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Rad donosi podatke o Samueleu Mayländeru (1866. – 1925.), socijalističkom vođi kasnohabsburške Rijeke, i njegovoj obitelji. Mayländeri su bili podrijetlom židovi iz jugozapadne Ugarske, doseljeni u Rijeku krajem 19. stoljeća. Doseljeni Mayländeri uspješno seintegriraju i asimiliraju u riječko i sjevernojadransko građansko društvo, neki udajom za pripadnike građanskih obitelji i obraćenjem na katoličku vjeroispovijest, a drugi uspješnim poslovnim karijerama. Zbog pomanjkanja primarne građe teško je dati odgovor na jezične prakse među pripadnicima obitelji. Ipak, iz objavljenih nekrologa u riječkim novinama, dokumentacije iz gimnazijskih dana i bračnih veza može se zaključiti kako je obitelj bila višejezična. Istraživanje je biografije samoga Samuelea Mayländera problematično jer, također, ne posjedujemo građu iz koje možemo neposredno razabrati njegove političke, nacionalne ili vjerske preferencije. Svakako, Samuele Mayländer bio je socijalističkoga opredjeljenja, kasnije i prvi predsjednik Komunističke partije Rijeka, ali i ličnost koja je bila pod utjecajem dominantne riječke talijanske kulturne paradigme. Studij medicine u Beču, javna angažiranost i politička aktivnost ukazuju na Mayländerova opredjeljenja, ali, kao i ugarsko židovsko obiteljsko podrijetlo, i na njegovu višejezičnost. Na kraju, rad prati biografske podatke o Pavlu Kirchenknopfu, metalurškom radniku rodom iz Ugarske, koji početkom 20. stoljeća doseljava u Pulu i kasnije s obitelji u Rijeku. U Rijeci je Pavle Kirchenknopf označen kao socijalistički, odnosno komunistički aktivist i takav zapamćen od lokalne historiografije. Biografija Pavla Kirchenknopfa korisna je za propitkivanje spoznaja o osobama radničkoga podrijetla i pitanja njihovih jezičnih praksi. Prema sporadičnoj građi, iz matičnih knjiga rođenih u Puli i migracijama Kirchenknopfa može se pretpostaviti kako se obitelj služila s više jezika. Zaključno, rad ukazuje na to kako pored pitanja višejezičnosti, socijalne i ekonomske teškoće trebaju biti uzete u obzir u društvenim i kulturnim povijestima sjevernoga Jadrana u kasnohabsburškom razdoblju, teškoće koje ostaju u pozadini idealiziranjem višejezičnoga habsburškog svijeta. ; The article provides data on Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925), socialist leader in late Habsburg Fiume/Rijeka, and his family. The Mayländer family were Jews from southwestern Hungary who had settled in Rijeka at the end of the nineteenth century. Following their move, the Mayländers successfully integrated and assimilated into the bourgeois society of Fiume/Rijeka and the northern Adriatic, some marrying members of bourgeois families and converting to Roman Catholicism, others having successful professional careers. The lack of primary sources makes it difficult to delineate language use among members of the family. However, through quoted obituaries in Rijeka's newspapers, data of the local gymnasium, and marriages, it can be concluded that the family was multilingual. Research on Samuele Mayländer's biography in particular is problematic since, again, there are no primary sources to understand his national, religious, or political preferences. However, it is clear that Samuele was a dedicated socialist. Later in life, he was the first president of Fiume/Rijeka's communist party, but also someone under the influence of Fiume/ Rijeka's dominant Italian cultural paradigm. His medical studies in Vienna, his public engagement and political activities, display Mayländer's sympathies, but also his Hungarian Jewish family background, his multilingualism. Finally, the article follows the biographic data of Paolo Kirchenknopf, a metal worker from Hungary who, at the beginning of the twentieth century, emigrated to Pula, and with his family later moved to Fiume/Rijeka. In Fiume/Rijeka, Kirchenknopf is marked as a socialist – more precisely as a communist activist – and is remembered as such in local historiography. The biography of Kirchenknopf is useful in that it allows one to gain knowledge about figures from working-class backgrounds and their linguistic practices. Based on various, scattered sources – from records of birth in Pula and Kirchenknopf's migrations – it can be estimated that this family used more than one language. In conclusion, the article points out how, aside from the question of multilingualism, social and economic difficulties have to be taken into account in the social and cultural histories of the northern Adriatic in the late Habsburg period – difficulties that remain in the background by idealizing the multilinguistic Habsburg world. ; Il saggio offre notizie su Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925) leader socialista della Fiume tardo asburgica e sulla sua famiglia. I Mayländer erano ebrei originari dall'Ungheria sudoccidentale, immigrati a Fiume verso la fine del 19 secolo. Gli immigrati Mayländer si integrano e assimilano con successo nella società borghese fiumana e nord adriatica alcuni sposandosi con membri di famiglie borghesi e convertendosi al cattolicesimo, altri intraprendendo carriere di successo. Causa la mancanza di fonti primarie è difficile desumere le pratiche linguistiche dei membri della famiglia. Tramite necrologi pubblicati nei giornali fiumani, documenti del periodo ginnasiale e i matrimoni, è possibile desumere che la famiglia era plurilinguistica. La ricerca sulla biografia di Samuele Mayländer è pure problematica perché non possediamo documentazione che possa in modo diretto farci desumere le sue preferenze politiche, nazionali, religiose o politiche. Certamente, Samuele Mayländer si considerava socialista, successivamente fu primo presidente del Partito comunista di Fiume, ma anche una personalità influenzata dal paradigma culturale italiano fiumano. Lo studio di medicina a Vienna, l'impegno pubblico e l'attività politica, dimostrano le simpatie del Mayländer ma, come le sue origini famigliari ebraiche ungheresi, anche il suo plurilinguismo. Infine, l'articolo segue i dati biografici su Paolo Kirchenkopf, operaio metallurgico originario dall'Ungheria che all'inizio del 20 secolo emigra a Pola e di seguito, con la famiglia, a Fiume. A Fiume Paolo Kirchenkopf è etichettato come attivista socialista ossia comunista e come tale ricordato dalla locale storiografia. La biografia di Paolo Kirchenkopf è utile per conoscere le biografie delle persone di estrazione operaia e la questione della loro passi linguistica. In base a documentazione sporadica, libri di nascita di Pola e le migrazioni dei Kirchenknopf, si può ipotizzare che la famiglia si serviva di più lingue. In conclusione, il lavoro indica come accanto alla questione del plurilinguismo le difficoltà sociali ed economiche devono essere prese in considerazione nelle storie sociali e culturali dell'alto Adriatico nel tardo periodo asburgico, difficoltà che rimangonoi sullo sfondo dell'idealizzato mondo plurilinguistico asburgico.

Poštovano čitateljstvo, pred vama je poseban broj Pravnog vjesnika pod naslovom "Konsenzualna pravda u hrvatskom kaznenom postupku", koji kroz pet znanstvenih radova raspravlja o različitim oblicima konsenzualnih postupaka u hrvatskom kaznenom procesnom pravu. Autori, redom istaknuti znanstvenici sa sva četiri pravna fakulteta u Republici Hrvatskoj, propituju temeljne aspekte pojedinih oblika konsenzualnih postupaka prvenstveno teorijskim, poredbenopravnim i normativnim pristupom, ali i analizirajući sudsku praksu te uzimajući u obzir europske pravne standarde i temeljna načela suvremenog kaznenog procesnog prava. Riječ je o člancima koji su rezultat rada na znanstveno-istraživačkom projektu Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu "Sustavni pristup modelima konsenzualne pravde u hrvatskom kaznenom postupku – NegJusCro" koji je financiran sredstvima Hrvatske zaklade za znanost. Aktivnosti na projektu usmjerene su prema sustavnoj znanstvenoj analizi problematike nagodbi u hrvatskom kaznenom procesnom pravu kako bi se razmotrili kritični nedostaci postojećeg normativnog okvira i prakse hrvatskih pravosudnih tijela u cilju predlaganja konkretnih zakonodavnih promjena za bolje i jasnije uređenje različitih konsenzualnih postupaka u hrvatskom pravu – i na normativnoj razini i u praksi. Prvi od pet radova posvećen je klasičnoj nagodbi u kaznenom postupku – presudi na temelju sporazuma stranaka. Autori Elizabeta Ivičević Karas, Ante Novokmet i Igor Martinović kroz poredbeni pristup analiziraju pojedine problematične aspekte nagodbe kako bi se utvrdilo ima li hrvatski model ovog konsenzualnog postupka neka specifična obilježja koja se možda razlikuju od razmatranih europskih poredbenopravnih rješenja te uzrokuju li upravo ta specifična obilježja određene teorijske i praktične probleme. U radu autora Elizabete Ivičević Karas, Zorana Burića i Matka Pajčića, također kroz poredbenopravnu perspektivu, razmatra se procesni položaj "suradnika pravosuđa" – (potencijalnih) osumnjičenika ili optuženika koji odluče surađivati s tijelima kaznenog progona doprinoseći otkrivanju i kaznenom progonu drugih teških kaznenih djela i počinitelja, prvenstveno svjedočenjem pred sudom. Posebna pozornost dana je pojedinim pitanjima zakonitosti ispitivanja krunskog svjedoka i osobe s imunitetom svjedoka iz prakse Vrhovnog suda Republike Hrvatske. Autori Zlata Đurđević, Marin Bonačić i Marija Pleić u radu o kaznenom nalogu u hrvatskoj i poredbenoj perspektivni sveobuhvatno analiziraju zakonodavni okvir i sudsku praksu kako bi se utvrdile osobitosti hrvatskog uređenja kaznenog naloga, a posebno nedostaci postojećeg normativnog okvira i prakse. Posebna pozornost posvećena je pretpostavkama za izdavanje kaznenog naloga, sudskoj kontroli optužnice kojom se traži izdavanje kaznenog naloga, pravima obrane u postupku prije izdavanja kaznenog naloga i položaju žrtve. O uvjetnoj odgodi (odustanku) od kaznenog progona rad su napisali Zoran Burić, Marija Pleić i Ivana Radić sagledavajući u poredbenom kontekstu korisnost i svrhovitost tog instituta te uzimajući u obzir kaznena djela na koja se može primijeniti, ulogu suda, prava okrivljenika i položaj žrtve kaznenog djela. Rad posvećen učincima okrivljenikova priznanja krivnje tijekom rasprave u kaznenom postupku napisali su Igor Martinović i Ivana Radić. U njemu razmatraju utjecaj i pravne posljedice priznanja krivnje u kontinentalno-europskom i angloameričkom pravu, a posebice položaj optuženika nakon priznanja danog na raspravi, učinke priznanja, ulogu suda u daljnjem postupku i prava žrtve kaznenog djela. Već iz ovako načelno prikazanih tema pojedinih radova vidljiva je iznimna predanost autora ostvarivanju zacrtanih projektnih zadataka. Posvećujući poseban broj Pravnog vjesnika ovoj zanimljivoj i nadasve aktualnoj temi, čiju je važnost za hrvatski pravni poredak uočila i podržala Hrvatska zaklada za znanost, vjerujemo da ćemo potaknuti daljnju raspravu o značaju i o svrhovitosti različitih konsenzualnih oblika postupanja kako u Hrvatskoj tako i kontinentalno-europskom okruženju. ; Dear readers, In front of you is a special issue of the Journal of Law entitled, "Consensual Justice in Croatian Criminal Procedure", which, in five published studies, addresses various forms of consensual procedures in Croatian criminal procedural law. The authors, prominent scholars from all four law faculties in the Republic of Croatia, question the basic aspects of certain forms of consensual procedures primarily through theoretical, comparative and normative approaches but also through the analysis of case law, taking into account European legal standards and basic principles of contemporary criminal procedure law. These articles are the result of a research project of the Faculty of Law, University of Zagreb — "Systematic approach to models of negotiated justice in Croatian criminal procedure – NegJusCro" — which is funded by the Croatian Science Foundation. Project activities are aimed at a systematic scientific analysis of the issue of consensual justice in Croatian criminal procedure law in order to consider the critical shortcomings of the existing normative framework and practice of Croatian judicial bodies to propose concrete legislative changes for the better and clearer regulation of various consensual procedures in Croatian law — both at the normative level and in practice. The first of the five papers is dedicated to the classic plea-bargaining in criminal proceedings — a judgment based on the agreement of the parties. Authors Elizabeta Ivičević Karas, Ante Novokmet and Igor Martinović use a comparative approach to analyze some problematic aspects of the agreement in order to determine whether the Croatian model of this consensual procedure has some specific features that may differ from the analyzed solutions in comparative law and whether these specific features actually cause certain theoretical and practical problems. The paper of Elizabeta Ivičević Karas, Zoran Burić and Matko Pajčić, also through a comparative legal perspective, discusses the procedural position of "collaborators of justice"— (potential) suspects or defendants who choose to cooperate with the authorities by contributing to the detection and prosecution of other serious crimes and perpetrators, primarily by testifying before the court. Special attention was paid to certain issues of the legality of the examination of a crown witness and a person with witness immunity from the practice of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Croatia. Authors Zlata Đurđević, Marin Bonačić and Marija Pleić consider the penal order in Croatian law in their paper and from a comparative perspective, comprehensively analyzing the legislative framework and jurisprudence in order to determine the peculiarities of the penal order in Croatia, focusing on the shortcomings of the existing normative framework and practice. Special attention is given to the requirements for the issuing of the penal order, the judicial control of the indictment requesting a penal order, the defense rights in the proceedings before issuing a penal order and the position of the victim. Zoran Burić, Marija Pleić and Ivana Radić wrote a paper about the conditional deferral (and withdrawal) from criminal prosecution, considering the usefulness and purposefulness of that institute in a comparative context, taking into account the criminal offenses to which it can be applied, the role of the court, the rights of the defendant and the position of the victim. A paper devoted to the effects of the defendant's admission of guilt during the criminal proceedings was written by Igor Martinović and Ivana Radić. It discusses the impact and legal consequences of a guilty plea in continental European and Anglo-American law, in particular the position of the accused after the confession given at the trial, the effects of the confession, the role of the court in further proceedings and the rights of the victim. The exceptional commitment of the authors to the realization of the set project tasks can already be seen from such a short presentation of individual papers. We believe that by dedicating a special issue of the Journal of Law to this interesting and above all current topic — of such importance for the Croatian legal order, as was noticed and supported by the Croatian Science Foundation — we will encourage further discussion on the importance and purpose of various consensual forms in Croatia as well in continental Europe.

Dear readers, In front of you is a special issue of the Journal of Law entitled, "Consensual Justice in Croatian Criminal Procedure", which, in five published studies, addresses various forms of consensual procedures in Croatian criminal procedural law. The authors, prominent scholars from all four law faculties in the Republic of Croatia, question the basic aspects of certain forms of consensual procedures primarily through theoretical, comparative and normative approaches but also through the analysis of case law, taking into account European legal standards and basic principles of contemporary criminal procedure law. These articles are the result of a research project of the Faculty of Law, University of Zagreb — "Systematic approach to models of negotiated justice in Croatian criminal procedure – NegJusCro" — which is funded by the Croatian Science Foundation. Project activities are aimed at a systematic scientific analysis of the issue of consensual justice in Croatian criminal procedure law in order to consider the critical shortcomings of the existing normative framework and practice of Croatian judicial bodies to propose concrete legislative changes for the better and clearer regulation of variousconsensual procedures in Croatian law — both at the normative level and in practice. The first of the five papers is dedicated to the classic plea-bargaining in criminal proceedings — a judgment based on the agreement of the parties. Authors Elizabeta Ivičević Karas, Ante Novokmet and Igor Martinović use a comparative approach to analyze some problematic aspects of the agreement in order to determine whether the Croatian model of this consensual procedure has some specific features that may differ from the analyzed solutions in comparative law and whether these specific features actually cause certain theoretical and practical problems. The paper of Elizabeta Ivičević Karas, Zoran Burić and Matko Pajčić, also through a comparative legal perspective, discusses the procedural position of "collaborators of justice"— (potential) suspects or defendants who choose to cooperate with the authorities by contributing to the detection and prosecution of other serious crimes and perpetrators, primarily by testifying before the court. Special attention was paid to certain issues of the legality of the examination of a crown witness and a person with witness immunity from the practice of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Croatia. Authors Zlata Đurđević, Marin Bonačić and Marija Pleić consider the penal order in Croatian law in their paper and from a comparative perspective, comprehensively analyzing the legislative framework and jurisprudence in order to determine the peculiarities of the penal order in Croatia, focusing on the shortcomings of the existing normative framework and practice. Special attention is given to the requirements for the issuing of the penal order, the judicial control of the indictment requesting a penal order, the defense rights in the proceedings before issuing a penal order and the position of the victim. Zoran Burić, Marija Pleić and Ivana Radić wrote a paper about the conditional deferral (and withdrawal) from criminal prosecution, considering the usefulness and purposefulness of that institute in a comparative context, taking into account the criminal offenses to which it can be applied, the role of the court, the rights of the defendant and the position of the victim. A paper devoted to the effects of the defendant's admission of guilt during the criminal proceedings was written by Igor Martinović and Ivana Radić. It discusses the impact and legal consequences of a guilty plea in continental European and Anglo-American law, in particular the position of the accused after the confession given at the trial, the effects of the confession, the role of the court in further proceedings and the rights of the victim. The exceptional commitment of the authors to the realization of the set project tasks can already be seen from such a short presentation of individual papers. We believe that by dedicating a special issue of the Journal of Law to this interesting and above all current topic — of such importance for the Croatian legal order, as was noticed and supported by the Croatian Science Foundation — we will encourage further discussion on the importance and purpose of various consensual forms in Croatia as well in continental Europe. ; Poštovano čitateljstvo, pred vama je poseban broj Pravnog vjesnika pod naslovom "Konsenzualna pravda u hrvatskom kaznenom postupku", koji kroz pet znanstvenih radova raspravlja o različitim oblicima konsenzualnih postupaka u hrvatskom kaznenom procesnom pravu. Autori, redom istaknuti znanstvenici sa sva četiri pravna fakulteta u Republici Hrvatskoj, propituju temeljne aspekte pojedinih oblika konsenzualnih postupaka prvenstveno teorijskim, poredbenopravnim i normativnim pristupom, ali i analizirajući sudsku praksu te uzimajući u obzir europske pravne standarde i temeljna načela suvremenog kaznenog procesnog prava. Riječ je o člancima koji su rezultat rada na znanstveno-istraživačkom projektu Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu "Sustavni pristup modelima konsenzualne pravde u hrvatskom kaznenom postupku – NegJusCro" koji je financiran sredstvima Hrvatske zaklade za znanost. Aktivnosti na projektu usmjerene su prema sustavnoj znanstvenoj analizi problematike nagodbi u hrvatskom kaznenom procesnom pravu kako bi se razmotrili kritični nedostaci postojećeg normativnog okvira i prakse hrvatskih pravosudnih tijela u cilju predlaganja konkretnih zakonodavnih promjena za bolje i jasnije uređenje različitih konsenzualnih postupaka u hrvatskom pravu – i na normativnoj razini i u praksi. Prvi od pet radova posvećen je klasičnoj nagodbi u kaznenom postupku – presudi na temelju sporazuma stranaka. Autori Elizabeta Ivičević Karas, Ante Novokmet i Igor Martinović kroz poredbeni pristup analiziraju pojedine problematične aspekte nagodbe kako bi se utvrdilo ima li hrvatski model ovog konsenzualnog postupka neka specifična obilježja koja se možda razlikuju od razmatranih europskih poredbenopravnih rješenja te uzrokuju li upravo ta specifična obilježja određene teorijske i praktične probleme. U radu autora Elizabete Ivičević Karas, Zorana Burića i Matka Pajčića, također kroz poredbenopravnu perspektivu, razmatra se procesni položaj "suradnika pravosuđa" – (potencijalnih) osumnjičenika ili optuženika koji odluče surađivati s tijelima kaznenog progona doprinoseći otkrivanju i kaznenom progonu drugih teških kaznenih djela i počinitelja, prvenstveno svjedočenjem pred sudom. Posebna pozornost dana je pojedinim pitanjima zakonitosti ispitivanja krunskog svjedoka i osobe s imunitetom svjedoka iz prakse Vrhovnog suda Republike Hrvatske. Autori Zlata Đurđević, Marin Bonačić i Marija Pleić u radu o kaznenom nalogu u hrvatskoj i poredbenoj perspektivni sveobuhvatno analiziraju zakonodavni okvir i sudsku praksu kako bi se utvrdile osobitosti hrvatskog uređenja kaznenog naloga, a posebno nedostaci postojećeg normativnog okvira i prakse. Posebna pozornost posvećena je pretpostavkama za izdavanje kaznenog naloga, sudskoj kontroli optužnice kojom se traži izdavanje kaznenog naloga, pravima obrane u postupku prije izdavanja kaznenog naloga i položaju žrtve. O uvjetnoj odgodi (odustanku) od kaznenog progona rad su napisali Zoran Burić, Marija Pleić i Ivana Radić sagledavajući u poredbenom kontekstu korisnost i svrhovitost tog instituta te uzimajući u obzir kaznena djela na koja se može primijeniti, ulogu suda, prava okrivljenika i položaj žrtve kaznenog djela. Rad posvećen učincima okrivljenikova priznanja krivnje tijekom rasprave u kaznenom postupku napisali su Igor Martinović i Ivana Radić. U njemu razmatraju utjecaj i pravne posljedice priznanja krivnje u kontinentalno-europskom i angloameričkom pravu, a posebice položaj optuženika nakon priznanja danog na raspravi, učinke priznanja, ulogu suda u daljnjem postupku i prava žrtve kaznenog djela. Već iz ovako načelno prikazanih tema pojedinih radova vidljiva je iznimna predanost autora ostvarivanju zacrtanih projektnih zadataka. Posvećujući poseban broj Pravnog vjesnika ovoj zanimljivoj i nadasve aktualnoj temi, čiju je važnost za hrvatski pravni poredak uočila i podržala Hrvatska zaklada za znanost, vjerujemo da ćemo potaknuti daljnju raspravu o značaju i o svrhovitosti različitih konsenzualnih oblika postupanja kako u Hrvatskoj tako i kontinentalno-europskom okruženju.

