is that the perceptible changes, which currently take place at the level of the family and society, open towards a plurality of possible futures. So, we will examine inalterability of the parental function relate to symbolic. The research in the Psychoanalysis field is being carried out in connexion with over regulation fields as anthropology, sociology, law. ; Quel est l'impact du combat pour l'égalité qui tente de s'imposer dans la famille et dans la démocratie ? A-t-on besoin de la hiérarchisation des places ou plutôt de la différenciation des dites places ? Le point de départ sera, en France, l'évolution de l'autorité au sein de la famille, l'apparition de l'autorité parentale qui accompagne le déclin du pater familias. Le questionnement portera sur l'impact de la parentalité dans l'introduction de la fonction paternelle. Il portera également sur le masculin et le féminin. Un parallélisme sera effectué avec la société démocratique et les bouleversements qu'induit cette recherche d'égalité. L'hypothèse est que les changements perceptibles qui s'opèrent actuellement au niveau de la famille et de la société ouvrent vers une pluralité d'avenirs possibles. Aussi, nous interrogerons l'inaltérabilité de la fonction parentale liée au symbolique. La recherche dans le champ de la psychanalyse est ici menée en articulation avec d'autres domaines, en particulier ...

What is the impact of the combat for equality which is tending to develop in the family and democracy? Do we need the hierarchisation of the places or rather differentiation of these places? The Starting point will be, in France, the evolutionof the authority within the family, i.e. the advent of parental authority which accompanies the decline of the paterfamilias. This questions the impact of the parenthood on the introduction of the paternal function. It also relates to the masculine and the female one. A parallelism will be carried out at the scale of the democratic society, studying the upheavals which the seek for equality induces. Our assumption is that the perceptible changes, which currently take place at the level of the family and society, open towards a plurality of possible futures. So, we will examine inalterability of the parental function relate to symbolic. The research in the Psychoanalysis field is being carried out in connexion with over regulation fields as anthropology, sociology, law. ; Quel est l'impact du combat pour l'égalité qui tente de s'imposer dans la famille et dans la démocratie ? A-t-on besoin de la hiérarchisation des places ou plutôt de la différenciation des dites places ? Le point de départ sera, en France, l'évolution de l'autorité au sein de la famille, l'apparition de l'autorité parentale qui accompagne le déclin du pater familias. Le questionnement portera sur l'impact de la parentalité dans l'introduction de la fonction paternelle. Il portera également sur le masculin et le féminin. Un parallélisme sera effectué avec la société démocratique et les bouleversements qu'induit cette recherche d'égalité. L'hypothèse est que les changements perceptibles qui s'opèrent actuellement au niveau de la famille et de la société ouvrent vers une pluralité d'avenirs possibles. Aussi, nous interrogerons l'inaltérabilité de la fonction parentale liée au symbolique. La recherche dans le champ de la psychanalyse est ici menée en articulation avec d'autres domaines, en particulier ...

What is the impact of the combat for equality which is tending to develop in the family and democracy? Do we need the hierarchisation of the places or rather differentiation of these places? The Starting point will be, in France, the evolutionof the authority within the family, i.e. the advent of parental authority which accompanies the decline of the paterfamilias. This questions the impact of the parenthood on the introduction of the paternal function. It also relates to the masculine and the female one. A parallelism will be carried out at the scale of the democratic society, studying the upheavals which the seek for equality induces. Our assumption is that the perceptible changes, which currently take place at the level of the family and society, open towards a plurality of possible futures. So, we will examine inalterability of the parental function relate to symbolic. The research in the Psychoanalysis field is being carried out in connexion with over regulation fields as anthropology, sociology, law. ; Quel est l'impact du combat pour l'égalité qui tente de s'imposer dans la famille et dans la démocratie ? A-t-on besoin de la hiérarchisation des places ou plutôt de la différenciation des dites places ? Le point de départ sera, en France, l'évolution de l'autorité au sein de la famille, l'apparition de l'autorité parentale qui accompagne le déclin du pater familias. Le questionnement portera sur l'impact de la parentalité dans l'introduction de la fonction paternelle. Il portera également sur le masculin et le féminin. Un parallélisme sera effectué avec la société démocratique et les bouleversements qu'induit cette recherche d'égalité. L'hypothèse est que les changements perceptibles qui s'opèrent actuellement au niveau de la famille et de la société ouvrent vers une pluralité d'avenirs possibles. Aussi, nous interrogerons l'inaltérabilité de la fonction parentale liée au symbolique. La recherche dans le champ de la psychanalyse est ici menée en articulation avec d'autres domaines, en particulier ...

