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Is peace more likely to prevail when the peace accord includes civil society actors such as religious groups, women's organizations, and human rights groups? This is the first statistical study that explores this issue. The article develops key claims in previous research regarding the role of civil society actors and durable peace, and proposes a set of hypotheses that focus on legitimacy in this process. The hypotheses are examined by employing unique data on the inclusion of civil society actors in all peace agreements in the post-Cold War period. The statistical analysis shows that inclusion of civil society actors in the peace settlement increases the durability of peace. The results further demonstrate that peace accords with involvement from civil society actors and political parties in combination are more likely to see peace prevail. The findings also suggest that inclusion of civil society has a particularly profound effect on the prospects for overall peace in nondemocratic societies. (International Interactions/FUB)

This study aims to investigate the role of different levels of relationships (interpersonal, intergroup and international) to promote world peace in accordance with the vision of the participants of the organization / movement Servas International. The frameworks are the studies about interpersonal relationship and Peace Psychology. Its approach is qualitative and the sample consisted of ten of Servas's leaders around the world, centering in providing and analyzing a number of personal contacts which each participant has made through the Servas and the participants' perspective on how interpersonal relationships have affected the international peace. Servas is an international, non-governmental, multicultural peace association run by volunteers in over 100 countries. Founded in 1949 as a peace movement, Servas International is a non-profit organization, working to build understanding, tolerance and world peace. Data were collected through a semi-structured interview, which lasted for about an hour each, and were analyzed by content analysis. Results indicate the importance of interpersonal relationships to world peace, since it starts with contact between two people that can spread their experiences to the groups and to the nations. However this contact must be qualified in the sense that the person should be open to contact to different people of different races, religions, cultures, and countries to overcome prejudices and to break stereotypes. Adapted from the source document.

The article debunks the conception that peace agreements are all equal. Distinct from the conventional monocausal assessment, I view the peace agreement as a cohesive whole and evaluate its strength in terms of its structural and procedural provisions. I use data on the length of intrastate peace episodes during the period from 1946 to 2010. My key finding is that the design quality of the peace agreement has a significant impact on the durability of peace. Agreements that are carefully designed to deal with all obstacles to cooperation have the strongest pacifying effect among armed conflict outcomes. The article sets forth ways to sharpen the performance of conflict management operations in war-torn countries.

The interaction of processes of state formation, liberal peacebuilding and statebuilding and localized practices of peacemaking—or what might be called peace formation—offer the prospect of forms of peace that may be both locally and internationally legitimate. Post-liberal and hybrid forms of peace influenced by local patterns of politics, based on contextual social, cultural and historical, norms, identities, and material resources, as well as cognizant of international norms, not to mention power, may represent a more accurate characterization of the results of peace processes worldwide. This article examines local processes of peace formation and emerging peace infrastructures.

The Western security community has increasingly militarized its politics of peace, through peacekeeping, peace-making and other policies to which the 'peace' prefix has been attributed. Peace has become a virtual concept, which at times disguises rather violent management techniques of 'global governance'. Peace, within this framework, is a practice and a policy, mantled by a narrative of a liberal, and teleological, desire for non-violence. Non-violence towards the governing institutions became viewed as peace, advancing the notion of 'peace-as-order'. A teleology of liberal development helped to securitize the 'not-yet-liberalized Other', excluding non-liberal concepts from the idea of peace. Like the baby thrown out with the bathwater, peace lost its emancipatory content. A particular peace is the result, which includes transitional justice or reconciliation as rhetorical devices for its legitimization. However, the practice of 'peace' leaves these processes to the 'losers'; lasting peace between equals remains elusive and the politics of peace an exercise in managing security. Adapted from the source document.