Suchergebnisse

This article reviews the reasons behind Russia-Ukraine dispute and conducts comparative analysis of this conflict in the context of worldwide geopolitical processes. Ukrainian crisis undermined system of international relations. After the conflict started, the interests of world centers became obvious. This conflict is unfolding in the prism of the US strategy retaining its global dominance and as a result, changing techno-political structure of the world economics. This article also analyzes consequences and challenges of this conflict for the Republic of Armenia and the necessity of diversifying the foreign policy in the new regional reality. ; Հոդվածում դիտարկվում է ռուս-ուկրաինական հակասությունների առաջացման պատճառները և այն լուսաբանվում է համաշխարհային աշխարհաքաղաքական գործընթացների համատեքստում: Ուկրաինական ճգնաժամը սասանեց միջազգային հարաբերությունների համակարգը: Բացահայտվում է ռուս-ուկրաինական հակամարտության խորացման գործընթացում համաշխարհային կենտրոնների շահագրգռվածությունը: Այդ հակամարտությունը ներկայացված է գլոբալ գերիշխանությունը պահպանելու ամերիկյան ռազմավարության և համաշխարհային տնտեսության տեխնոլոգիական մի տնտեսաձևից որակական նոր կացութաձևի անցման համատեքստում: Հայաստանի Հանրապետության առջև ծառացած մարտահրավերների տեսանկյունից լուսաբանվում են այդ հակամարտության հետևանքները, ինչպես նաև հիմնավորվում է ձևավորված տարածաշրջանային նոր իրականության պայմաններում արտաքին քաղաքականության դիվերսիֆիկացիայի անհրաժեշտությունը: ; В статье рассматриваются причины возникновения российско-украниского противоречия и делается сравнительный анализ этого конфликта в контексте мировых геополитических процессов. Украинский кризис подорвал систему международных отношений. Выявляются заинтересованности мировых центров в разжигании российско -украинского конфликта. Данный конфликт раскрывается в призме американской стратегии сохранения глобального доминирования и как результат смены технологических укладов мировой экономики. Анализируются последствия и вызовы этого конфликта для Республики Армения и необходимость ...

Emiliano J. Buis examines the sources of classical Greece to challenge both the state-centeredness of mainstream international legal history and the omnipresence of war and excessive violence in ancient times. Making ample use of epigraphic as well as literary, rhetorical, and historiographical sources, the book offers the first widespread account of the narrative foundations of the (il)legality of warfare in the classical Hellenic world. In a clear yet sophisticated manner, Buis convincingly proves that the traditionally neglected study of the performance of ancient Greek poleis can contribute to a better historical understanding of those principles of international law underlying the practices and applicable rules on the use of force and the conduct of hostilities