From the field of cartography and geoinformation, there are journal's article extracts given which are not cartographic first and whose complete texts are on the Internet, accessible to the members of Croatian academic and research community. Most journals can be accessed through the PERO browser (http://knjiznica.irb.hr/pero/index.php). For the journals not found through this browser, the complete texts of the mentioned articles are available for free on the given web-address. Next to every jo­urnal headline, in the brackets, it is noted which prominent bibliographic and quotation bases it is placed in: CC (Current Contents), SCIE (Science Citati­­on Index Expanded), and SSCI (Social Sc­­­i­ence Citation Index). It should be noted that, for some journals accessible through PERO browser, there is a delay of 6, 12 and even 18 months in accessing the newest issues. This number is given in the brackets next to the journal's headline.Bullettin of the GSI (Geospatial Information Authority of Japan)http://www.gsi.go.jp/ENGLISH/page_e30092.htmlK. Kawase: A general formula for calculating meridian arc length and its application to coordinate conversion in the Gauss-Krüger projection, Vol. 59, December 2011.K. Kawase: Concise derivation of extensive coordinate conversion formulae in the Gauss-Krüger pro­jection, Vol. 60, December 2012.Coordinates (A monthly magazine on positioning, navigation and beyond) http://mycoordinates.orgT. Nagayama, K. Inaba, T. Hayashi, H: Nakai: Responding to the great east Japan earthquake, 2012, 12.J. SF Fabic: Data integration and sharing for disaster management, 2012, 12.D. Ampatzidis: Datum transformations using exclusively geodetic curvilinear coordinates without height information, 2012, 12.Geomatics and Environmental Engineeringhttp://journals.bg.agh.edu.pl/GEOMATICS/index.phpR. Cellmer, A. Senetra, A. Szczepanska: Land value maps of naturally valuable areas, 2012, 3.Geopolitics (CC, SSCI) (12)J. Strandsbjerg: Cartopolitics, geopolitics and boundaries in the Arctic, 2012, 4.International Journal of Geographical Information Science (CC, SCIE, SSCI) (12)H. Fan, L. Meng: A three-step approach of simplifying 3D buildings modeled by CityGML, 2012, 6.D. Hardy, J. Frew, M. F. Goodchild: Volunteered geographic information production as a spatial process, 2012, 7.P. Taillandier, J. Gaffuri: Improving map generalisation with new pruning heuristics, 2012, 7.ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Informationhttp://www.mdpi.com/journal/ijgiP. Neis, A. Zipf: Analyzing the contributor activity of a volunteered geographic information project — The case of OpenStreetMap, 2012, 2.P. Neis, M. Goetz, A. Zipf: Towards automatic vandalism detection in OpenStreetMap, 2012, 3.ISPRS Journal of Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing (CC, SCIE)http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/09242716J-H. Haunert: A symmetry detector for map generalization and urban-space analysis, Vol. 74, November 2012.Journal of Historical Geography (CC, SSC) (12)D. Fedman, C. Karacas: A cartographic fade to black: mapping the destruction of urban Japan during World War II, 2012, 3.M. Yilmaz: Historical mosque orientation in Turkey: Central-Western Anatolia Region, 1150‒1590, 2012, 4.Landscape Ecology (CC, SCIE)http://link.springer.com/journal/10980J. Liang: Mapping large-scale forest dynamics: a geospatial approach, 2012, 8.Naše morehttp://hrcak.srce.hr/nase-moreI. Pavić: Geografsko-informacijski sus­tav i model razvoja pomorskoga ka­tastra, 2012, 5-6.Remote Sensing of Environment (CC, SCIE)N. Levin, A. Heimowitz: Mapping spatial and temporal patterns of Mediterranean wildfires from MODIS, Vol. 126 November 2012.Tehnički vjesnik (SCIE)http://hrcak.srce.hr/tehnicki-vjesnik R. Župan, D. Sruk, S. Frangeš: Experiment for determination of map graphics segment standard for handheld crisis maps management, 2012, 4.URISA Journalhttp://www.urisa.org/PSS_journal_archivesM. Martin, B. Peters, J. Corbett: Participatory asset mapping in the Lake Victoria Basin of Kenya, 2012, 2.P. A. Johnson, R. E. Sieber: Increasing access to and use of geospatial data by municipal government and citizens: the process of "Geomatization" in rural Québec, 2012, 2.A. Poplin: Web-based PPGIS for Wilhelmsburg, Germany: An integration of interactive GIS-based maps with an online questionnaire, 2012, 2. ; Dan je izbor članaka iz područja kartografije i geoinformacija iz časopisa, koji nisu u prvom redu kartografski, a kojima su cjeloviti tekstovi dostupni na internetu članovima hrvatske akademske i istraživačke zajednice. Većina časopisa dostupna je preko pretraživača PERO (http:// knjiznica.irb.hr/pero/index.php). Za časopise koji nisu dostupni preko tog pretraživača cjeloviti tekstovi navedenih članaka slobodno su pristupačni na upisanoj web-adresi. Uz svaki je časopis u zagradi naznačeno u koje je ugledne bibliografske i citatne baze uvršten: CC (Current Contents), SCIE (Science Citation Index Expanded), SSCI (Social Science Citation Index). Treba naglasiti da za neke časopise, dostupne preko pretraživača PERO, postoji odgoda pristupa najnovijim brojevima od 6, 12, a ponekad i 18 mjeseci. Taj broj je naveden u zagradi uz naslov časopisa. Bullettin of the GSI (Geospatial Information Authority of Japan)http://www.gsi.go.jp/ENGLISH/page_e30092.htmlK. Kawase: A general formula for calculating meridian arc length and its application to coordinate conversion in the Gauss-Krüger projection, Vol. 59, December 2011.K. Kawase: Concise derivation of extensive coordinate conversion formulae in the Gauss-Krüger pro­jection, Vol. 60, December 2012.Coordinates (A monthly magazine on positioning, navigation and beyond) http://mycoordinates.orgT. Nagayama, K. Inaba, T. Hayashi, H: Nakai: Responding to the great east Japan earthquake, 2012, 12.J. SF Fabic: Data integration and sharing for disaster management, 2012, 12.D. Ampatzidis: Datum transformations using exclusively geodetic curvilinear coordinates without height information, 2012, 12.Geomatics and Environmental Engineeringhttp://journals.bg.agh.edu.pl/GEOMATICS/index.phpR. Cellmer, A. Senetra, A. Szczepanska: Land value maps of naturally valuable areas, 2012, 3.Geopolitics (CC, SSCI) (12)J. Strandsbjerg: Cartopolitics, geopolitics and boundaries in the Arctic, 2012, 4.International Journal of Geographical Information Science (CC, SCIE, SSCI) (12)H. Fan, L. Meng: A three-step approach of simplifying 3D buildings modeled by CityGML, 2012, 6.D. Hardy, J. Frew, M. F. Goodchild: Volunteered geographic information production as a spatial process, 2012, 7.P. Taillandier, J. Gaffuri: Improving map generalisation with new pruning heuristics, 2012, 7.ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Informationhttp://www.mdpi.com/journal/ijgiP. Neis, A. Zipf: Analyzing the contributor activity of a volunteered geographic information project — The case of OpenStreetMap, 2012, 2.P. Neis, M. Goetz, A. Zipf: Towards automatic vandalism detection in OpenStreetMap, 2012, 3.ISPRS Journal of Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing (CC, SCIE)http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/09242716J-H. Haunert: A symmetry detector for map generalization and urban-space analysis, Vol. 74, November 2012.Journal of Historical Geography (CC, SSC) (12)D. Fedman, C. Karacas: A cartographic fade to black: mapping the destruction of urban Japan during World War II, 2012, 3.M. Yilmaz: Historical mosque orientation in Turkey: Central-Western Anatolia Region, 1150‒1590, 2012, 4.Landscape Ecology (CC, SCIE)http://link.springer.com/journal/10980J. Liang: Mapping large-scale forest dynamics: a geospatial approach, 2012, 8.Naše morehttp://hrcak.srce.hr/nase-moreI. Pavić: Geografsko-informacijski sus­tav i model razvoja pomorskoga ka­tastra, 2012, 5-6.Remote Sensing of Environment (CC, SCIE)N. Levin, A. Heimowitz: Mapping spatial and temporal patterns of Mediterranean wildfires from MODIS, Vol. 126 November 2012.Tehnički vjesnik (SCIE)http://hrcak.srce.hr/tehnicki-vjesnikR. Župan, D. Sruk, S. Frangeš: Experiment for determination of map graphics segment standard for handheld crisis maps management, 2012, 4.URISA Journalhttp://www.urisa.org/PSS_journal_archivesM. Martin, B. Peters, J. Corbett: Participatory asset mapping in the Lake Victoria Basin of Kenya, 2012, 2.P. A. Johnson, R. E. Sieber: Increasing access to and use of geospatial data by municipal government and citizens: the process of "Geomatization" in rural Québec, 2012, 2.A. Poplin: Web-based PPGIS for Wilhelmsburg, Germany: An integration of interactive GIS-based maps with an online questionnaire, 2012, 2.

Zadatak razvijanja znanja o afričkim ruralnim područjima od strane urbanih afričkih istraživača susreće se s dva značajna izazova: nadmoć mitova i 'biće kao sila' u mreži ruralne afričke gnoze i prijezirno držanje urbanih afričkih istraživača spram domorodačkih sustava znanja (IKS). Ovaj je pristup rezultat kolonijalnih nastojanja da se sačuva epistemička hegemonija i neokolonijalizacija uz pomoć Afrikanaca koje se okrenulo protiv mogućnosti afričkog sustava znanja. Fiksacija na mit i silu ruralnih aktera i zapadnjačkog akademski orijentiranog sistema znanja sačinjava obostrano antagonističke strukture moći s kumulativnim efektom zagušivanja pokušaja da se Afriku razumije iznutra prema van. Ovaj rad, usmjeravajući se na društveno znanje Yoruba, primjenjuje rekonstruktivni pristup predlažući dva puta do razvoja robusne afričke baze znanja. Prvi put argumentira da se ruralni akteri koji doprinose razvoju afričke spoznaje moraju raščarati gdje je to potrebno. Drugi je put usmjeren na urgentnost postizanja potpune dekolonizacije. Dok prvi put vidi kretanje ruralnog od mitova prema artikulaciji liberalnog epistemičkog sistema, drugi put želi ukloniti nevjericu i prijezir koji urbani istraživači imaju o zbilji znanja u Africi. Znanje koje ima koristi od afričke originalnosti može se konsolidirati otvorenim dijalogom između urbanih istraživača i ruralnih aktera koji imaju izravnu vezu s ispostavom afričke gnoze u pogledu politike, prava, etike, farmakognoze, zdravstva, ekonomije i okoliša. ; The task of advancing knowledge on Africa from rural African spaces by urban African researchers confronts two formidable challenges; namely, the preponderance of myths and 'being as a force' in the network of rural African gnosis and the contemptuous poise of the urban African researcher against indigenous knowledge systems (IKS). This attitude is the aftermath of colonial efforts at reserving epistemic hegemony and neo¬colonisation by Africans who have been inundated against the possibility of an African knowledge system. The fixation on myths and force by rural agents and western academy-¬derived knowledge system constitute mutually antagonistic power structures with the cumulative effect of stifling efforts at understanding Africa from inside out. This paper focusing on the Yoruba knowledge society employs a reconstructive approach in proposing two paths to the development of a robust African knowledge base by African researchers. The first path argues that rural agents contributing to developing African episteme must disenchant where necessary. The second is directed at the urgency of achieving a consummated decolonisation. While the former path sees the rural moving from a system of myths to the articulation of liberal epistemic system, the latter seeks to nullify the incredulity and contempt urban researchers have about the reality of knowledge in Africa. Knowledge that has the benefit of African originality can thus be consolidated on an open dialogue between urban researchers and rural agents who have direct relations to the deposit of African gnosis pertaining to politics, law, ethics, pharmacognosy, health care, economy and the environment. ; La mission des chercheurs africains issus des milieux urbains pour développer le savoir dans les zones de l'Afrique rurale se confronte à deux défis significatifs : la prédominance des mythes et « l'être comme force » au sein du réseau africain de la gnose, et l'attitude méprisante des chercheurs issus des milieux urbains envers les systèmes de connaissances indigènes (IKS). Cette approche est le résultat d'efforts coloniaux pour sauvegarder l'hégémonie épistémique et le néocolonialisme par le biais d'un assujettissement des Africains qui va à l'encontre d'un éventuel système de connaissances africain. L'idée fixe qui porte sur les mythes et sur la force des acteurs issus du milieu rural, mais également sur celle du système de connaissances acadé¬mique constitue, des deux côtés, des structures de pouvoir qui ont pour effet d'étouffer les tentatives accumulées pour comprendre l'Afrique de l'intérieur. Ce travail, en s'orientant vers le savoir de la communauté Yoruba, applique une approche de reconstruction en proposant deux voies qui mènent à un développement solide de la base du savoir africain. La première voie discute le fait que les acteurs ruraux qui contribuent au développement du savoir africain doivent éclaircir la situation là où il est nécessaire de le faire. La seconde voie se penche sur l'urgence pour parvenir à une complète décolonisation. Alors que la première voie conçoit l'évolution du rural à partir des mythes et se dirige vers la formation d'un système épistémique libéral, la se-conde voie souhaite se débarrasser de l'incrédulité et du mépris des chercheurs urbains envers la réalité du savoir en Afrique. Le savoir qui tire ses avantages de l'originalité africaine peut se consolider par le biais d'un dialogue ouvert entre les chercheurs urbains et les acteurs ruraux qui ont un lien direct avec la gnose africaine établie eu égard à la politique, au droit, à l'éthique, à la pharmacognosie, à la santé, à l'économie et à l'environnement. ; Die Aufgabe der Fortentwicklung des Wissens über afrikanische ländliche Gebiete seitens der urbanen Forscher Afrikas stößt auf zwei bedeutende Herausforderungen: die Überlegenheit der Mythen und "das Wesen als Macht" im Netz ruraler afrikanischer Gnosis sowie die verächtliche Haltung urbaner afrikanischer Forscher gegenüber den indigenen Wissenssystemen (IKS). Ein solches Herangehen ist das Ergebnis kolonialer Bemühungen, die epistemische Hegemonie und Neokolonialisierung beizubehalten, und zwar mithilfe von Afrikanern, über die man gegen die Interessen des afrikanischen Wissenssystems die Oberhand behielt. Die Fixierung auf den Mythos und die Macht der ländlichen Akteure sowie des westlichen, akademisch orientierten Wissenssystems vereint beiderseitig antagonistische Machtstrukturen mit dem kumulativen Effekt, Versuche zu ersticken, Afrika von innen heraus zu verstehen. Diese Arbeit, indem sie sich auf das Wissen der Yoruba¬-Gesellschaft konzentriert, setzt den rekonstruktiven Ansatz ein und schlägt zwei Wege zur Entwicklung einer robusten afrikanischen Wissensbasis vor. Der erste Weg argumentiert, dass die ruralen Akteure, die der Entwicklung der afrikanischen Erkenntnis ihren Beitrag leisten, erforderlichenfalls entzaubert werden müssen. Der zweite Weg ist auf die Dringlichkeit der Umsetzung einer vollständigen Dekolonisation ausgerichtet. Während der erste Weg die Fortbewegung des Ländlichen von den Mythen zur Artikulation des liberalen epistemischen Systems erkennt, verfolgt der zweite Weg das Ziel, den Unglauben und die Geringschätzung zu beseitigen, die urbane Forscher gegenüber der Wissensrealität in Afrika pflegen. Das Wissen, dem die afrikanische Originalität zugutekommt, lässt sich durch einen offenen Dialog zwischen urbanen Forschern und ruralen Akteuren konsolidieren, die eine direkte Verbindung zur Außenstelle der afrikanischen Gnosis in Bezug auf Politik, Recht, Ethik, Pharmakognosie, Gesundheitswesen, Wirtschaft und Umwelt haben.