Cet article aborde une nouvelle narration du concept de travail qui s'appuie sur un changement de civilisation. La civilisation patriarcale millénaire est en train de s'écrouler grâce à la lutte pacifique des femmes. Celle-ci entraîne avec elle le capitalisme dans sa décadence, une de ses créations les plus récentes et déprédatrices. Et elle génère une nouvelle civilisation, précisément dans ce contexte de crise, pour laquelle il est nécessaire de repenser le travail comme paradigme d'une existence porteuse de sens, comme une action nécessaire au maintien de la vie. Dès lors, la nécessité politique d'un nouveau pacte sexuel et collectif apparaît, dont la source première serait la richesse et le sens du travail. --- This article discusses a new narrative of work concept based on a change of civilization. The millennium patriarchal civilization is crumbling through the peaceful struggle of women. This brings with it the capitalism in its decline, one of his latest most predatory creation. It is generating a new civilization, precisely in this context of crisis, for which it is necessary to rethink the paradigm of work as a carrier existence of sense, as an action necessary to maintain life. So that the primary source of wealth and sense of work needs a new social and sexual agreement. ; Artículo revisado por pares

The Crying of Lot 49 turns around social, historical, cultural and political eventsformulated in the message that evokes the social crisis by the means of symbols.Symbols themselves are not static at all but rather varying depending first oncultural perception, ideology, and second on improvised aspects. Beyond the novel,the author translates the gender relationships interspersed with the detritusof patriarchal ideology derived from the dynamic gender identity of the Americansociety and its culture. The novel tells about some individuals who havelost the traditional use of social norms: it brings about the chaos due to moraldehumanizing and destructive atmosphere of human existence.KEY WORDSCrisis, patriarchy, invisible forces, upheavals, symbols. ; The Crying of Lot 49 met en exergue des évènements sociaux, historiques, culturelset politiques exprimés dans un message qui évoque la crise sociale traduitepar l'usage des symboles. Les symboles ne sont du tout pas statiques mais plutôtvariantes selon d'abord, la perception culturelle, idéologique et ensuite, dépendentdes aspects improvisés. Au delà du roman, l'auteur traduit les relationsdu genre émaillées de débris de l'idéologie patriarcale dérivée de la dynamiquede l'identité du genre de la société américaine et de sa culture. Le roman mentionnecertains individus qui ont perdu l'usage traditionnel des normes sociales:cela engendre le chaos dû à la déshumanisation morale et à l'atmosphère destructivede l'existence humaine.MOTS-CLESCrise, patriarcat, forces invisibles, bouleversements, symboles.

With the return to multi party system in Cameroon in the 1990s,Cameroon's state witnessed the rise of new players, including womenentrepreneurs. This thesis aims at determining the structural lessons learnedfrom the sociopolitical dynamics of women entrepreneurs in social and politicalsphere about the functioning of Cameroon's political system with regard togender. Through this inquiry, our goal is to see how the entry of women ingeneral and mainstreaming of women entrepreneurs in particular in the politicalsystem results in a change of ethos on cameroon's political life which is stronglymarked by the ethos of notability-seniority and manhood and mainlycharacterized by the governance of manducation and policy of self-replication. ; Avec le retour du multipartisme au Cameroun dans les années mil neufcent quatre-vingt-dix, l'État camerounais voit émerger des nouveaux acteursparmi lesquelles les femmes entrepreneures. L'objectif de cette thèse est dedéterminer quels enseignements structurels, les dynamiques sociopolitiquesdes femmes entrepreneures dans la sphère sociopolitique nous livrent sur lefonctionnement du système politique camerounais à l'aune du genre. A traversce questionnement, l'objectif est de voir dans quelle mesure l'entrée desfemmes en général et l'intégration des femmes entrepreneures en particulierdans le système politique entraînent un changement d'ethos de la vie politiquecamerounaise fortement imprégnée de l'ethos de la notabilité-séniorité et de lamasculinité et fortement caractérisée par la gouvernance de la manducation etla politique de l'autoreproduction.

With the return to multi party system in Cameroon in the 1990s,Cameroon's state witnessed the rise of new players, including womenentrepreneurs. This thesis aims at determining the structural lessons learnedfrom the sociopolitical dynamics of women entrepreneurs in social and politicalsphere about the functioning of Cameroon's political system with regard togender. Through this inquiry, our goal is to see how the entry of women ingeneral and mainstreaming of women entrepreneurs in particular in the politicalsystem results in a change of ethos on cameroon's political life which is stronglymarked by the ethos of notability-seniority and manhood and mainlycharacterized by the governance of manducation and policy of self-replication. ; Avec le retour du multipartisme au Cameroun dans les années mil neufcent quatre-vingt-dix, l'État camerounais voit émerger des nouveaux acteursparmi lesquelles les femmes entrepreneures. L'objectif de cette thèse est dedéterminer quels enseignements structurels, les dynamiques sociopolitiquesdes femmes entrepreneures dans la sphère sociopolitique nous livrent sur lefonctionnement du système politique camerounais à l'aune du genre. A traversce questionnement, l'objectif est de voir dans quelle mesure l'entrée desfemmes en général et l'intégration des femmes entrepreneures en particulierdans le système politique entraînent un changement d'ethos de la vie politiquecamerounaise fortement imprégnée de l'ethos de la notabilité-séniorité et de lamasculinité et fortement caractérisée par la gouvernance de la manducation etla politique de l'autoreproduction.