In March 2011, rallies and demonstrations started in Syria, which later developed into an armed conflict and large-scale military operations between the Syrian government and opposition all over the country. With the gradual escalation of the conflict at the end of 2011, the Syrian government adopted a strategy of defending the western territories and regional centers, which were of strategic importance in Syria, and avoiding large-scale military operations in these areas. The situation in Syria changed dramatically at the end of 2015. It was due to Russia's direct military assistance to the Syrian government.The Syrian conflict has affected regional and extra-regional developments in the Middle East, paving the way for new realities, for the active engagement of a number of power centers in the Middle East and the processes of various formats aimed at a peaceful resolution of the conflict.During the conflict (2011-2020) there were some results in the negotiation process (regulated by various international formats) of the crisis. Though they had mainly solved problems partially in certain parts of Syria, the importance of meetings in such formats cannot be underestimated. The peculiarity and global nature of the conflict provided no other solution than partial solutions to the Syrian crisis, which had an enormous impact and created opportunities for the views of the conflicting parties to be heard. The aforementioned resolution processes of the conflict allow us to assume that the parties involved in the conflict have shifted to a partial solution to the Syrian crisis. It presupposes a short-term solution or freezing of issues related to some areas of military-political and socio-economic importance, ensuring predictability of developments, after which it will be possible to get a comprehensive agreement on the Syrian conflict.The Syrian conflict has long ceased to be a Middle Eastern regional reality, affecting global processes. Conflict resolution must have both regional and extra-regional dimensions, based on sensible and sincere approaches, which should prompt parties concerned with a quick resolution to the conflict to find the key to resolving the Syrian issue. ; 2011թ. մարտին Սիրիայում սկսվեցին բողոքի ցույցերը, որոնք վերաճեցին զինված բախումների և լայնածավալ ռազմական գործողությունների ողջ երկրում կառավարական ուժերի և ընդդիմության միջև: Իրավիճակը կտրուկ փոխվեց 2015թ. վերջին, երբ Ռուսաստանը կառավարությանն ուղղակի ռազմական օգնություն ցույց տվեց: Ճգնաժամին ուղեկցող բանակցային գործընթացն ընթացավ տարբեր ձևաչափերով և միայն մասամբ հարթեց ծագած խնդիրները: Հակամարտության լայնամասշտաբ բնույթը թույլ չտվեց ավելին, քան մասնատված լուծումներ: Բայց դրանք նաև հնարավորություն ստեղծեցին կողմերի տեսակետները լսելու համար: Սիրիայում արյունալի հակամարտությունը վաղուց դադարել է լինել այս երկրի ներքին գործը: Դրա կարգավորումը, անշուշտ, պետք է ունենա նաև արտատարածաշրջանային հարթություն՝ հիմնված ողջամիտ մոտեցումների վրա: ; С марта 2011 г. в Сирии начались акции протеста, которые переросли в вооружённые столкновения и крупномасштабные военные действия по всей стране между правительственными войсками и оппозицией. Ситуация резко изменилась к концу 2015 г., когда Россия оказала непосредственную военную помощь правительству. Переговорный процесс, сопровождавший кризис, протекал в разных форматах и лишь частично сглаживал возникшие проблемы. Масштабный характер конфликта не позволял большего, чем фрагментарноые решения. Но и они создали возможность, чтобы мнения сторон были услышаны. Кровопролитный конфликт в Сирии давно перестал быть внутренним делом этой страны. Его урегулирование непременно должно также иметь и внерегиональное измерение, основанное на разумных подходах.

Relations with Georgia have acquired strategic importance on the foreign policy agenda ofthe Republic of Armenia. However, over the years, there have been some gaps in relationsbetween the two countries, which have led to a number of problems. Among them are thedifferent approaches to foreign policy, certain dangerous perceptions about Armenia andArmenians in Georgia, the approaches of the parties to territorial conflicts, and so on. Thedevelopment of relations between Armenia and Georgia is also influenced by many externalfactors and challenges, including the bad Russian-Georgian relations and the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. The main task of the presented article is to identify all the factors thatcondition or shape the Armenian-Georgian relations or are an obstacle for their development.In the context of the large-scale war unleashed by Azerbaijan in Artsakh in 2020, thesequestions become even more important ; Վրաստանի հետ հարաբերությունները ռազմավարական նշանակություն են ձեռք բերել արտաքին քաղաքական օրակարգում Հայաստանի Հանրապետությունը։ Այնուամենայնիվ, տարիների ընթացքում հարաբերություններում որոշակի բացեր են եղել երկու երկրների միջեւ, որոնք հանգեցրել են մի շարք խնդիրների։ Դրանց թվում են արտաքին քաղաքականության նկատմամբ տարբեր մոտեցումներ, Հայաստանի մասին որոշակի վտանգավոր ընկալումներ և Վրաստանում հայերը, տարածքային հակամարտությունների կողմերի մոտեցումները եւ այլն։ Այն Հայաստանի և Վրաստանի հարաբերությունների զարգացման վրա ազդում են նաև բազմաթիվ արտաքին ազդեցություններ գործոններն ու մարտահրավերները, այդ թվում՝ ռուս-վրացական վատ հարաբերությունները և հայ- Ադրբեջանական հակամարտություն. Ներկայացված հոդվածի հիմնական խնդիրն է բացահայտել բոլոր այն գործոնները, որոնք պայմանավորում կամ ձևավորում հայ-վրացական հարաբերությունները կամ խոչընդոտ են դրանց զարգացմանը։ 2020 թվականին Արցախում Ադրբեջանի կողմից սանձազերծված լայնածավալ պատերազմի համատեքստում սրանք հարցերն էլ ավելի կարևոր են դառնում ; Отношения с Грузией приобрели стратегическое значение во внешнеполитическойповестке дня Республики Армения. Однако с годами в ...

Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views. ; Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of AugustThe Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.

Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war. ; Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war.