Na temelju otkrića stupa s natpisom SCRIB COS, scrib(a) co(n)s(ularis) don Frane Bulić ubicirao je palaču namjesnika provincije Dalmacije gdje je potom pronađeno više slojeva mozaika s figuralnim prikazima (Apolona, Tritona i Orfeja) i geometrijskom ornamentikom. Analizom dokumentacije napravljene za vrijeme istraživanja 1942. godine, može se razlučiti osnovni oblik građevine, tj. klasični tip rimske vile sa središnjim atrijem, koja se nalazila uz glavni dekuman. Već na prvi pogled primjećuju se tijekom vremena znatna preuređenja pojedinih prostora i dvorana osnovnog korpusa palače, a osobito u vrijeme cara Dioklecijana. To nedvojbeno potvrđuje carev gentilicij Valeria u službenom nazivu grada naveden na reljefu salonitanske Tihe koji je tvorio dio lučnog ukrasa ulaza u namjesnikovu palaču. Autorica rekonstruira izgled monumentalnih vrata gdje se u ključnom kamenu nalazio prikaz Rome čiji je lik flankirao treći, zasad nepoznati reljef. ; Following up on an accidental discovery of a column that had on it the inscription SCRIB COS, scrib(a) co(n)s(ularis) back in 1916, Frane Bulic located the office of the governor's secretary, in other words, the palace of the governor of Dalmatia. In this place several layers of mosaics were found, Bulić focusing on those with depictions of Apollo, Triton and Orpheus, but in spite of all his efforts, he did not manage to buy the land. During World War II, Italian archaeologists carried out excavations in the palace during 1942 and at that time, extracted numerous mosaics, today partially exhibited in the Archaeological Museum in Split. Unfortunately, no accounts of the results of the Italian excavations were ever published, and it is only recently that Emilio Marin has provided part of the documentation of this research. Only a preliminary account of the governor's palace revealed in the Ilinac neighbourhood (Zubanovac, cadastral parcel 3551/1) has been published. Hence it is not possible to comprehend the totality of this monumental public building, or the unique stratigraphic relation of the individual mosaic fields with figural depictions or those with geometrical ornamentation that also formed a considerable part of the whole of the arrangement of the flooring. However, through an analysis of the architectural and photographic documentation made during the excavations known so far, it is possible to distinguish the basic shape of the building. It is a classic type of Roman villa with a central atrium. At first glance it is possible to make out the considerable remodelling of individual rooms and halls of the basic corpus of the 2nd century AD palace that took place over the course of time. The entry was on the northern façade, and then through the vestibule there was access into the atrium, the central space with porticos, around an impluvium enabling access to the other rooms. One the west side of the atrium is a series of four rectangular rooms, while on the eastern side was a room of much bigger dimensions with built square pylons regularly distributed around the central pylon. These are structural elements, i.e., bearers of the cross vaults that spanned the largest hall and on the floor above it was a room of the same size. The main hall was decorated with floor mosaics with rich floral ornamentation. These elements show the final renovation of the grand hall in Late Antiquity, undoubtedly influenced by the architecture of Diocletian's Palace. Belonging to the first layer is a mosaic showing the mythical singer Orpheus, over which is a mosaic with Triton, in the extension of which was a mosaic featuring Apollo. According to archival photography, mosaics with Triton and Apollo are above any of the other mosaics and probably belong to the last renovation of the mosaic floors of the governor's palace. The question here arises as to whether the placing of the figure of Triton is to be linked with inscriptions of a college from the time of Diocletian: sailors who served on ships called tritons, the names of which are written on altars during the annual ceremonies of Kalendis febr(aris) menestravinus at Tritonis. The governor's palace was much renovated, like other public buildings, in the time of Emperor Diocletian. Although for the moment only modest remains of his well known architectural activity have been confirmed in Salona, the emperor's gentile name in the official name of the city is stated in the relief of the Salona Tyche, confirming this beyond a doubt. Since the relief belongs to the arcuate decoration of the monumental gate, and is found by what are called Five Bridges, it has been assumed that it was originally placed on the nearby city gate, Porta Caesarea. But in the immediate vicinity of the site of the discovery of the arcuate relief there was the governor's palace. What was actually shown on the keystone of the arch beside the relief of the Salona Tyche? In a study dedicated to monuments of Minerva, D. Rendić-Miočević provides the information that together with the relief of Salonitan Tyche there was a relief found that had a depiction of a bust of Minerva or Roma on the arch stone of one of the gates in Salona. This relief of Roma is also displayed in the lapidarium of the Archaeological Museum, but is wrongly entered into the museum inventory (Cat. D 480), which has entirely suppressed its origins in Salona. That it belonged to the decorative parts of the same arch is shown beyond a doubt by the identical lines of the moulding around similarly formed niches and the stylistic characteristics of the female deities. It was above the main entrance into the governor's palace that there were prominent relief depictions of Roma, personification of the Roman state, and Salonitan Tyche, patroness of the city. This correlates very well with the context of the propaganda and religious programme of the residence of the governor of the province of Dalmatia. Over the main entrance, then, were displayed the official symbols of Roman rule. From this point of view it can be hypothesised what there might be on the third relief, which undoubtedly flanked the goddess Roma on the other side. Since in the name of Salona there was Diocletian's gentilicium, Valeria, which is an essential element for the time of the origin of the relief, that is, the decoration over the entrance of this important building for the government of the whole province, one should assume there was some symbol of the ruler, i.e., the emperor. It is an open question whether in this place one is to look for the figure of the ruler so present in and responsible for the renovation of not only this public building but of the whole of the capital, Salona, whence, when he stepped down from the throne, he was able still to take part in the government of the Empire.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVA Nova promjena u vezi s plaćanjima naknade za općekorisne funkcije šuma, tretirane kao parafiskalni namet, potiče nas da opetovano progovorimo o tom problemu. Na Poduzetničkom portalu čitamo: Premda se službeno zovu "neporezna davanja" u javnosti se već uvriježio termin "parafiskalni nameti", a popisan je 161 parafiskalni namet, koji kažu naciji oduzima oko 2,5 % BDP-a. Detaljnije pak pojašnjenje prema definiciji Ministarstva financija kaže: "parafiskalni nameti su sva propisana obvezna neporezna davanja koja plaćaju poduzeća središnjim tijelima državne uprave, jedinicama lokalne i područne (regionalne) samouprave ili drugim tijelima s javnim ovlastima, ako pri tome: platitelj ne dobiva za uzvrat neku uslugu, dobro ili pravo .". Ako je tome tako zbog čega se onda naknada za općekorisne funkcije šuma tretira kao parafiskalni namet? Naime, u ovome slučaju nesporno je da platitelj dobiva za uzvrat uslugu, dobro ili pravo. To bi trebalo biti svima jasno ako samo pogledaju Zakon o šumama, gdje su navedene općekorisne funkcije šuma kako slijedi: 1. zaštita tla, prometnica i drugih objekata od erozije, bujica i poplava; 2. utjecaj na vodni režim i kvalitetu voda; 3. utjecaj na plodnost tla i poljodjelsku proizvodnju; 4. utjecaj na klimu i ublažavanje posljedica klimatskih promjena; 5. zaštita i unapređenje čovjekova okoliša; 6. stvaranje kisika, ponor ugljika i pročišćavanje atmosfere; 7. rekreativna, turistička i zdravstvena funkcija; 8. stvaranje povoljnih uvjeta za divljač i ostalu faunu te 9. povećan utjecaj zaštitnih šuma i šuma posebne namjene na bioraznolikost. U pojedinim funkcijama imaju korist samo neki, a u nekima svi. Naknada za općekorisne funkcije šuma prvotno je iznosila 0,07 % od ukupnoga godišnjeg prihoda, 2010. godine pada na 0,0525 %, a potom 2012. godine na 0,0265 % da bi 2018. godine bili oslobođeni plaćanja oni koji ostvaruju ukupni prihod manji od 3 milijuna kn godišnje. Sada se oslobađaju plaćanja oni s ukupnim godišnjim prihodom manjim od 7,5 milijuna kn, a postotak pada na 0,024. Da bi nam bilo jasnije, izračunajmo koliko je to novaca godišnje – na 3 milijuna kn to je bilo 795,00 kn/god., a na 7,5 milijuna kn to je 1.800,00 kn/god. (velik novac !?). Sagledavajući kronologiju smanjenja naknade za općekorisne funkcije šume i histeriju koja vlada oko parafiskalnih nameta, ne bi nas iznenadilo da obnašatelji vlasti nakon parlamentarnih izbora potpuno ukinu ovaj po nama potreban ekološki progresivni porez. Nažalost, ne bi bilo prvi puta da se radi populizma povlače potezi koji nisu dobri ni za državu ni za društvo. Od glavnih gospodarskih djelatnosti: 1. proizvodnje drvnih šumskih proizvoda, 2. proizvodnje šumskog reprodukcijskog materijala i 3. proizvodnje nedrvnih šumskih proizvoda, očekuje se i dobit koja se uplaćuje u državni proračun. Sve to unatoč netržišnom poslovanju u prometu tim proizvodima i nužnim potrebama pravodobnog i sveobuhvatnog rada na uzgojnim i zaštitarskim radovima u šumskom ekosustavu koji se često "preskače", kako bi dobit bila čim veća. Više puta ukazivali smo da u šumarstvu nema dobiti, ako vratimo šumi ono što smo joj uzeli, a da bi ona bila u optimumu, ili slikovito rečeno "vječna". O svakoj od devet navedenih općekorisnih funkcija često smo govorili, potkrijepivši naše riječi istraživačkim rezultatima. Brojke su impresivne i najbolje se pamte. Govoreći, zbog manjka prostora u rubrici, primjerice samo o njenoj hidrološkoj funkciji, rečeno je kako niti jedan vegetacijski oblik ne utječe tako djelotvorno na vodu kao šuma - ona uravnotežuje raspored vode u prostoru, ravnomjerno opskrbljuje vodotoke i ublažava pojavu visokih vodnih valova, utječe na čistoću vode i broj izvorišta. Procjeđivanjem vode kroz živo i rahlo šumsko tlo, ona u podzemne tokove ulazi pitka. Ako uzmemo u obračun prosječnu godišnju količinu oborina u Hrvatskoj od 1200 mm i površinu šuma od samo 2 milijuna ha (ona je veća) računa se da iz šume istječe oko 13 milijardi tona pitke vode. Tko dobiva tu uslugu – svi uključivši i platitelja! Ovako bi mogli i o ostalim općekorisnim funkcijama. E sada, neki kažu pisano je već o svemu tome i rečeno na mnogim šumarskim skupovima, ali mi šumari govorimo sami sebi – a mi pitamo kolegice i kolege: servirani su vam podaci u ovoj rubrici i drugim tekstovima – zašto to ne širite među poznanike, a oni politički angažirani šumarski stručnjaci među kolege političare na lokalnoj, regionalnoj pa i državnoj razini? Pitamo se, da li je pristojno reći da ste se "zavukli u mišju rupu"? Vi odgovorite! Uredništvo ; EDITORIAL A new change referring to the payment of non-market forest function fees, regarded as a parafiscal tax, urges us to again discuss this problem. We read on the Entrepreneurial Portal: Although officially called "non-tax benefits", the term "parafiscal levies" has already become commonplace in the public, and 161 parafiscal levies have been listed, which is believed to take away about 2.5 % of the GDP from the nation. A more detailed explanation according to the definition of the Ministry of Finance states: "parafiscal levies are all prescribed mandatory non-tax benefits paid by companies to central state administrative bodies, local and regional self-government units or other bodies with public authority, if the payer does not receive a service, goods or right in return .". If so, then why is the non-market forest function fee treated as a parafiscal levy? In this case it is indisputable that the payer receives a service, goods or right in return. It should be clear to everyone who reads the Forest Act and where the non-market forest functions are listed as follows: 1. protection of soil, roads and other facilities from erosion, torrents and floods; 2. impact on water regime and water quality; 3. impact on soil fertility and agricultural production; 4. impact on climate and mitigation of climate change; 5. protection and improvement of the human environment; 6. oxygen generation, carbon sink and atmospheric purification; 7. recreation, tourist and health function; 8. creation of favourable conditions for wildlife and other fauna, and 9: increased impact of protective forests and special purpose forests on biodiversity. Some of the functions provide benefits only for some individuals, while other functions provide benefits for all. The non-market forest function fee initially amounted to 0.07 % of the total annual income, in 2010 it dropped to 0,0525 %, and then in 2012 to 0.0265 %, whereas in 2018 all those who generated total income less than 3 million kuna annually were exempt from payment. Now all these with a total annual income of less than 7.5 million kuna are exempt from payment, and the percentage has dropped to 0.024. To make it clearer, let us calculate how much money it is per year - at 3 million kuna it was 795.00 kuna/year, and at 7.5 million kuna it was 1,800.00 kuna / year (what an amount!). In view of the chronology of the reduction of the non-market forest function fee and the hysteria surrounding parafiscal levies, it would not at all surprise us if, after the parliamentary elections, the government completely abolishes this, in our view, necessary and environmentally progressive tax. Regrettably, it would not be the first time that populism takes steps that are not good either for the state or for the society. The main economic activities, including 1. production of wood forest products, 2. production of forest reproductive material and 3. production of non-wood forest products, are expected to generate income which is paid into the state budget. All this despite non-market business moves in the trade of these products and the necessary need for timely and comprehensive work on silvicultural and protection operations in the forest ecosystem, which are often "skipped" in order to maximize profit. We have repeatedly pointed out that there is no profit in forestry if we return to the forest what we have taken from it so as to leave it in the optimal state, or figuratively speaking, so as to make it "eternal". We have often discussed every one of the nine non-market functions listed above, corroborating our words with research results. The numbers are impressive and are easy to remember. Due to limited space in the column, let us only take the hydrological function; no vegetation form affects water as effectively as a forest - it balances the distribution of water in space, evenly supplies watercourses and mitigates high water waves, and affects water purity and the number of water springs. Water filtered through live and friable forest soil reaches ground courses as potable water. If we take into account the average annual rainfall in Croatia of 1200 mm and the forest area of only 2 million ha (it is larger), it is calculated that about 13 billion tons of drinking water flows from the forest. Who receives this service? Everyone, including the payer! We could continue in the same way with other non-market forest functions. Some would say, these issues have been treated at a number of forestry conferences, but we foresters speak for ourselves - and we ask our colleagues: you have been served information in this column and in other articles - why do not you spread it among your acquaintances, and why those politically active forestry experts do not raise these issues among their fellow politicians at the local, regional and even state level? We wonder, is it polite to say that you have "crawled into a mouse hole"? You answer it! Editorial Board

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAUZ 20-tu OBLJETNICU DANA HRVATSKOGA ŠUMARSTVANa 101. Godišnjoj skupštini Hrvatskoga šumarskoga društva, održanoj 9. svibnja 1997. god. (188 sudionika) u Zaključcima pod red. br. 15 Skupština "proglašava 20. lipnja za Dan hrvatskoga šumarstva, koji će se od 1998. godine u organizaciji HŠD-a obilježavati svake godine". Naime, toga je datuma na 96. Redovitoj skupštini 20. lipnja 1991.g. jednoglasnom odlukom promijenjen naziv udruge iz Saveza društava inženjera i tehničara šumarstva i drvne industrije Hrvatske u Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo. Tako je od 1998.g. Dan hrvatskoga šumarstva redovito obilježavan. Uz redovita izvješća o radu i financijskom poslovanju udruge, u nastavku je uvijek slijedila aktualna stručna tema. Stručna tema ove Skupštine bila je "Hrvatsko šumarstvo danas i sutra". Uvod u raspravu dali su tadašnji predsjednik HŠD-a prof. dr. sc. Slavko Matić i direktor "Hrvatskih šuma" p.o. Zagreb Anđelko Serdarušić, dipl. ing. šum. Kao temu za razmišljanje, navest ćemo samo dio iz tih uvoda i rasprave objedinjenih u 15 zaključaka.Prof. Matić ponajprije naglašava kako je HŠD najmjerodavnija stručna organizacija koja mora raspravljati o stanju u hrvatskome šumarstvu, posebno onda kada su svakim danom problemi sve brojniji i uočljiviji. No, nitko ne očekuje njihovo rješenje preko noći. Najvažniji problemi su: zapošljavanje diplomiranih inženjera i općenito smanjenje broja zaposlenih u šumarstvu; nepotrebno izdvajanje velikih površina šuma u nacionalne parkove i parkove prirode i davanje na upravljanje raznoraznim upravnim odborima gdje gotovo i nema šumara; podređeni odnos prema struci gdje Hrvatske ceste, vodoprivreda i elektroprivreda, protivno Zakonu o šumama, ulaze u šume bez naknade; drvni sortimenti se raspoređuju po komisijama, uz niske cijene a svi se zaklinjemo u slobodno tržište; u šumu nam ulaze needucirani i slabo opremljeni poduzetnici s nekvalificiranom radnom snagom; poseban trud treba ulagati u afirmaciju struke utemeljene ponajprije na profesionalnoj etici; trebamo se riješiti onih "zalutalih" u šumarsku struku, kojima je cilj samo laka zarada.Direktor Serdarušić nakon uvoda daje desetak prijedloga za zaključke; uputiti zahtjev Hrvatskoj radioteleviziji za termin redovitog priloga o hrvatskom šumarstvu; da predstavnici HŠD-a, Šumarskog fakulteta, Šumarskog instituta i Hrvatskih šuma p.o. izrade suvremeni Zakon o šumama i Dugoročni program šumarstva i upute ga Ministarstvu uz zahtjev za ukidanje tzv. "liste finalista", reprogramiranja dugova, dodjela dionica, odgoda plaćanja itd.; usklađivanje odnosa šumarstva i drugih djelatnosti; da se osigura više financijskih sredstava za gospodarenje privatnim šumama i sanaciju ratnih šteta, te da na prostornom uređenju i djelatnostima zaštite prirode, neizostavno sudjeluju i šumarski stručnjaci.Tomislav Starčević naglašava kako je vrijeme da se analizira da li smo i koliko, dosljedno provodili temeljne koncepcijske pretpostavke za razvoj hrvatskoga šumarstva, gdje u provedbi tih opredjeljenja još nema jasne šumarske politike; Šumariji kao temeljnoj organizacijskoj jedinici ne daje se dovoljno važnosti i ovlaštenja, iz čega proizlazi gubitak motiva; kod uzgojnih radova vidljivo opada kvaliteta; doradom planova gospodarenja povećava se sortimentna struktura planova sječa, pa nemamo definirane planske veličine; naposljetku ovu Skupštinu smatra poticajnom za temeljiti razvoj šumarstva.Prof. Joso Vukelić smatra da Vlada RH nema koncepciju razvoja šumarstva i javnog poduzeća, ne uvažava stručna mišljenja, postavlja nekompetentan Upravni odbor; resorno Ministarstvo je neadekvatno organizirano i šumarstvo i lovstvo bi trebalo izdvojiti u posebnu Državnu upravu, kao što su to vode. Posebno ističe nezadovoljstvo društveno-moralnim položajem šumarske struke.Prvi resorni ministar Ivan Tarnaj ističe kako nijedna organizacija nije konačna, pa tako ni šumarska; ova dosadašnja, obrazlažući je detaljno, smatra da je bila dobra, jer trebalo je u teškim uvjetima preživjeti, no nakon 7 godina možda je vrijeme za novu.Prof. Branimir Prpić iskazuje nezadovoljstvo podređenošću šumarstva u Strategiji prostornog uređenja RH i smanjenjem opsega šumarskih djelatnosti, posebice u prostornom planiranju i zaštiti prirode i okoliša, gdje šumarske poslove preuzimaju nestručni kadrovi.Prošlo je 20 godina pa imajući pred sobom ovaj skraćeni prikaz navedene stručne teme (detaljno u Šumarskom listu br. 5-6/1997., str. 323-332), pokušajmo odgovoriti barem na dva pitanja: što se to do danas promijenilo i da li je "svatko od nas korigiranjem svoga rada dao najbolji doprinos poboljšanju stanja u šumarstvu", što je tada sugerirao prof. Matić u uvodnom izlaganju? Uredništvo ; EDITORIALOn the 20th Anniversary of the Day of Croatian ForestryAt the 101st Annual Assembly of the Croatian Forestry Association held on 9th May 1997, (188 participants), June 20th was proclaimed the Day of Croatian Forestry, which will be celebrated annually by the Croatian Forestry Association starting from 1998 (Conclusions, item 15). At the 96th regular meeting held on 20th June 1991, the name of the association was unanimously changed from the Association of Engineers and Technicians of Forestry and Wood Industry of Croatia into the Croatian Forestry Association. The Day of Croatian Forestry has been marked interminably since 1998. Regular reports on the activities and financial affairs of the Association have always been accompanied by discussions on current specialist topics. The specialist topic of the said Assembly was "the Croatian forestry today and tomorrow". An introduction to the discussion was given by Professor Slavko Matić, PhD, the then president of the Croatian Forestry Association, and Anđelko Serdarušić, BSc in forestry, director of the company "Croatian Forests". To provide food for thought, we shall mention only some parts of these introductions and discussions summarized in 15 conclusions.First and foremost, Professor Matić stresses that the CFA is the most competent professional organisation to discuss the condition of Croatian forestry, particularly in view of a growing number of acute problems. However, nobody expects overnight solutions. The most important problems include the employment of graduate engineers and the declining number of those employed in forestry in general; unnecessary conversions of large forest areas into national parks and nature parks and their management by managing boards consisting of anybody but foresters; a subordinate attitude towards the profession, reflected in the fact that the Croatian Roads, Water Management and Electrical Utility Company, contrary to the Forest Law, enter forests without any monetary compensation; wood assortments are distributed per commissions at low prices despite the fact that we all staunchly support the free market economy; forests are treated by uneducated and poorly equipped entrepreneurs with unqualified labour force; particular effort should be invested in the promotion of the profession that is based primarily on professional ethics; those who have "wandered" into the forestry profession by accident with the only goal of making easy money should be removed from forestry.Director Serdarušić followed his introduction with some ten proposals for the conclusions. These include the following: a request should be submitted to the Croatian Radio Television to allocate a fixed term for programmes on Croatian forestry; representatives of the CFA, the Faculty of Forestry, the Forest Research Institute and Croatian Forests Ltd should draw up a modern Forest Law and a Long-Term Forestry Programme and submit it to the Ministry. The Programme should be accompanied by a demand to abolish so-called "finalist lists", re-programme debts, allocate shares, postpone payments, etc; the relationship between forestry and other fields should be coordinated; more financial means should be ensured for the management of private forests and the recovery of war damage; and forestry experts should invariably be included into spatial management and nature conservation activities.Tomislav Starčević stresses the need to analyse whether the basic conceptual prerequisites for the development of Croatian forestry have been implemented and to what extent, considering that the application of these prerequisites is not guided by a clear forestry policy; the forest office, as the basic organisational unit, is not given sufficient importance and competences, hence the loss of motives; the quality of silvicultural treatments is visibly declining; by adding to management plans the assortment structure of cutting plans is increased, resulting in changes in the planned amounts; and finally, he considers this Assembly an incentive for the overall development of forestry.Professor Joso Vukelić points out that the Croatian Government does not have a clear concept of the development of forestry and public enterprises, does not accept professional opinions, and appoints incompetent management boards; the Ministry is inadequately organized; while forestry and hunting management should be placed under a separate State administration, similar to water management. He particularly expresses dissatisfaction with the socio-moral position of the forestry profession.The first forestry minister Ivan Tarnaj states that no organisation is final, and consequently the forestry organisation is not final either; he maintains that the current organisation is good in view of the fact that it was difficult to survive in hard conditions, but after seven years it is perhaps time to launch a new organisation.Professor Branimir Prpić expressed dissatisfaction with the subordinate position of forestry in the Croatian Strategy of Spatial Planning and with a reduced volume of forest activities, particularly in spatial planning and nature conservation and environment protection, where forestry activities are performed by inexpert personnel.Twenty years have passed: looking at this brief review of the topic (find a more detailed analysis in Forestry Journal No. 5-6/1997, pp 323-332), let us try and answer at least two questions: what has changed since and have we all "by improving our work, given the best contribution to the condition in forestry", as Professor Matić suggested in his introductory discussion. Editorial Board

Replicirajući na tekst Riječ Uredništva u Šumarskome listu br. 3-4/2016., predsjednik Uprave Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. mr. sc. Ivan Pavelić u svojoj poruci poslanoj elektroničkom poštom na adresu predsjednika i tajnika HŠD-a zaključuje, da "kao Uprava društva, ne želimo podržavati "naklapanja" i "razračunavanja" podvedena pod znanost, a time nećemo financijski potpomagati izlazak tog vašeg takozvanog znanstvenog časopisa".Mi nećemo na ovaj tekst dati paušalno mišljenje, kao što je to učinio odnosni gospodin, umjesto da je argumentirano odgovorio na postavljena pitanja u našem tekstu i otklonio sve sumnje ako one ne stoje. Ponajprije odgovor na pitanje o znanstvenom statusu časopisa. Na temelju mišljenja tada nadležnog Ministarstva informiranja RH br. 523-91-2 od 6. 3. 1991.g., a potom Ministarstva znanosti i tehnologije od 2000 g., Šumarski list se označava znanstvenim časopisom. Za reći što je, a što nije znanstveno, posebice u biotehnološkoj znanosti, koja je ovdje u pitanju, trebaju i neke reference koje gosp. Pavelić nema, kao što nema ni stručnih referenci za rukovođenje tako zahtjevnom gospodarskom granom kojoj nije samo cilj proizvodnja drvne mase, što on svojim rukovođenjem potvrđuje. Osim toga znanstveni status časopisa potkrijepljen je citiranjem članaka u relevantnim međunarodnim znanstvenim časopisima, a posljednjih godina i sa značajnim Impact faktorom, koji potvrđuje visoku kvalitetu časopisa. No, Šumarski list nije samo znanstveno, on je Znanstveno-stručno i staleško glasilo Hrvatskoga šumarskoga društva, kako stoji u podnaslovu, što znači da svi tekstovi imaju isključivo znanstveno-stručnu i stalešku podlogu, a ne političku. Postavljena pitanja u odnosnome tekstu nije "izmislilo" Uredništvo časopisa, nego je samo uobličilo mišljenja struke putem Upravnog odbora HŠD-a koji je ujedno i Uređivački savjet, a kojega između ostaloga čine predsjednici 19 ogranaka, ne postavljeni od središnjice, nego izabrani od svojega članstva (oko ukupno 3000 članova), te delegiranih predstavnika Šumarskoga fakulteta, Akademije šumarskih znanosti, Hrvatskog šumarskog instituta, HKIŠDT i resornog ministarstva. Prema tome, kompetencije ovdje nisu upitne, posebice kada navedenima pridodamo i članove Uredničkoga odbora koji su specijalisti iz pojedinih znanstveno-stručnih područja. No, gosp. Pavelić i ne treba odgovoriti na postavljena pitanja, jer je on predstavnik državnog "kocesionara" kojemu je povjereno upravljanje i gospodarenje nacionalnim bogatstvom, a kojega treba kontrolirati resorno ministarstvo tijekom cijeloga mandata. Da li je ono to činilo ili čini, i da li su odgovorni u resornom ministarstvu i Vladi RH svjesni što je sve "žrtvovano" da bi se ostvarila hvaljena "papirnata" dobit (profit) i naravno, polučili menadžerski bonusi, to je upitno? Glede spomenutih menadžerskih bonusa o kojima je bilo dosta riječi u medijima svih vrsta, interesantno je napomenuti kako se raspravljalo samo o tome, da li su u podjeli te nazovi dobiti trebali adekvatno sudjelovati i svi zaposlenici Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. Niti jedne riječi o tome koje su štete nešumarskim gospodarenjem učinjene na šumi i šumskom staništu. Nitko, pa ni šumarski inženjeri iz rukovodstva sindikata, nisu tražili odgovore na pitanja koja smo postavili u Riječi Uredništva u Šumarskome listu br. 3-4/2016., a koja su "razljutila" arogantnog predsjednika Uprave Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o.Glede financijskog potpomaganja časopisa, moramo odgovoriti da to nije financijsko potpomaganje, nego pretplata na časopis, pa dotični gospodin svojom odlukom zaključuje da šumarskim stručnjacima nije potrebno cijelo-životno obrazovanje, te otkazuje pretplatu kao prvi rukovoditelj koji je to učinio nakon 140 godina tiskanja časopisa, upravo u godini kada obilježavamo ovu značajnu obljetnicu.Osim toga, analiza postavljenih pitanja nije tema za "komunikaciju na placu ili možda razgovor uz kavicu" kako navodi gosp. Pavelić, nego upravo za ozbiljnu raspravu na najvišoj znanstveno-stručnoj pa i političkoj razini, jer ovdje je riječ o nacionalnom bogatstvu neprocjenjive vrijednosti. Uredništvo ; Reacting to the Editorial published in the Forestry Journal No 3-4/2016, Ivan Pavelić, MSc, President of the Management Board of Croatian Forests Ltd, sent an e-mail to the President and Secretary of the Croatian Forestry Association, in which he stressed that "the Management Board does not wish to get involved in "idle prattle" and "score-settling" under the pretence of science. In other words, we will not continue to financially support your so-called scientific journal".We will not follow suit of the gentleman in question and give our opinion on this email, unlike the gentleman in question, who failed to use arguments to answer the questions raised in our text and remove all doubts if they are groundless. We would first like to clarify the scientific status of the journal. According to the decree of the Croatian Ministry of Information No. 523-91-2 of 3rd March 1991 and the decree of the Ministry of Science and Technology of 2000, the Forestry Journal is denoted as a scientific journal. To say what is and what is not scientific, particularly in the biotechnological sciences, requires some references, which Mr Pavelić, judging from his manner of management, does not possess. Neither does he possess professional references for managing such a demanding economic branch, whose primary goal should not be the production of wood mass only. The scientific status of the journal is confirmed by articles cited from relevant international scientific journals, and more recently, by the important Impact Factor, which further exemplifies the high quality of the journal. The Forestry Journal is not only a scientific magazine; it is a scientific-specialist and professional journal of the Croatian Forestry Association, as stated in its sub headline. This means that all the texts are based on exclusively scientific-specialist and professional foundations rather than on political ones. The questions raised in the subject text were not "concocted" by the Journal's Editorial Board. The Editorial Board only formulated the opinion of the profession via the CFA Management Board, which is also the Journal's Editorial Council. The Editorial Council is comprised of presidents of 19 branches (who were not appointed by the Headquarters but were elected from a membership of about 3,000 members in all), and of representatives of the Faculty of Forestry, Academy of Forestry Sciences, the Croatian Forest Research Institute, HKIŠDT (Croatian Chamber of Forestry and Wood Technology Engineers) and the competent Ministry. The above confirms the unquestionable status of competences. Moreover, the list can further be widened by members of the Editorial Board who are specialists in different scientific-specialist fields. Mr Pavelić does not have to answer all the questions raised in the journal because he is a representative of the state "concessionaire", who has been entrusted with the administration and management of the national treasure and who should be supervised by the competent Ministry throughout his term of office. Whether the competent Ministry has done so or is doing so, and whether those responsible in the Ministry and the Government of the Republic of Croatia are aware of what has been "sacrificed" in order to achieve the glorified profit "on paper" and probably obtain managers' bonuses remains doubtful. As for the bonuses, a topic on which much has been written in different media, it is interesting to point out that the discussions focused only on whether the distribution of so-called profit should have involved all those employed in the company Croatian Forests Ltd. Not one word was said about the enormous damage inflicted on the forests and forestland by inadequate forest management. No one, not even forestry engineers, union members, sought answers to the questions raised in the Editorial of Forestry Journal 3-4/2016, which so incensed the arrogant President of the Management Board of Croatian Forests LtdRegarding the financial support to the journal, we should just point out that this is not financial support but subscription to the journal. By declaring his decision, the gentleman in question concludes that forestry experts do not need life-ling learning and cancels the subscription, thus becoming the first manager to do so after 140 years of the publication of the Journal, precisely in the year in which we celebrate this important anniversary.To sum up, the questions raised in the journal are not the topic of "street chit-chat or coffee shop small talk", as Mr Pavelić says. On the contrary, it is the topic that requires serious and qualified discussions at the highest scientific-specialist and political level. After all, what is at stake here is national treasure of immeasurable value. Editorial Bord

Baski, manjinski narod sa svojim zasebnim jezikom i kulturom, stoljećima je podijeljen između Španjolske i Francuske. U Francuskoj Baski nemaju status manjine ni institucionalnu autonomiju. U Španjolskoj, međutim, nakon teškog razdoblja Francove diktature i preustrojstva Španjolske 1978. na kvazifederalnom načelu, španjolski Baski dobivaju priznanje nacionalne posebnosti te znatnu institucionalnu autonomiju kroz tzv. Autonomnu zajednicu (AZ) Baskiju. Unatoč zadovoljavanju većine aspiracija Baska u Španjolskoj, u španjolskoj Baskiji i dalje je prisutan secesionizam, dok taj fenomen u francuskom dijelu Baskije gotovo da i ne postoji. Cilj disertacije bio je, binarnom studijom i dizajnom najsličnijih slučajeva, koristeći se kvalitativno-kvantitativnom metodom, istražiti je li autonomija, umjesto zadovoljavanja španjolskih Baska statusom u okviru Španjolske, pridonijela jačanju njihova nacionalizma i secesionizma. Ovi fenomeni obrađeni su kroz tri prizme: izgradnju subdržavnih institucija, izgradnju subdržavnih identiteta i izgradnju lokalnih elita. Uočeno je da je autonomija u španjolskoj Baskiji pridonijela izgradnji protodržave, od demokratski izabranog Parlamenta, preko izvršne vlasti, do djelomično izgrađenog sigurnosnog aparata. Iako usporen rascjepima u baskijskom društvu uslijed demografske heterogenosti, na djelu je proces izgradnje subdržavne baskijske nacije. Autonomija je omogućila i izgradnju lokalnih elita, dolazak baskijskih nacionalista na vlast, kao i stranačko nadmetanje u baskijskom nacionalizmu. Sve to omogućilo je i da AZ Baskija krene izrazito "baskijskim" smjerom. Ona je potencijalno samo korak do pune neovisnosti, kojoj nedostaje još "prozor mogućnosti", koji se dogodio npr. raspadom bivših komunističkih federacija. U francuskoj Baskiji ne postoji teritorijalna, odnosno institucionalna autonomija. Ne dajući im "prozor mogućnosti" za razvoj i jačanje, građanska i unitarna država u Francuskoj odigrale su značajnu ulogu u ublažavanju baskijskog nacionalizma i secesionizma. Slučajevi španjolske i francuske Baskije pokazali su kako (ne)postojanje autonomije znatno utječe na periferni nacionalizam i secesionizam, kao i na potencijal za secesiju. ; In the last couple of years, the rise of secessionism in several democratic, Western European countries - from the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders) to Spain (Catalonia and the Basque Country) has been noted. All of them have something in common. In addition to having a heterogeneous ethnic structure, that is, the existence of distinct historical ethnic communities, all of these states have also, in the last couple of decades, gone through dramatic administrative and structural changes. From unitary states they had once been, they have transformed in a way which resulted in the introduction of either a certain degree of devolution or even in federalization. Consequently, historical ethnic communities have achieved a certain degree of autonomy, ranging from a partial and asymmetric decentralization ("devolution") as in the case of Scotland, to an extensive autonomy of the so-called autonomous communities of Spain. The intention of the central state and the legislator has been, inter alia, to safeguard the state unity and strengthen the state by accommodating the grievances of ethnic communities and their elites. The final outcome, however, has often been adverse to initial intentions. In the newly formed administrative units, "proto-states" of the ethnic minorities, there has been a rise in nationalism and secessionism. The purpose of this dissertation is to tackle this phenomenon and explore the causal relationship of autonomy and nationalism/secessionism. That is, the idea whether the autonomy itself strengthened nationalism and secessionism in the autonomous territories, thus acting as "subversive institutions" towards the central State, has been examined. In order to test the hypothesis and the arguments of the theory of subversive institutions, a dual comparison of two cases, Spanish and French Basque Country, and the most similar systems design have been used. The most similar systems design holds that the two cases share many common features and differ in only one. For instance, French and Spanish Basque Country are situated in the same region, share common language and ethnic origins; they are both parts of wider nation-states, face situation of diglossia etc. A differing feature, in this case, autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country – Autonomous Community of the Basque Country –Euskadi, is held responsible for the different outcome (stronger peripheral nationalism and secessionism). The choice of these two cases has been prompted by the fact that they may be considered the most similar cases in extremis, given that it is the same people on the two sides of the state border.The Basques, minority group with their own language and culture, for centuries have been divided among Spain and France. In France of today the Basques enjoy neither status of a national minority nor an institutional autonomy. In Spain, however, after a difficult period of Franco's dictatorship and the country's restructuring in 1978 on a quasi-federal principle, the Spanish Basques got acknowledgement of their national uniqueness (through a status of a nationality), and the Basque Country gained a significant institutional autonomy through so-called Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. In spite of the accommodation of most of the Spanish Basques' grievances, both on a tangible level (economic, political and cultural) and on a symbolic level (national and state symbols), the Spanish Basque Country still faces secessionism, while that phenomenon is hardly visible in its French counterpart. The dissertation explores whether the autonomy, instead of accommodating the Spanish Basques in the framework of the Spanish State, has contributed to the growth of their nationalism and secessionism. Conversely, the dissertation explores also whether the French civic state has contributed to attenuation of the peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. In France there are no "autonomic" institutions, but as a result of political and societal changes in France and external pressure from the South, i.e. from the Spanish Basque Country (spill over effect or Galton's problem), a "new governance" with specially designed institutions has been developed to partially accommodate the Basque grievances. Deprived of any substantial competences, executive or financial, they are a pale shadow of their Spanish counterparts. However, precisely for that, they serve as a good example to make comparative research in order to show the immense difference the autonomy per se can make. The research relies on the Valerie Bunce' s theory of "subversive institutions", which she tested on the cases of the former communist federations Soviet Union (USSR), Czechoslovakia (CSFR) and Yugoslavia (SFRY). Valerie Bunce (1999), explaining the collapse of former communist federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY, put forward a thesis that their design created preconditions for creating states within state. Consequently, the structure itself brought about the collapse of the communist bloc, and within it, of the federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY. Therefore, Bunce holds that the federalism created nations at the republican level or, if they had already been "defined", the federalism strengthened them. In other words, federal structure where the autonomous/federal units enjoyed relatively wide autonomy, in the long term acted centrifugally and finally led to the collapse of states (federations). With the advent of Gorbatchev and perestroika, consequent abandoning of the Brezhnev doctrine, and array of events that brought upon the collapse of communism and of federations, federal units – new "nations-in-the-making", took advantage of the situation ("window of opportunity") and proclaimed their independence.Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) after the 1978 Constitution, possess almost the entire state administration. One of the 17 autonomous communities, Autonomous Community of the Basque Country - Euskadi has a clearly defined territory, a democratically elected Parliament (officially called the Basque Parliament), a Government, officially called the Basque Government, ministries (called departamentos, departments, headed by consejeros, counselors), a Prime Minister, Lehendakari, with some prerogatives of a President, including state honours and palace. His office includes a mini Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Acción Exterior – External Action), with its delegations abroad. Thus, the Basque Government can project its image abroad. The autonomous administration has some 60 000 employees, to which one has to add the 30 000 employees of the provincial and communal administration, and disposes of a 10.6 billion € budget. At the same time, the central state administration in the Basque Country counts only 15 000 employees. Euskadi disposes of its own police forces Ertzaintza. As mentioned before, several authors argue that with such a developed administrative apparatus, a "segment-state", in our case the Spanish Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi, has been in power for most of the post-1978 Constitution period. Its institutions are consequently able to act as centrifugal ("subversive") institutions, transmitting nationalist messages through media, education system, and regional institutions. But their nationalist message is not of Spanish, but of peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. Given the specific, unfavourable linguistic situation of diglossia, and the importance of language for national (and Basque) identity, the Basque Governments took it as a mission to restore to the Basque language a status of a full-fledged official and education language, in a sense of Gellner's "language of high culture" (1998). (Re)Introducing the Basque language, not only in schools and universities, but literary everywhere, rebasquisating Euskadi, a Basque identity has been (re)enforced. Nowadays almost all institutions under the competence of local, autonomous institutions in the Spanish Basque Country are obliged to adopt Action plans or Five-year plans on the language normalization, that is, reinforced use of the Basque language. The Basque Government, in that way projects certain ideology and builds up and strengthens the Basque national identity. A new, Basque nation is being built.The statistics speak for themselves. Before the autonomy, that is, before 1978/1980, education language was 100% Spanish. Nowadays, only a tiny 0.5% of students study exclusively in Spanish (so called Model X), and 15.3% in Model A, with education in Spanish, and Basque language as one of the subjects. 18.9% study in bilingual schools (Model B) and the high 65.3% study in Basque schools (Model D), with Spanish language as one of the subjects. The presence of the Basque language is enforced in other areas as well. For instance, in public administration the targeted percentage of Basque speakers should be 48.46% and it should increase with the rise of knowledge of the Basque language in general population. Moreover, the presence of the Basque language is checked regularly in yearly evaluation reports. In the Parliament, in 2005-2009 legislature, 56% of deputies spoke Basque, while in 2013 the percentage rose to 68,5%. At the University of the Basque Country, in Academic year 1995/1996, 27.2% of the students studied in Basque, while in 2013/2014 the percentage rose to 64.3%. The number of bilingual professors (Basque and Spanish) rose from 35.1% in 2006 to 47.8% in 2013. Similar processes can be followed everywhere.As far as identity is concerned, the 35% of the interviewees in the opinion polls conducted by the University of the Basque Country declare themselves as "only Basques", 21% as "more Basque than Spanish", 35% "equally Basque and Spanish", 3% "more Spanish" and 3% "only Spanish". As it can be noted, Basque identity prevails, with a significant percentage of dual identity. Spanish identity (more or exclusively Spanish) is quite low. Opinion polls also testify of the presence of a strong local (Basque) patriotism, and at the same time, mistrust in Spanish State institutions. For example, 62% of the interviewees show trust in the Basque Government, 61% in the Basque Parliament and Basque police Ertzaintza, while only 39% in the King, 15% in the Spanish Cortes and 11% in the Spanish Government. Trust in the Basque Prime Minister is 56%, while in the Spanish Prime Minister it is only 7%. Regarding the attitude towards secessionism, 35% of interviewees support the present autonomous status, 29% favour federation (which understands a more autonomy), 7% favour more centralization and 25% favour secession. Although the latter percentage alone seems low as to provide proof of secessionism in stricto senso, the sum of the all percentages, except for 7% for centralization, should be taken into consideration if secessionism were to be regarded in a wider sense (as peripheral nationalism; autonomism and secessionism; Horowitz, 1985). From the data above, the conclusion can be drawn that the process of Basque nation-building maybe has not finished yet, but is well under way and that there is a "Basque direction" of the Euskadi. As for the Basque language in the French Basque Country, though it is increasingly present in its schools, public institutions and society, it still does not enjoy an official status. The improvement of linguistic situation is only partially due to the incitement on the part of the authorities. There is an immense difference from Spain. The French state after 1980-s allowed more freedom and space for "regional languages" to be taught, but did not impose it, force it by "dictate", as has been in the case of Euskadi. The main credit for the improvement of status of the Basque language is due to the efforts of the civil society, associations and citizens themselves. The results, comparing the Spanish and the French Basque Country, vary accordingly. Only 36,6% of school children attend some Basque language classes, while in Spanish Basque Country it is 99,5%. There is the Public Office of the Basque Language (OPLB), that helps and promotes teaching Basque language in the French Basque Country, but it has no authority to impose the Basque language in education as the Viceconsejería de Política Lingüística of the Gobierno Vasco and the Gobierno Vasco in the Spanish Basque Country. Only 11% of the interviewees feel "only Basques", 5% "more Basques", 24% "equally Basques and French", 16% "more French and 36% "only French". In the French Basque Country, the French identity and the French language in both education and society prevail. There is no "Basque direction" or Basque nation-building process. The third argument of the theory of subversive institutions is about elites' building. In Euskadi, there is the local (Basque) Parliament, where the Basque nationalists have dominated since the first elections after the establishment of autonomy (1980), with an average of 60% of votes/seats, except for the period 2009-2012 (due to a ban of the Basque radicals before the elections). In the current legislature, 2012-2016, the nationalists (moderate PNV-EAJ and radical EH Bildu) have 48 out of 75 seats. That means that they have been able to impose a "Basque direction", e.g. policies of rebasquization (termed language normalization), or vote the Ibarretxe Plan. There are also numerous examples of party competition in nationalism and local patriotism, e.g. the issue of Basque language use, flag, coat of arms or anthem. In the French Basque Country, due to non-existence of a local Parliament or self-rule, there are no such phenomena. There have been since decades Basque nationalist parties, and they score up to 10% of the votes. Nowadays, there is also a Basque nationalist party, AB (Abertzaleen Batasuna), which is relatively successful at the lower, communal level, having around 100 councillors. However, the non-existence of a Basque administrative unit,département, and centralist French electoral and administrative system, result in a situation where only two Basque nationalist councillors managed to enter the General Council of the Département Pyrénées-Atlantiques, of which French Basque Country is a part. And there they are only two of the 54 councillors. Therefore, even if at the lower, communal level, Basques nationalists can enter the local communes and be part of ruling coalitions, or form associations of local councillors and mayors, they cannot impose a more "Basque direction" of the whole French Basque Country, like their Spanish Basque counterparts. The autonomy, embodied in the Euskadi's Basque parliament, enabled Basque nationalists in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country – Euskadi) to come to power at the local level and to direct the (Spanish) Basque Country towards a "Basque direction". In addition, it helped also to build up their own elites – party elites and leaders, Government and Parliament dignitaries, above all the Prime Minister- Lehendakari, local public company managers, University, Academy, institutes' directors etc. If a potential future new country needs the infrastructure (i.e. state administration, the framework), it also needs identity/ideology and leaders (the contents and experts). And here they are! Not only are they in place, but they are in power! Finally, having their own Basque University will help to reproduce new Basque elites. In contrast, the French Basque Country does not possess almost any of the above. Indeed, the difference produced by autonomy is immense. A special attention has been given to the Ibarretxe Plan which represents at the same time a peak of the autonomy, but also shows its limits. Juan Jose Ibarretxe, Euskadi's Prime Minister (Lehendakari) from 1999 to 2009, put forward in 2003 his Proposal for Reform of the Political Statute of Community of Euskadi, popularly known as Ibarretxe Plan. It was actually a proposal for a confederation between the Basque Country and Spain. The relations between them would be based on a "free association"(Art.1). Without going into details of the Proposal, suffice it to say that, had it been enacted, even without a completely independent Basque Country, it would mean the end of Spain as we know it today. The Plan was approved by the Basque Government in 2003, and a year later, by the Basque Parliament, although with a narrow majority of 39 out of 75 votes. However, in order to be enacted, the Proposal should have passed in the Spanish Parliament. It was not surprising that the Spanish Parliament had rejected any discussion about it. Today a Spanish "carte blanche" for an independent Basque Country seems completely unimaginable. Nevertheless, remembering the "velvet divorce" of Czech and Slovak Republics and bearing in mind as well the development of situation in Catalonia, one cannot exclude, under different circumstances and leadership in Madrid and Euskadi, a possibility of a "new Ibarretxe Plan" leading to a "velvet divorce" and eventually to an independent Basque Country. To conclude, the autonomy enabled institutions (Parliament/Argument 1), nurtured Basque identity (Argument 2), enabled Basque nationalists to come to power, created a space for Basque elites and leaders and created space or even incentives for party competition in Basque nationalism (Argument 3). The thing the autonomy has not produced, and that lacks for secessionists, is a "window of opportunity" (Bunce, 1999). But if the "window" opens, as in the case of e.g. Czechoslovak "velvet divorce", an opportunity for a potential sovereign Basque state could be created. The comparative analysis has showed more sharply the differences between the two cases resulting from the existence of the autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi) and its absence in the French Basque Country. While in Euskadi the nationalists have since 1980 scored around 60% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and dominated local politics for most of the time, in the French Pays Basque they never score more than 10% and have always been quite irrelevant at the regional local level (except for the lower local level of municipalities). The Basque identity prevailed in Euskadi and French in the Pays Basque. The Basque nationalists have been able to impose a "Basque direction" and an intensive "basquization" within the language normalization policy in Euskadi, which has not been the case in Pays Basque. Finally, a serious sovereignist/secessionist attemps – Ibarretxe Plan occurred, materialized, and was voted in the Basque Parliament of Euskadi, while in the Pays Basque anything of a kind is beyond imagination. There is no French Basque Government to conceive such a plan, no French Basque Parliament as a forum where such a Plan could be voted and no prevalence of Basque nationalists to vote such a plan…All of these phenomena are direct or indirect results of the autonomy or were allowed and fostered by the autonomic institutions in the Spanish Basque Country. Conversely, they are missing in the French Basque Country due to lack of autonomy. The two cases confirmed the hypothesis that the autonomy in ethno-federal arrangements fosters peripheral nationalism and secessionism and a potential for secession, while civic State attenuates them. Interestingly enough, even the consultative institutions of the French "new governance", initially quite powerless, managed to acquire some of the features of the "subversive institutions". They have become increasingly "Basque" and have taken a "Basque direction". However, the civic, centralised and unitary State prevented these institutions stripped of a real power from taking a lead in the Basque nationalism, to gain any significant power, or to direct the French Basque Country in any "Basque direction". The civic State in France indeed acted in attenuating peripheral, Basque nationalism by not providing it a "window of opportunity" to grow.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAZa ovogodišnje lipanjske Dane hrvatskoga šumarstva održana je panel rasprava o trenutnoj situaciji u šumama Hrvatske. Naziv rasprave bio je "Hoće li nas šume nadživjeti?". Svrha skupa bila je informirati širu javnost o stanju šumskih ekosustava, ali i o promjenama koje se događaju u njima. Govori li sam naziv skupa dovoljno o ozbiljnosti situacije u kojoj se nalaze naše šume? Promijenjeni klimatski uvjeti koji vladaju na početku 21. stoljeća, donijeli su mnogo neprilika u šumama posljednjih pet godina. Tome treba pribrojiti i nikad veću trgovačku globalizaciju, što doprinosi bržem i lakšem širenju invazivnih vrsta bolesti i štetnika. Danas gotovo da nema ni jedne značajnije šumske vrste drveća koja nema svojih problema. Šume Gorskog kotara sastavljene od jele, bukve i smreke stradale su uslijed klimatskih ekstrema, a potom potkornjaka, nizinske šume hrasta lužnjaka napadnute su hrastovom mrežastom stjenicom, a šume poljskog jasena ubrzano propadaju uslijed više čimbenika, posebice Halare, dok dalmatinske borove šume ozbiljno ugrožava borov potkornjak. Tu su i šumski požari nakon kojih uslijed erozija nestaje i šumsko tlo, što umnogome onemogućuje sanaciju i vodi degradaciji šume. Tako ugroženim šumama smanjuju se financijska sredstva za njihov zaštitu i obnovu, što je sad i definitivno ozakonjeno Zakonom o šumama (NN 68/2018) koji je stupio na snagu 4. kolovoza 2018. O prijedlogu zakona pisali smo u Šumarskom listu 5-6/2018. Saborska rasprava nije donijela zaokret u odnosu na zakonski prijedlog koji je usvojila Vlada Republike Hrvatske. Zakon je ustvari na tragu programa Vlade RH za područje gospodarstva, poljoprivrede i ruralnog razvoja iz listopada 2016. godine. Šumarstvo se u tom programu spominje u potpoglavlju "Aktivno upravljanje šumama, veća proizvodnja i više radnih mjesta u domaćoj drvnoj industriji" s rečenicom: Izmjenom zakonske regulative Vlada će poboljšati i otkloniti poteškoće u načinu raspolaganja šumama i šumskim zemljištima, provoditi razminiranje šuma i šumskog zemljišta, sprječavati ilegalne sječe i trgovine i poticati razvoj domaće drvne industrije koja proizvodi drvni proizvod. Smatramo da takav program baš i nije poticajan za šume i šumska zemljišta. Razminiranje je svakako unaprjeđenje u upravljanju i gospodarenju šumama koje se provodi godinama, kao i najavljeno sprječavanje ilegalne sječe i trgovine, samo za to nema dovoljno pozitivnih pokazatelja, jer je takva djelatnost postala jako unosna na štetu šume i šumovlasnika / šumoposjednika. Početkom godine donesen je i Zakon o poljoprivrednom zemljištu (NN 20/2018, na snazi od 9. ožujka 2018.) koji je propisao, kao i Zakon o šumama, izdvajanje iz šumsko-gospodarske osnove zapuštenog poljoprivrednog zemljišta koje se može privesti poljoprivrednoj proizvodnji i mogućnost davanja takvog zemljišta sukladno Programu raspolaganja u zakup ili prodaju. Omogućeno je i za zemljišta izvan građevinskog područja koja se u katastru vode kao poljoprivredna zemljišta, a u pravilu su zapuštena, da se uključe u šumskogospodarsko područje, jer su troškovi njihovog privođenja poljoprivrednoj namjeni veći od tržišne vrijednosti ili ukupnog iznosa zakupnine toga zemljišta. Ove odredbe trebale bi napokon omogućiti svrsishodnu raspodjelu zemljišta na poljoprivredno i šumsko te njihovo stvarno korištenje. Novi Zakon o šumama uvažio je višegodišnje primjedbe obveznika plaćanja naknade za općekorisne funkcije šuma (OKFŠ), što je u javnosti i medijima često prvo bilo na udaru kao nepotreban i neshvaćen "parafiskalni" namet. Sad se 90 % dosadašnjih obveznika (oko 180 tisuća) izuzima iz plaćanja naknade, jer je prag za obvezu plaćanja godišnji prihod ili primitak veći od 3 milijuna kuna uz zadržanu visinu stope naknade od 0,0265 %. Uvaženo je i traženje jedinica lokalne samouprave o povećanju stopa šumskog doprinosa, pa su one povećane s 3,5 % na 5 % i za jedinice na potpomognutim područjima s 5 % na 10 % prodajne cijene proizvoda na panju. Zakon je uveo i definiciju šumoposjednika: javni šumoposjednik ovlašten za gospodarenje šumom i/ili šumskim zemljištem u vlasništvu Republike Hrvatske, javna ustanova čiji je osnivač Republika Hrvatska i njezine znanstveno-nastavne sastavnice, koje svoju znanstveno-nastavnu djelatnost i znanstvenoistraživački rad obavljaju iz područja šumarstva, pravna osoba čiji je osnivač i vlasnik jedinica lokalne samouprave, a kojoj se odlukom Vlade povjerava gospodarenje te privatni šumoposjednik s podjelom na male (do 20 ha šume i/ili šumskog zemljišta), srednje (od 20 do 300 ha) i velike (većim od 300 ha) šumoposjednike. Za šumskogospodarsko područje ustanovljuje se Registar pri Ministarstvu koji se vodi u elektroničkom obliku, a bit će dostupan pod određenim uvjetima. Registar će sadržavati i dio za izvješćivanje potreban za ispunjavanja međunarodnih i nacionalnih obveza iz sektora šumarstva. Zakon predviđa i izdvajanje namjenskih sredstva u poseban fond za razvoj drvne industrije, što je također jedna od predviđenih aktivnosti u programu Vlade iz 2016. godine.Novi Zakon o šumama pokušao je uvažiti razne promjene koje su se dogodile od donošenja prošloga zakona iz 2005. godine, a koje su nivelirane izmjenama i dopunama kroz proteklih 13 godina, njih ukupno osam. Pokušao se uskladiti i s drugim zakonima iz područja poljoprivrede, zaštite pri­ro­de i okoliša, te strategije EU za šume i sektor koji se temelji na šumama. Potrebno je još uskladiti i donijeti sve podzakonske akte vezane uz zakon.Pitamo se hoće li odredbe novog Zakona o šumama biti na tragu rješavanja nagomilanih problema u šumama Hrvatske?Uredništvo ; EDITORIALA panel addressing the current condition of Croatian forests was organized on the occasion of Days of Croatian Forestry that were held in June 2018. The title of the discussion was "Will forests outlive mankind?" The purpose of the panel was to inform broader public of the condition of forest ecosystems, as well as of the changes taking place in them. Does the title of the panel reflect the seriousness of the danger facing our forests? In the last five years, changed climate conditions occurring at the beginning of the 21st century have inflicted major problems to the forests. Add to this general market globalisation, which contributes to the faster and easier spread of invasive diseases and pests. There is not one important forest tree species today that does not have problems. Forests of Gorski Kotar, which are composed of fir, beech, and spruce, have succumbed to climatic extremes and to attacks of bark beetles. Lowland forests of pedunculate oak are infested with the oak lace bug, while forests of narrow-leaved ash are rapidly deteriorating under the cumulative action of several factors, particularly Halare. Dalmatian pine forests are severely threatened by the pine bark beetle. Forest fires also cause extensive damage. The subsequent erosions lead to the loss of forest soils, which greatly hinders recovery and contributes to the degradation of forests. The financial means needed to protect and regenerate such forests are being minimized and this has now definitely been incorporated in the new Forest Act (Official Gazette 68/2018), which came into effect on August 4th, 2018. A parliamentary discussion did not bring about any changes with regard to the proposed act, which was adopted by the Government of the Republic of Croatia. The Act in fact follows the Government programme for the field of economy, agriculture and rural development of October 2016. In the said programme forestry is addressed in the sub-chapter "Active management of forests, higher production and more work places in the domestic wood industry" with the following sentence: By changing legal regulations, the Government will remove obstacles and improve ways of managing forests and forest land. It will also undertake demining operations in forests and forest land, prevent illegal felling and trade and stimulate the development of domestic wood industry which produces wood products. In our opinion, such programme is not really stimulative for forests and forest land. Demining is certainly an improvement in the management of forests and it has been carried out for years, and so is the announced prevention of illegal felling and trade. However, there are not enough positive indicators for this, since these activities have become very profitable at the detriment of forests and forest owners. At the beginning of the year the Agricultural Land Act was passed (Official Gazette 20/2018, in effect since March 9th, 2018), which regulated, as did the Forest Act, the exclusion of abandoned agricultural land from the forest-management plan and its conversion to agricultural production, as well as the possibility of leasing or selling such land in accordance with the Disposition Programme. The Act also allows for the land outside construction areas, which is listed as agricultural land in the land register but is abandoned in reality, to be included in the forest-management area, since the cost of converting the land for agricultural purposes is higher than the market value or the total amount of rent for such land. These provisions should finally enable a rational division of land into agricultural and forest land, and consequently its proper usage. The new Forest Act has also adopted long-lasting objections made by those obliged to pay a non-market forest function fee. The public and the media often harshly criticized this fee as an unnecessary and incomprehensible "parafiscal" tax. Now, 90% of those obliged to pay the fee (about 180 thousand subjects) are exempt from paying the fee, since the threshold for the obligation has been set down at an annual income or profit higher than 3 million kuna, while the rate of the fee has been retained at 0.0265 %. Demands by local self-management units to raise the rate of forest contribution have also been adopted, and it has accordingly been raised from 3.5 % to 5 %, while for units in subsidized areas it has been raised from 5 % to 10 % of the selling price of the product before felling. The Act also defines a forest owner: a public forest owner authorized to manage a forest and/or forest land owned by the Republic of Croatia, a public institution whose founder is the Republic of Croatia and its scientific-teaching components which carry out their scientific-teaching activity and scientific-research work in the field of forestry, a legal person whose founder and owner is the local self-management unit and which is entrusted with management by a Government decision, and a private forest owner. Private forest owners are divided into small (up to 20 ha of forests and/or forest land), medium (from 20 to 300 ha) and large (more than 300 ha) forest owners. A Register of a forest-management area in the electronic form will be established by the Ministry, and it will be available under certain conditions. The Register will contain a reporting part needed to fulfil international and national obligations in the forestry sector. The Act also provides for the allocation of earmarked means into a special fund for the development of the wood industry, which is also one of the activities in the Government programme from 2016. The new Forest Act has attempted to incorporate different changes taking place since the previous Act of 2005 was passed. There have been a total of eight changes, which have been adjusted by revisions and amendments over the past 13 years. The Act is also coordinated with other laws from the field of agriculture, nature and environment protection, and the EU strategy for forests and forest-based sector. All by-laws related to the Act need to be coordinated and passed.We wonder whether the regulations of the new Forest Act will try to solve the growing problems in the forests of Croatia. Editorial Board

Riječ uredništvaNedavno je završena velika UN–ova klimatska konferencija COP26 donošenjem globalnog sporazuma "Glasgowski klimatski pakt". Ujedno su potvrđeni svi nerazriješeni elementi u mehanizmima za provođenje Pariškog sporazuma o klimatskim promjenama iz 2015. godine i dogovorena transparentnost postupaka u njegovom provođenju. U sklopu potpisane Deklaracije o korištenju šuma i zemljišta, koju je do sada podržalo preko 140 država u kojima se nalazi više od 90% svjetskih šuma, čelnici zemalja obvezali su se zajednički raditi na zaustavljanju i preokretanju gubitka šuma i degradacije zemljišta do 2030. godine.Prvi cilj konferencije odnosio se na ograničavanje povišenja globalne prosječne temperature na razinu koja je znatno niža od 2°C iznad razine u predindustrijskom razdoblju, kao i ulaganje napora u njezino ograničavanje na 1,5°C. Drugi cilj odnosio se na prilagođavanje učincima klimatskih promjena i usklađivanje financijskih tokova s razvojem otpornim na klimatske promjene. U tom cilju do 2025. godine planira se mobilizirati 100milijardi američkih dolara. Kao predvodnik u borbi protiv klimatskih promjena EU se obvezala do 2030. godine smanjiti emisiju stakleničkih plinova za najmanje 55% u odnosu na 1990. godinu.Opći je zaključak da će šume biti od vitalnoga značajenja za postizanje ciljeva u borbi protiv globalnog zatopljenja. Prema istraživanjima World Resources Institute (WRI), šume apsorbiraju 30 posto emisije ugljikovog dioksida. Iako je šuma prirodni klimatski tampon u borbi protiv globalnog zatopljenja, činjenica je da se u svijetu površina šuma i dalje ubrzano smanjuje.Na sastanku je sudjelovao i hrvatski predsjednik Vlade gospodin Andrej Plenković. Najavio je prestanak proizvodnje električne energije dobivene iz ugljena najkasnije do 2033. godine te povećanje udjela obnovljivih izvora energije u ukupnoj potrošnji na više od dvije trećine. Izrazito pohvalno je govorio o hrvatskom šumarstvu i njegovoj stoljetnoj tradiciji, što se inače od naših političara jako rijetko čuje. Jedna od aktivnosti koje Hrvatska planira u sljedećem razdoblju je i sadnja milijun dodatnih stabala godišnje do 2030. godine. Pod tim se podrazumijeva povećanje sadnje sa sadašnjih devet milijuna stabala na 10 milijuna, kako bi se anulirale emisije stakleničkih plinova koje stvaraju vozila turista prilikom dolaska u Hrvatsku. Ta njegova najava u javnosti je otvorila niz pitanja, poput onoga kakvo je trenutno stanje naših šuma, da li se one ubrzano krče, mogu li Hrvatske šume d.o.o. ispuniti ovakav ambiciozan plan i sl. Sva ta pitanja još jednom su pokazala nerazumijevanje i nepoznavanje šuma i šumarstva. Ponajprije u hrvatskom šumarstvu krčenje šuma je zabranjeno osim u propisanim slučajevima, što dokazuje i povećanje površina pod šumom. U javnosti se pošumljavanje, dakle sadnja sadnica, povezuje jedino s obnovom šuma. Stoljetna tradicija hrvatskoga šumarstva obnovu šuma temelji na prirodnoj obnovi, dok se izuzeto od toga pošumljavaju gole, neobrasle i nešumske površine, ili one šumske površine zahvaćene požarima i ostalim katastrofama na kojima prirodna regeneracija nije moguća ili iz bilo kojeg drugog razloga nije uspjela. To nažalost ne znaju ni "Briselski činovnici" kada, kao što je to bio slučaj s ledolomom u Hrvatskoj 2014. godine, kao sanaciju priznaju i financijski valoriziraju samo sadnju stabala. Uz ostalo time na uznapredovale šumske površine s klimatogenim vrstama vraćamo pionirsku vrstu i time činimo "korak unazad".Sljedeća opasnost je ograničavanje sječe, čitaj gospodarenje šumama. Koliko god to imalo smisla kao zaustavljanje krče­nja šuma, u Hrvatskoj i zemljama s razvijenom šumarstvom to može imati negativne posljedice. Ograničavanje šumarskih zahvata kroz pasivno zaštićivanje šuma, preferiranje "starih šuma" i sl. negativno će se odraziti na njihovo stanje i zaustaviti proces njihove obnove. Poznato je da mlade šume najviše prirašćuju, a time i apsorbiraju najviše CO2.Drugo je pitanje kako raspolažemo s posječenom drvnom masom. Da li je dovoljno finaliziramo, da li drvo upotrebljavamo kaskadno, da li ga recikliramo ili to sve nadomještamo potrebom za novim količinama? Isto tako zapitajmo se kako i koliko drvo upotrebljavamo kao ekološki najprihvatljiviji energent. Činjenica je da sustavno još nismo savladali pridobivanje biomase iz naših šuma, a drvni pelet čiju smo proizvodnju, zahvaljujući jeftinoj sirovini, podigli na zavidnu razinu, završava pretežito u drugim zemljama, smanjujući im onečišćenja stakleničkim plinovima.Uredništvo ; EditorialThe major UN climate conference COP26 recently ended with the adoption of the global "Glasgow Climate Pact" agreement. At the same time, all unresolved elements in the mechanisms for the implementation of the 2015 Paris Agreement on Climate Change were acknowledged and the transparency of the procedures in its application was agreed upon. As part of the signed Declaration on Forests and Land Use, which has so far been supported by over 140 countries in which more than 90 % of world's forests are located, the leaders pledged to work together to "halt and reverse forest loss and land degradation" by 2030.The first objective of the conference was to limit the increase in global average temperature to a level significantly lower than 2°C above the level in the pre-industrial period, as well as to invest efforts in limiting it to 1.5°C. The second objective was to adapt to the effects of climate change and align financial flows with climate-resilient development. To this end, it is planned to mobilise 100 billion US dollars by 2025. As a leader in the fight against climate change, the EU has committed itself to reducing greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55 % by 2030 compared to 1990.The general conclusion is that forests will be vital in achieving the goals of fighting against global warming. According to research by the World Resources Institute (WRI), forests absorb 30 per cent of carbon dioxide emissions. Although the forest is a natural climate buffer in the fight against global warming, the fact is that the world's forest area continues to decline rapidly.The Conference was also attended by the Croatian Prime Minister, Mr Andrej Plenković. He announced the cessation of electricity production from coal by 2033 at the latest and an increase in the share of renewable energy sources in overall consumption to more than two thirds. He spoke highly of Croatian forestry and its century-old tradition, which is otherwise rarely heard from our politicians. One of the activities that Croatia is planning in the next period is the planting of one million additional trees per year by 2030. This means an increase in the planting from the current nine million trees to ten million in order to annul the greenhouse gas emissions generated by tourist vehicles ­arriving in Croatia.The Prime Minister's announcement raised a number of questions in the public, such as what the current condition of our forests is, whether they are being rapidly cut down, whether the company Croatian Forests Ltd can meet such an ambitious plan, and others. All these issues once again showed a lack of understanding and ignorance of forests and forestry. First of all, cutting down forests is prohibited in Croatian forestry, except in prescribed cases, as evidenced by the increase in forest areas. The public associate afforestation, that is, planting seedlings, only with forest regeneration. Throughout the century-long tradition of Croatian forestry, forest regeneration has been based on natural regeneration, while bare, unforested and non-forested areas are afforested, including those forest areas affected by fires and other disasters where natural regeneration is not possible or has failed for any other reason. Regrettably, the "Brussels bureaucrats" do not know this either, otherwise they would not, as was the case with ice-break in Croatia in 2014, have recognized and financially valorised only the planting of trees as a recovery measure. Among other things, by doing this we are returning the pioneer species to forest areas improved by climatogenic species, thus making a "step backwards".The next danger lies in limiting felling, (read: managing forests). As much as it makes sense to stop cutting down forests, in Croatia and countries with developed forestry it may have negative consequences. Restricting forestry operations through passive protection of forests, preferring "old forests", etc. will have a negative effect on their condition and stop the process of their regeneration. It is well known that young forests increment the most and thus absorb the highest amounts of CO2.Another question is how we dispose of the felled wood mass. Are we finalizing it sufficiently, are we cascading wood, are we recycling it, or are we replacing it all with the need for new quantities? Let us also ask ourselves in what way and in what amounts we use wood as the most environmentally friendly energy source. The fact is that we have not yet systematically mastered the extraction of biomass from our forests, while wood pellets, the production of which we have raised to an enviable level thanks to cheap raw material, end up mostly in other countries, reducing their greenhouse gas pollution.Editorial Board

U istraživanjima kasnosrednjovjekovnoga dvora knezova Iločkih pronađena je raznovrsna antička materijalna ostavština koja obogaćuje dosadašnje skromne spoznaje o Cucciumu i limesu u hrvatskome Podunavlju. U iskopavanjima 2002. godine otkriven je paljevinski grob s drvenom arhitekturom u kojem su se nalazili prilozi dvojakoga podrijetla. Autohtono podrijetlo u latenskoj kulturi mlađega željeznoga doba pokazuju lonci zaobljenoga tijela izrađeni rukom i zdjela S-profilacije. Sjevernoitalskoga podrijetla su zdjelica tankih stijenki, keramička svjetiljka, staklena posuda te ostali prilozi koji zajedno s Klaudijevim novcem datiraju grob u sredinu 1. st. Na osnovi nalaza posuda izrađenih u latenskim tradicijama pretpostavlja se kako je u grobu bila pokopana osoba starosjedilačkoga podrijetla, dok importirani prilozi svjedoče o ranoj romanizaciji južne Panonije i dunavskoga limesa. O postojanju složenoga pogrebnoga rituala svjedoče izdvojeni ostaci kultiviranih biljaka domaćega i uvoznoga podrijetla koje su bile položene u lonce. ; The high Danube bank near Ilok, which is situated on the western slopes of Fruška gora, was continuously settled in all prehistoric periods, and after that - as the finds analyzed herein indicate - in the Roman time, but Ilok experienced its peak in the Late Middle Ages, in the period of Nikola and his son Lovro. The beginning of excavations in Ilok's upper town is particularly significant for reveal of the topography of Roman Ilok, which remained almost completely unknown due to a small number of finds. Data about the Roman settlement of Ilok (Cuccium) are preserved in several Itineraries, with different forms for the settlement's name. Thus Notitia Dignitatum mentions two cavalry units, Cuneus equitum Promotorum and Equites Sagittarii, in Cuccium of the 4th century. The excavations of the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb began in 2001 in the extension of the eastern wing of Odescalchi Castle, to be continued in 2002 towards the west to encompass the lawn in front of the castle (Fig. 1). In preloess layer SJ 224 (10YR 4/3) in the southern part of the excavated area, filling SJ 229 was isolated. This filling is the first in a number of preserved fillings of the larger prehistoric pit SJ 306 which by finds was dated to the beginning of the Early Iron Age. In prehistoric filling SJ 229 another younger rectangular filling SJ 230 (5Y 4/3) was identified, whose western edge was damaged by recent burial in lime pit SJ 216, whereas the southern part lies outside the margin of the excavated area. Filling SJ 230 is part of the Early Roman grave SJ 273. Along the southern profile of the dig in filling SJ 230 a smaller burial SJ 270 and filling SJ 269, which caused no major damage to the grave (Fig. 5), were identified. The bottom of the grave with finds remained preserved, and the lack of incinerated human remains is possibly due to the fact that they are situated in the southern part of the grave, which has not yet been excavated, even though it is highly possible that they were destroyed in an earlier intervention in the grave filling. All grave goods were found in the eastern part of the grave (Fig. 2, Fig. 4). In the middle of the grave, close to the top of SJ 230, a hollow shafted iron axe (Pl. 2, 7) was found, which on account of its position compared to other finds is supposed to have entered the grave by digging through the older prehistoric strata, thus not belonging to the grave goods. On the bottom of the grave, filling SJ 268 (2.5Y 5/6) was isolated which belongs to the thin layer of preserved wooden architecture (Fig. 2-3), on whose remains in the north-eastern corner of the grave two hand-made pots with a rounded body and a flat rim and bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2) were found, as well as fragments of a wheel-made bowl with an S profile (Pl. 2, 1). In the corner of the grave, fragments of a dark-grey bowl with thin walls (Pl. 2, 6) and a play-token of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1) were found. A part of the bowl was also in a pot laid slightly more to the south (Pl. 1, 2). Around both pots numerous seeds were identified, which is why the complete content of the filling around the vessels and their filling is flotated. In the eastern part of the grave there were fragments of a glass vessel, probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4). Fragments of a ceramic lamp (Pl. 2, 5), a bronze earring (Pl. 1, 3), a fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) and an iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) were found in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave. Also in that part of the grave a bronze artefact, which probably represents a vessel's handle fastening system (Pl. 1, 4), and Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6) were found. Beneath the remains of planks, filling SJ 272 (5Y 5/4) was isolated, which contained no grave goods. The excavated part of grave SJ 273 is rectangular-shaped with rounded corners with dimensions of 2.12 m (W-E) and 1.88 m (N-S up to the dig profile). The results of research indicate that all the grave goods were lain on the bottom of a wooden case, the existence of which is proved not only by SJ 268, but also by four uncovered post holes, one in each corner (SJ 277 and SJ 295), and two more in the middle of the western and eastern side of the grave respectively (SJ 275 and SJ 293). Although the southern part of the grave was not excavated, it can be assumed that post holes were in the south-eastern and southwestern corner of the grave. All the holes are quadrangular, and in the bottom part they become octagonal to make post driving easier. The results of floatation of part of the filling around the ceramic vessels laying in the north-eastern part of the grave and the filling of pots indicated the existence of a complex funeral custom which is reflected in the presence of a relatively large number of isolated cultivated plants. Archaeobotanical analysis showed that among grave goods there were cereals (barley, millet, and different types of wheat), leguminous plants (lentil and vetch) as well as a large number of "fruit" objects (melon/cucumber, fig, apple/pear cherry/sour cherry/sloe, plum, elder and vine grape). The fig and probably the melon were imported to the Ilok since they are cultivated in warmer (sub)Mediterranean areas, whereas the other sorts were probably cultivated in the surroundings of Ilok. All of the cereals and vetch are carbonized, i.e. they were intentionally or unintentionally burned. Apparently they were laid onto a funeral pile. The remaining "fruit" finds were calcified, i.e. they were laid into the grave fresh or dried, probably when laying the human remains and other grave goods. With the exception of the fig, which had to be dried due to long transport from the Mediterranean region, the remaining fruits could have been laid fresh. Apples, pears, plums, sour berries and elder berries as well as vine grapes and melons ripen at the same time of the year, i.e. in the early autumn, which suggests that the burial took place in that season. Still one has to keep in mind that "fruit" objects could have been kept in dried state for a relatively long time. The remains of a Roman grave were found in the excavations of 2002, indicating the existence of a cemetery, which had been unknown until now. The grave contained a cremation burial, with grave goods that were laid on the bottom in the north-eastern corner and along the eastern side of the wooden case, rectangular in shape, which was probably made of oak wood (Fig. 4). The answers to questions on the chronological position, ethnic determination and the origin of the finds shall be given after an analysis of the grave goods, which can be divided in two groups, the first represented by three ceramic vessels made following the tradition of the La Tène culture, and the other group of finds which are northern Italic imports and which, along with the coin, make dating of the grave possible. These finds consist of a ceramic bowl with thin walls, a glass vessel, a ceramic lamp, a bronze earring and a glass paste play-token. The same origin can be assumed concerning the finds that were preserved only in fragments such as a bronze handle fastening system of a vessel and a needle. On the basis of their shape and technological characteristics, the two hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the wheel-made, S-profiled bowl are connected with the tradition of the La Tène culture. The dark grey to dark brown pots with an admixture of quartz and chuff in abundance, have a rounded body, a flat rim beneath which there is a horizontal groove and a flat bottom (Pl. 1, 1-2). These are situla form pots, for which there are numerous parallels in the Late La Tène Scordiscs settlements in eastern Slavonia and Syrmia, found also in Early Roman strata and graves. Of similar origin is also the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl with a rich admixture of quartz (Pl. 2, 1) that was also found in the north-eastern corner of the grave. The hand-made pots with rounded bodies and the S-profiled bowl represent the Late La Tène heritage of the Scordiscs and testify to the presence of an autochthonous population in the Early Roman sites of the 1st century, whose traditions are the strongest in the shapes, techniques and methods of decorating coarse pottery. As indicated by the finds from the settlement layers in Vinkovci, Osijek and Srijemska Mitrovica, the local craftsmen continued the production of recognizable shapes, thus satisfying the needs of the indigenous population. Those forms were decorated by familiar motifs by applying combed or broom-shaped ornaments and by polishing. Ceramic ware with autochthonous features was preserved until the period of the Flavians, suggesting the existence of indigenous peregrine communities which preserved the achievements of their own material culture up until the end of the 1st century, but due to intensified romanization in the 2nd century this autochthonous trait The second and larger group of finds from the grave testifying to the romanization of the indigenous population of Cuccium. This group consists of Early Roman import artefacts, which arrived at Limes by the well-known Sava valley trade route from the northern Italic region. The dark grey bowl with thin walls and two horizontal ribs (Pl. 2, 6), the ceramic lamp with a voluted nose and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5), and a glass vessel, most probably a funnel or a glass (Pl. 2, 4) represent imported grave goods which are not only chronologically sensitive but also point to the direction of the cultural and economic effects of the Roman conquest of the Drava, Sava and Danube interfluve. Ceramic ware with thin walls appeared in the eastern Alps and the middle Danube in the Tiberian period along with Padanian sigillata at the time of the first military conquests. Different shapes and ornamentation methods were identified, of which bowls decorated in barbotine technique are the largest in number. Typical of southern Pannonia is intensive import in the Claudius-Flavius period, when the peak of production was achieved. With the Flavian period, the production in the local workshops of Sirmium, Emona and on Gomolava began, in which shapes, ornaments and facture of the imported specimens were imitated. At the end of the 1st century the quality and the number of vessels with thin walls declined, but their production continued until the middle of the 2nd century. The ceramic lamp with reddish-brown coating and volute nose, two grooves on its shoulder and a rosette ornament (Pl. 2, 5) is also of northern Italic origin; its fragments were found at the eastern margin of the grave. The lamp find, along with other imports, suggests the acceptance of Roman lifestyle traditions and funeral customs. The described lamp belongs to the Iványi I type, which encompasses specimens with volute triangle-shaped nose, a relief figure in the middle concentric grooves on the rim. According to D. Iványi's classification, the lamp from Ilok belongs to the third type, its basic feature being a broader voluted nose dated to about the middle and the last quarter of the 1st century or to the 2nd century. According to Loeschcke's classification of ceramic lamps with an angular nose and volutes, the Ilok find corresponds to type I, variation b, characterized by a somewhat narrower top of the nose than with lamps having volutes, whereas the shoulder profile with two grooves is of type IIb. The angular ceramic lamps with volutes of the Iványi I, or Loeschcke I type, from Pannonian sites, represent a northern Italic import from the beginning of the 1st century, when they arrived along with the Arentino and northern Italic sigillata of the Augustan and Tiberian periods. The finds of voluted lamps, as well as of ceramic ware with thin walls, in military camps on the Danube (Zemun, Novi Banovci, Surduk) prove that they were imported to satisfied the needs of the army, but also for the higher social class of the autochthonous population, as indicated by the richly cremation grave from Ilok. Production in local Pannonian workshops began in the second half of the 1st century, as finds of moulds in Sirmium, Mursa and Poetovio suggest. Their occurrence in south Pannonian sites can be followed also in the 2nd century, up to the beginning of the 3rd. The smaller vessel, probably a funnel or a glass, made of greenish glass with a horizontally inverted rim (Pl. 2, 4), the fragments of which were found along the eastern margin of the grave, also suggests northern Italic origin. Just like the voluted lamp and the bowl with thin walls, the vessel came to the Danube limes through Aquileia, which in the 1st-2nd centuries was an important production center, but at the same time it was a commercial port for goods coming from other production centers, from where it was imported into the eastern Alpine and Danube regions. In the north-eastern corner of the grave there was also a play-token made of dark blue glass paste (Pl. 2, 1), which is supposed to have served for playing and which was dated to the 1st century. In the grave, a greenish glass bead was found as well (Pl. 2, 3). Metal grave goods and coin were preserved (Fig. 4) in the south-eastern excavated part of the grave, on the remains of poorly preserved wooden planks. The little bronze74 ring with an irregular rectangular cross-section has its one terminal looped, whereas its other terminal is missing (Pl. 1, 3). Its description corresponds with the type of Roman bronze earrings in the shape of wired annulets with different cross sections, with looped or clipped terminals. Simple earrings in the form of a wired ring that used to close by inserting the small hook through the loop were documented in a longer period, and they differ according to the shape of the pendant hanging from the ring, whose shape remained almost unchanged. The fragment of a bronze needle (Pl. 1, 5) was probably part of a bronze fibula. In the immediate vicinity of the earring there was another object, the function of which is not sufficiently clear. It might have been a handle fastening system of a bronze vessel (Pl. 1, 4) consisting of a leaned ring with an oval outline and a round cross-section, beneath which there is trifoliate sheet metal with rectangular terminals and a rivet hole in the upper part. The ring is separated from the bottom part by a rib, on which there are two horizontal grooves. In the immediate vicinity, a smaller iron rivet (Pl. 2, 8) was found with a short spike with a rectangular cross-section that might have served for fastening a handle. Apart from the described finds, another import in the grave are also the remains of the fig and the melon, found along with other archaeobotanical samples in the north-eastern part of the grave and in the fillings of both pots. The figs could not be cultivated in the southern Pannonian area due to inclement climatic conditions. Since figs could not have been kept fresh for a long time, it was not possible to transport the fruits across larger distances, therefore probably the figs arrived to Cuccium dried. The figs, along with the remaining ceramic and glass finds, were imported for the needs of the settled Italic, but also indigenous population, who were not unfamiliar with Italic goods. The largest part of archaeobotanical artefacts accounts for wine grape seeds. The question of the origin and cultivation of wine among the Illyrians with the mentioned antique sources was thoroughly analysed by M. Zaninović. The Pannonian production of small quantities of wine and the bad quality of its production is mentioned by Dion Cassius (49.36.2), which is also confirmed by Strabo's quote (VII.5.10) that the regions above Dalmatia are mountainous and cold and that vineyards can seldom be found there. The finds of amphorae dated in the beginning of the 1st century, which came along with the wine across Aquileia, testify to imports of wine to Sirmium, which was supported by settled Italics and by the indigenous population. Wine cultivation in Pannonia was intensified in the second half of the 3rd century, in the period of Probus, when soldiers planted selected grapes on the slopes of Fruška gora (Almus Mons). The discovery of grape seeds in pots in the grave in Ilok prove the earlier existence of vineyards on the western slopes of Fruška gora already in the 1st century, although it is possible that the tradition of wine cultivation in the Ilok region is considerably older. The laying of different kinds of cereals and fruits combined with ceramic and glass vessels of twofold origin into the grave suggests the existence of a complex funeral rite, which is still inadequately understood in the southern Pannonian territory in the Early Roman period. Numerous parallels to all described finds from the grave in Ilok were documented in the Danube region, which enable the dating of the grave in the middle of the 1st century. This is also confirmed by the find of Claudius coin (Pl. 1, 6). Although the grave has not been completely excavated, the grave goods and remains of grave architecture enriched the existing understanding of the process of romanization of the Croatian Danube region, testifying to the relation of the indigenous population towards the newly arrived achievements of the Roman culture. Of particular importance for the ethnic determination of the burial are three ceramic vessels from the northeastern corner of the grave, two hand-made pots with a rounded body (Pl. 1, 1-2) and the S-profiled, wheel-made bowl (Pl. 2, 1). The described vessels can be compared with the material heritage of the La Tène culture, which in the middle Danube is connected with the Scordiscs. In the described shapes, the continuation of pottery traditions of the indigenous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population is visible, which in the 1st century formed an important ethnic component of the southern part of Roman Pannonia. The second group of finds that suggests northern Italic origin points to the direction of the new ethnic, cultural and economic influences on the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the process of early romanization. Numerous parallels with Early Roman cremation burials from Syrmia, in which ceramic finds produced following La Tène traditions were found, indicate a strong tradition of the autochthonous population up until the end of the 1st century. This means that the mixed Celtic-Pannonian population living in the territory of the middle Danube played an important role in the process of early romanization and formed a constituent part of the ethnic corps of the newly conquered part of southern Pannonia. The indigenous population in larger centers that emerged from Late La Tène protourbane centers, was exposed to more intensive and rapid romanization by the settling Italic population and veterans and common imports, which was accompanied by the achievements of the Roman way of life. Rural Late La Tène communities long held the features of their own material culture, accepting only some of the achievements of the newly founded Roman provincial culture. In the grave in Ilok, imported objects suggesting northern Italic origin were found as well, and they came to the middle Danube by a trade route that was in function earlier – along the Sava River, where in the 1st century BC certain goods were transported for the Scordiscs. This is shown by numerous finds of bronze vessels of northern Italic origin, which in the sites of La Tène culture in eastern Slavonia occur in graves and in the most important fortified settlements such as Dalj, Sotin, Vinkovci and Orolik. The import of bronze vessels took place from Aquileia through Nauportus and Emona, from where along the Sava over Segestica it came to the middle Danube. Strabo (4.6.10; 5.1.8; 7.5.2) described this important prehistoric communication, and the described trade route is also supported by finds of coins from Appolonia and Dyrrhachion, as well as of Roman Republican coins. The use of the well-known trade route, along the Sava towards the East, continued also in the Early Roman period, when Aquileia was the most significant center of the export of pottery with thin walls, terra sigillatae and glass vessels on the markets of Pannonia and Noricum. It can be claimed with certainty that Tiberius' conquest of the eastern part of the Interfluve came running across the Sava valley. The understanding of events after the Roman conquest of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia is weak due to a lack of site excavations, on which the process of romanization that had started could be followed. Although there were significant military bases of the Danube Limes in the described territory, as well as larger civic settlements in its hinterland, such as Mursa and Cibalae, the material heritage of the first decades of the 1st century is little known. What all the Roman centers in the territory of eastern Slavonia and western Syrmia have in common is that they were erected either in the most significant Late La Tène centers, or in their vicinity. In all mentioned sites, on the Limes as well as in its hinterland, in the Early Roman layers dated to the 1st century, shapes that suggest the continuity of the Late La Tène material heritage prevail. In the first line, the early Roman import was directed to significant Late La Tène Scordisc settlements, where along with ceramic forms made in autochthonous traditions a northern Italic import of the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods occurred. Within the study of imported ceramic vessels, the presence of auxiliary military units, the arrival of merchants and settlements of Italics already in the early 1st century were identified. On the sites along the Limes, northern Italic imports from the Late Augustan and Tiberian periods was not rich in numbers. In the Julian-Claudian period, only auxiliary military units controlling the border existed along the Danube in mobile camps. Imports became more intense only in the Flavian period, when the military units came to the Danube and erected permanent fortresses. This also intensified the romanization of the indigenous population, which was also advanced by the recruitment of the autochthonous population to auxiliary units. Military units were always followed by merchants who satisfied their needs, but also the needs of settled Italics, as well as the upper class of the indigenous population, to whom those goods were not unknown, with imported goods. The Roman merchants were familiar with the circumstances on the market of the Drava-Sava-Danube interfluve and they were the advance contingent of the Roman conquest. The quote of Velleius Paterculus (II.110) that at the beginning of the rebellion in Pannonia and Dalmatia many merchants were killed testifies to the early presence of Roman merchants in this interfluve zone. If one would try to closer determine the ethnicity of the grave found in Ilok, one should look for the answer in Roman antiquity sources dealing with the ethnic structure of the eastern part of the Sava-Drava-Danube interfluve in the pre-Roman period and immediately after the conquest. The middle Danube in the Late Iron Age was populated by the Scordiscs, and after the conquest Roman sources mention some new communities. Thus, in the territory of the Croatian Danube area the Cornacates are mentioned, which Pliny the Elder mentions in his alphabetic index of the communities settled in Pannonia (N.H. III. 148). Since on that occasion communities from the territory of Transdanubia are mentioned as well, which were definitely conquered as late as in the Claudius period, the information on the Cornacates, to whom Cuccium is assigned, corresponds with the time to which the grave from Ilok is dated. The Cornacates as a peregrine community of Celtic-Pannonian origin were settled in the territory along the Danube in the surroundings of Vukovar up to Ilok. The western border towards neighbors - the Breuci - must have been around Vukovar and Negoslavci, where two military diplomas were found, issued to veterans of Breuci origin. The second possibility is that the Cornacates were only the citizens of the settlement Cornacum. Evidence supporting this statement is also found in Pliny's statement (N.H. III. 148) that Sirmium was an oppidum and a community of the Sirmienses and Amantinis, where under the Sirmienses exclusively the citizens of the settlement, which was the center of the Amantinian community, are meant. The final answer to the question whether the Cornacates lived in the territory of Ilok will be found only by an epigraphic find. The results of excavations of the castle of the Ilok in 2001 and 2002 extended the present-day understanding of the topography of Cuccium, and the discovery of the Early Roman cremation grave gave an insight into the process of early romanization of the Limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region. The Roman settlement laid more to the west than the late medieval palace of the Ilok princes, whereas graves were situated along the roads that led from the settlement, grave sites being indicated by finds of Late Antiquity sarcophagi and brick tombs to the south of today's Ilok. A grave was found to the west of the settlement, on the site of the present Ilok fortress, suggesting the existence of an Early Roman cemetery, where the indigenous population was buried. The finds of two hand-made pots with a rounded body and the wheel-made S-profiled bowl testify to this, indicating a strong tradition of the La Tène culture. The shape of the grave with the remains of a wooden cast has up to the present not been identified at the known Late La Tène Scordisc graves, therefore the question of its origin remains open. The second group of grave goods of northern Italic origin, represented by the bowl with thin walls, the lamp with the volute nose, the glass vessel and other metal and glass finds, points to the romanization of the encountered indigenous population, at the same time, based on the coin finds, dating the grave in the time of Claudius, in the middle of the 1st century. The discovery of the remains of different cultivated plants, out of which some show traces of incineration in and around both pots, testifies to the existence of a complex funeral rite in which, same as in the finds, the traditions of the newly arrived Roman culture intermingle with the material heritage of the autochthonous mixed Celtic-Pannonian population. It is highly conceivable that future research in Ilok shall expand the scarce understanding of the process of romanization and life along the limes in the territory of the Croatian Danube region.

Alimentarna kampilobakterioza najčešće je prijavljivana zoonoza u Europskoj uniji (EU), predstavlja jedan od vodećih javnozdravstvenih problema i uzrokuje ogromne financijske gubitke (EFSA-ECDC, 2015.). Pileće meso jedan je od najvažnijih izvora uzročnika ove bolesti u globalnim okvirima. U radu je opisana kontaminacija brojlerskih jata i pilećeg mesa bakterijama roda Campylobacter u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH). Cilj rada bio je istražiti učestalost kontaminacije pilećih trupova uzorkovanih na liniji klanja nakon faze evisceracije kampilobakterija­ma. Pileći trupovi i jetra (n=84) uzorkovani su jednom mjesečno tijekom godine dana u jednoj od najsuvremenijih klaonica brojlera u BiH. S ciljem izolacije bakterija Campylobacter spp. iz svakog trupa u laboratoriju je uzet uzorak grudne musklulature, bris visceralne šupljine, kao i uzorak jetre (n=252). Onečišćenje kampilobakterijama utvrđeno je u 27,4 % (23/84) pilećih trupova, i to najčešće u pilećim prsima (19,0 %), nešto manje u visceralnoj šupljini (15,5 %), a najmanje u uzorcima pileće jetre (9,5 %). Ukupno, bakterije Campylobacter spp. izolirane su iz 37 uzoraka. Izrazita predominacija ustanovljena je za Campylobacter jejuni (91,9 %), dok je Campylobacter coli bila neznatno zastupljena (8,1 %). Rezultati ovog istraživanja podcrtavaju značaj pilećeg mesa kao potencijalnog izvora alimentarne kampilobakterioze i sugeriraju obveznu mikrobiološku kontrolu onečišćenja pilećeg mesa s bakterijama roda Campylobacter u BiH. ; Food-borne campylobacteriosis is the most frequently reported zoonosis in the European Union (EU), which represents one of the leading public health issues and causes enormous financial losses (EFSA-ECDC, 2015.). Chicken meat is one of the most important global sources of the disease. Campylobacter contaminations of broiler flocks and chicken meat in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) have been described. The aim of the study was to research the prevalence of campylobacter contamination of chicken carcasses and liver samples on slaughter line after the evisceration phase. Monthly sampling of chicken carcasses and liver was carried out along a year at one of the most recent broiler slaughterhouses in BiH (n=84). To isolate Campylobacter spp., from each carcass a deep sample of pectoral muscle, visceral cavity swab and liver (n=252) were taken. Campylobacter spp. contamination was detected in 27.4 % (23/84) of chicken carcasses. Out of the 252 analyzed samples, the most prevalent campylobacter contamination was observed in chicken breasts (19.0 %), less in visceral cavity (15.5 %), and the least in chicken liver (9.5 %). In total, Campylobacter spp. were isolated from 37 samples. C. jejuni was predominant (91.9 %), while C. coli was slightly represented (8.1 %). Results of the study underline the importance of chicken meat as a potential source of food-borne campylobacteriosis and suggest compulsory microbiological control of campylobacter contamination of chicken meat in BiH. ; Lebensmittelbedingte Infektionen durch Campylobacter sind die am häufigsten gemeldeten Zoonosen in der Europäischen Union (EU); sie zählen zu den führenden Problemen der öffentlichen Gesundheit und verursachen erhebliche finanzielle Verluste (EFSA-ECDC, 2015). Weltweit zählt Ge­flügelfleisch zu den wichtigsten Quellen dieser Krankheitserreger. In dieser Arbeit wurde die Kontamination von Masthähnchen und Hähnchenfle­isch mit Campylobacter in Bosnien und Herzegowina beschreiben. Ziel der Studie war es, die Prävalenz der Kontamination der Hähnchenrümpfe, die auf dem Schlachtband nach der Ausweidung stichprobenartig untersucht wurden, mit Campylobacter festzustellen. In einem der modern­sten Schlachthöfe in Bosnien und Herzegowina wurden ein Jahr monatliche Proben der Hähnchenrümpfe und Leber untersucht (n=84). Um die Campylobacter spp. zu isolieren, wurden aus jedem Rumpf Proben des Brustmuskels, ein Abstrich des viszeralen Hohlraums sowie eine Leberprobe (n=252) für das Labor entnommen. Die Kontamination mit Campylobacter spp. wurde bei 27,4 % (23/84) der Hähnchenrümpfe festgestellt. Unter den insgesamt 252 untersuchten Proben wurde die größte Prävalenz der Kontamination mit Campylobacter in der Hähnchenbrust (19,0 %) fe­stgestellt, gefolgt vom viszeralen Hohlraum (15,5 %); der niedrigste Anteil wurde in der Hähnchenleber (9,5 %) festgestellt. Insgesamt wurden die Campylobacter spp. in 37 Proben isoliert. Eine ausgeprägte Prädominanz wurde bei C. jejuni (91,9 %) festgestellt, währen die C. coli nur geringfügig vertreten war (8,1 %). Die Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchung unterstreichen die Relevanz von Hähnchenfleisch als potentielle Quelle der lebensmittel­bedingten Infektionen mit Campylobacter und deuten auf eine unerlässliche mikrobiologische Kontrolle der Kontamination von Geflügelfleisch in Bosnien und Herzegowina durch Campylobacter hin. ; La campilobatteriosi alimentare è la zoonosi più frequentemente riscontrata nell'Unione europea (UE). Essa rappresenta uno dei problemi di salute pubbli­ca più importanti e causa enormi perdite finanziarie (EFSA-ECDC, 2015). La carne di pollo è una delle fonti principali di questa infezione a livello globale. Nello studio è descritta la contaminazione da Campylobacter spp. delle batterie di polli da carne (i c.d. brojler) nella Bosnia ed Erzegovina (BiH). Lo studio aveva come scopo quello di accertare la prevalenza della contaminazione da Campylobacter spp. nelle carcasse di pollo campionate sulla linea di mace­llazione dopo la fase dell'eviscerazione. La campionatura mensile delle carcasse e dei fegati del pollo è stata compiuta durante l'arco di un anno in uno dei più moderni stabilimenti di macellazione di polli da carne della BiH (n=84). Al fine di isolare il Campylobacter spp., in laboratorio s'è provveduto a prelevare un campione della muscolatura del petto per ogni carcassa campionata, oltre a sottoporre le carcasse allo striscio della cavità viscerale ed al prelievo di un campione del fegato (n=252). La contaminazione da Campylobacter spp. è stata accertata nel 27,4 % (23/84) delle carcasse di pollo analizzate. Su un totale di 252 campioni analizzati, la massima contaminazione da Campylobacter spp. è stata riscontrata nel petto del pollo (19,0 %), un po' inferiore nella cavità viscerale (15,5 %) e minima nei campioni di fegato di pollo (9,5 %). In totale, il Campylobacter spp. è stato isolato in 37 campioni. Nei campioni contaminati è stata riscontrata la schiacciante predominanza del C. jejuni (91,9 %), mentre la presenza C. coli è stata ritenuta trascurabile (8,1 %). I risultati di questa ricerca sottolineano l'importanza della carne di pollo quale potenziale fonte della campilobatteriosi alimentare e suggeriscono la necessità di un controllo microbiologico obbligatorio per accertare la contaminazione da Campylobacter spp. della carne di pollo in BiH. ; La campilobacteriosis alimentaria es la zoonosis más común en la Union Europea (UE) y representa uno de los problemas principales de salud que causa grandes pérdidas financiales (EFSA-ECDC, 2015). La carne de pollo es uno de los causantes principales de esta enfermedad a nivel mundial. En este trabajo fue descrita la contaminación de los rebaños de los broiler y del pollo por el Campylobacter en Bosnia y Herzegovina. El objetivo de este estudio fue investigar la prevalencia de la contaminación de los abdómenes de pollo por el Campylobacter en la línea de matanza después de la fase de evisceración. Durante un año, mensualmente fueron tomadas las muestras de los abdómenes de pollo y del hígado en uno de los mataderos más modernos en Bosnia y Herzegovina (n=84). Con el fin de aislar el Campylobacter spp. de cada abdomen fueron tomadas las muestras de la musculatura pectoral, el frotis de la cavidad visceral y la muestra del hígado (n=252) en laboratorio. La contaminación por el Campylobacter spp. fue encontrada en 27,4 % (23/84) de los abdómenes de pollo. Entre 252 muestras analizadas, la prevalencia mayor de la contaminación por el Campylobacter spp. fue encontrada en la pechuga de pollo (19,0 %), menor en la cavidad visceral (15,5 %) y la menor en las muestras de hígado (9,5 %). El Campylobacter spp. fue aislado de 37 muestras en total. Prevale­ció el C. jejuni (91,9 %), mientras el C. coli casi no estaba presente (8,1 %). Los resultados de esta investigación muestran la importancia del pollo como una fuente potencial de campilobacteriosis alimentaria y sugieren el control microbiológico obligatorio de la contaminación por el Campylobacter del pollo en Bosnia y Herzegovina.

U studiji se, nasuprot uvriježenim mišljenjima, dokazuje da su blokovi sjevernog dijela Dioklecijanove palače bili izvorno projektirani i izvedeni za potrebe gineceja kojemu se u Notitia Dignitatum spominje nadstojnik (Procurator gynaecii lovensis Dalmatiae -Aspalato). Opskrbljivao ga je akvedukt kapaciteta 1500 1/sec. = 129.600 m3 na dan. Problem obilnog ispiranja riješen je odgovarajucim kanalizacijskim sistemom koji je postojao samo duž ulica sjevernog dijela Palače u kojem su se nalazili pogoni carskih tkaonica. Tehnologija je (uz sustav bazena arheološki uočenih u prizemlju Papalićeve palače) ukljucivala sumporavanje, za što su bili na raspolaganju brojni izvori sumporne vode uz samu Palaču. Čitava građevina savršeno se uklapa u dugački niz tetrarhijskih javnih radova. Bila bi to izvorna, osnovna funkcija građevine u koju se Dioklecijan povukao nakon što je 305. g. bio prisiljen na abdikaciju. ; In scholarly literature, the term "city" was first mentioned by Lj. Karaman, talking of the beginnings of medieval Split in Diocletian's Palace, and then by Andre Grabar in his Martyrium (I: 232-233).2 Noel Duval, in a series of studies he wrote, asks whether Diocletian's residence should be classified as palatium, villa, castrum, urban settlement or some special type of architecture, considering that in comparison with genuine imperial palaces like those in Constantinople, Antioch, Philippopolis and Ravenna, it was wanting a number of "attributes": proposed the term "chateau".3 -5 The term was thoroughly investigated by Slobodan Čurčić, discussing late antique palatine architecture, showing convincingly that the urban character of these residences was undoubted (of Antioch , Nicomedia, Salona, Constantinople, Split) - although the miniature municipal quarters in them had an only slightly more than symbolic significance.6 Diocletian's building in Split really does not have the external look of a Roman imperial villa. In Split, in particular with respect to the two architectural masses in the northern part of the building, we note, its innate anti-landscape character, both the internal and the external disposition of the architectural elements, which is almost inorganically formalised. Not even in the narrow residential area, within which the halls are interconnected only via the "cryptoportico" having no direct contacts with the surrounding landscape, we do not find any of the characteristics that in the nature of things we would expect in a residence in which, it was always considered, the emperor intended to while away his final years. The Split edifice is really primarily an example of fortification. But here too we can be surprised. The sentry patrol corridor should be on the top of the walls and should be protected with a parapet, while here it is on the first floor, perforated with hardly defensible apertures (3 x 2m). The building was clearly primarily motivated by the desire to impress the surroundings, with its emphatic delineation of military presence and power. The Golden and Silver Gates and the great apertures of the sentry corridor on the three sides of the walls onto the mainland must have been walled up before the Byzantine-Gothic wars of the 530s.7 But it would seem that we can understand its form - so very particular that it evades the usual, in some sense fossilized, terminology – only through some new reading of the original meaning and purpose of the building itself. In author's opinion, this is proffered by a very simple question. The aqueduct that brought water into the palace from the source of the river Jadro was, in the design and execution of the imperial architects, undoubtedly related to the construction of his final dwelling place. Although it is a rare specimen of a Roman monument of this kind that is still being used today (reconstructed in 1878), in the literature and in research it has been almost entirely neglected, and has certainly never been interpreted in the original context. The aqueduct provided 1500 l/ sec. (129.600 m3 a day), which in terms of our standards would be enough for a population of 173,000. 8,9 The sheer amount of water inevitably leads to the question of what it was meant for, because it far exceeded the needs of the relatively modest bath complexes in the Palace. The answer might be hidden in an almost neglected item of information from Notitia Dignitatum OC XI 48 (ed. 0 . Seeck, 150) where there is a mention of the Procurator genaecii Iovensis Dalmatiae - Aspalato- warden of the imperial weaving shop for the production of woollen clothing for the army that worked in Split, under the title of Jupiter. So far it has always been thought, on the rare occasions when this fact has been mentioned at all (and then only by-the-bye) that this gynaeceum was only after Diocletian's death "inscribed" into the Palace, which was for the whole of the 5th century a kind of pensiopolis of dethroned emperors or pretenders to the throne. It has been considered that the northern part of the Palace was reserved for the Imperial Guard, for stables and the like. 10,11 Notitia Dignitatum, a long list of all the senior offices in the Empire, civilian and military, is certainly of a composite character. The basic text was created probably in about 408 (in partibus Occidentis changes were recorded up to 420), but it conceals a lot of information about the periods before the revision of the basic copy, mirroring the order that Diocletian had brought into the state, which certainly relates to the Split gynaeceum, which alone of the 14 such complexes located in the most important cities of the empire bears the characteristic predicate Iovense: it must in itself constitute a terminus post quem non to do with the origin of the factory of military uniforms of wool in the building in Split. 12,13,15 Although the gynaecea were never mentioned in the context of Diocletian's reforms, it is generally accepted that they were created at the time of the first Tetrarchy. The concentration of the labour force, the range of specialised jobs, the degree of organisation and their connection with urban centres makes them, in the judgement of historians, the closest to the modern industrial factory. State factories (fabricae) were set up in the late Empire to eliminate or at least to alleviate the difficulties concerning the supply of the state and the army with certain products. It was necessary to clothe the approximately half a million soldiers that Diocletian 's army reforms had raised, as well as no small number of clerks. Archaeology, however, has never made any direct contribution to the understanding of their internal organisation, except in the case of the otherwise well documented gynaeceum in Carthage, which lay in the heart of the city, on the edge of the celebrated Circular Harbour. 16,17 The state operated, through the comes sacrarum largitionum, a number of weaving mills, both for woolen and linen fabrics, and dyeworks 18 The Split gynaeceum should have probably been in some kind of complementary relationship with the gynaeceum moved to Salona, perhaps for security reasons, from Bassiana (Donji Petrovci, Pannonia Inferior) also noted by Notitia Dignitatum, XI, 46 (Procurator gynaecii Bassanensis Pannoniae Secundae translati Salonis). In Salona, thus, there was a large cloth dyeworks (In Not. dign. the Procurator bafii Salonitani Dalmatiae was also mentioned) and weaving mill. At Five Bridges in Salona artisan workshops were actually found, probably a dyer's workshop, and fulling mills for cloth and the dyeing of cloth. Also to be seen is the reservoir from which the water to drive the mills ran, and a building for the habitation of the workers. 19 In one inscription in Salona, a magister conquilarius is mentioned (CIL III 2115 + 8572), clearly the head of the state workshops in which purple was extracted from shellfish, perhaps for the gynaeceum in Aspalathos. 22 Another inscription found in Salona mentions a certain Hilarus, who was the purpurarius, dyer of red garments or, perhaps, negotiator artis purpurae. 23 That the Salona baffeum and the Split gynaeceum were mentioned only in the Notitia Dignitatum, says that their production was a strictly channelled state monopoly, and that the products from them did not make their way to the general market as other goods did. The army was supplied directly, without the agency of merchants. Although not all the technological details of the gynaeceum, the fullonica and the baffeum have been revealed, we can conjure up in the northern half of the Palace an image of the whole system of pools in which the fabrics were washed, softened and finished by being trampled on with bare feet in a solution of potash , fuller's earth, human and animal urine. Here then there was a very large demand for water.28 Garments were rubbed with chalk, and fumigated with sulphur. It is particularly important to remember that the technology included, among other things, sulphur treatment (sulfure sulfire ), for which there were the many springs of sulphurous water alongside the Palace itself, which were used for the washing and bleaching of cloth right up to the first half of the 20th century, by St Francis church on the Shore.29 The problem of copious rinsing was solved by the extraordinarily handled sewage system that existed only along the the cardo and decumanus and the perimeter streets of the northern part of the Palace , in which the mentioned plant was located. Among other things, the extreme western part of the sewer under the decumanus, at the exit from the Palace, has been explored. It passed under the western gate (Porta ferrea), and moved in a gentle arc towards the south-west, finishing some forty metres further in a stone portal (below the kitchen of today's Hotel Central). Thence in an open channel all this water flowed into the bay of the sea, in the immediate vicinity of the grandest corner of the Palace.30 The monumental cross-section of this sewage system corresponds perfectly to the cross-section of the aqueduct. We should underscore the fact that the sewage system was located only along the streets of the northern part of the Palace, while we might expect it to be primarily in the residential southern part, which also shows that it was constructed for the purpose of the production inside the gynaeceum. Unfortunately, there are practically no archaeological records of the small finds from investigations of the northern part of the Split building. But, during excavations of the crossing place of the cardo and decumanus (in order to establish the original level of the street and the Peristyle) M. Suić in 1974 did observe, "a very thick layer of fine sediment of a markedly red colour of non-organic origin", which had been deposited in the cloaca, and which had retained its intensity for centuries. This must prove the existence of fullonica, which must have been located within the gynaeceum.31, 32, 55, 56 Gynaeciarii, like other craftsmen, were associated into corporations or collegia, but were not able to leave their work, being nexu sanguinis ad divinas largitiones perlinenles, which makes the construction of the northern part of the Palace, in which they lived alongside their workshops even more logical. 36 - 4 0 Their patron saint in 5th c. might have been, as I have already speculated, St Martin - patron of soldiers and weavers -to whom the little church in the sentries' walk over the Golden Gate, walled-in very early on, was dedicated. 41 All this also suggests that Christianity was alive in the Palace from day one. Along with the bishop and the praetorians, the weavers were probably that industrial revolutionary guard of the time. It is not at all surprising that a martyr like St. Anastasius - a fullo, the co-patron of Split, should have come precisely from the milieu of the fullers, probably working in the baffeum in Salona. In Split, Diocletian's gynaeceum was probably reliant upon a manufacture that already existed, one linked with the sulphurous water and perhaps on the broom, genisla acanlhoclada, from which a colouring agent for dying the cloth was obtained, and according to which, it is believed, Aspalathos actually obtained its name.43 There was raw material in Dalmatia within reach. Immediately following the Second World War there were about one million sheep in the central hinterland of the Adriatic coast. Delm or Dalm in Old Illyrian means shepherd, herder, flock, and hence Delminium means the place of pasture, and delme- dalme still today in Albanian means sheep.44 - 49 Evidence of the organised weaving industry in Roman Dalmatia can be seen in the form of the weaving industry around Split, which all the way through the Middle Ages and until quite recently was different from that in the other regions. 51 The Gynaeceum iovense might have been special precisely in the fact that this was not a remodelled and expanded production area already in existence, the expropriation of some extant minor complexes (as is assumed to have happened in Carthage), but a green field project, an exemplarily constructed industrial unit. And for this reason, of all such establishments, it was the only one to have such a flowery dedication and name. At the end one should also draw attention to an almost neglected reference concerning the palace, that is, the first description of it, uttered by the most authoritative mouth of all. In the Oralio ad Sanclorum coelum which he delivered in Antioch in 325, Emperor Constantine said that the colossal pile of the palace was a "loathed dwelling" in which the Emperor Diocletian shut himself up after this abdication: "After the massacre in the persecutions, after he had condemned himself by depriving himself of power, as a man of no utility, acknowledging the damage he had done with his imprudence, he remained hidden in his really contemptible dwelling place". 61 This surprising statement of Constantine might be an allusion to the fact that Diocletian had to spend his last days in a building that in spite of all the sumptuousness of its centre and the residential quarters looking onto the sea- must also have had the features of a military factory, to which the form of the castrum must have been in all respects much more suitable than to a charming imperial residence. The whole of the building fits perfectly in with the long series of tetrarchic public works. It is important to stress the autonomy of the cardo and the decumanus (12 metres broad) with their own lastricatus and their own porticatus, independent of the blocks that they hid. I would even say that the form of the castrum is more logical for a gynaeceum than it is for a palace. What should be actually highlighted is the surprising pragmatism, as well as the great social focus of the lllyrian emperors, who really did want to renew the "fervent patriotism and iron duty in the evil days" (Syme). Probus in Egypt worked on an important improvement of the navigation of the Nile; temples, bridges, porticoes, palaces, all were put up by the army. Galerius himself was a devotee of public works, and undertook an operation worth of a monarch, says Gibbon, diverting the excess of water from Lake Pelso (Balaton) to the Danube, at the border with Noricum. He had the endless woods all around cleared, and gave the whole reclaimed area between the Drava and the Danube to his Panonian subjects to be cultivated, naming it Valeria after his wife. 65, 66 Most of the buildings that Diocletian put up were of a utilitarian purpose, such as mints and the factories that Lactantius mentions, or border forts, roads and bridges. Dozens of extant inscriptions tell us of the dedications of new and restored temples, aqueducts, nymphea and public buildings - "vetustatu con lapsum" or "Ionge incuria neglectum"- dilapidated from age and long neglect. 67 According to Lactantius's writing, Diocletian had an infinitam cupiditatem aedificandi, an infinite desire to build. 68 Today we are apt to count mostly the imperial palaces in connection with this statement, and to forget the whole framework of comprehensive public works that were undertaken during the first tetrarchy. Twenty years of relaxation from civil wars and barbarian invasions, and the gradual suppression of local unrest, led to the renovation of the prosperity in cities all round the Empire, hence the major number of public dedications, the revival of overall construction activity. The Tetrarchan New Deal - with Diocletian as the Roosevelt of the ancient world - is often understood in a formalist way, as a series of legislative and political attempts to halt inflation, overlooking exploits like Galerius's round Balaton, or this one in Split. The construction of the Split Palace, then, no kind of imperial Xanadu, as it is often held to be, justified its investment. More than that: its existence enabled antiquity in Dalmatia, even after the 7th century catastrophe, not to be extinguished with a sudden death, but over long centuries to be merged into the modern age, remaining until this day a lesson in and criterion for every creative architectural operation into the tissue of the city, which developed organically within the precise, almost dry geometry of the Emperor's palace-cumfactory. * The article was published in English, in: Das Imperium zwischen Zentralisierung und Regionalisierung: Palaste- Regionen- Volker (ed. A. Demand, A. Goltz und H. Schlange-Schoningen), Berlin - New York 2004: 141-162.