The paper presents the results of bibliometric analysis of publications co-written by authors affiliated with Ukrainian and Russian institutions in 2007–2016, based on Scopus data. The survey results have showed that Ukrainian and Russian researchers continue carrying out joint research in major international projectsю However, a decrease in the number of works published by Ukrainian and Russian research institutions in 2016 has testified to an adverse impact of Russia's military aggression on cooperation in the field of science. The findings are important for preparing the science development programs in Ukraine.
The article highlights one of the most complicated periods of the UPR delegation's work in the Paris Peace Conference 1919–1920. It describes the main activities of this work – efforts to gain UPR's independence recognition by leading states of the world; to get them to take into consideration interests of the Ukrainian people, because of the postwar geopolitical changes in Central Europe; to cooperate in political, military, commercial and economic fields with other countries. A range of problems has been illustrated using minutes of delegation meeting in June 6, 1919. The members of delegation discussed numerous problems: from complicated political and external economic questions to organizational moments, that were important for successful pursuance of the delegation's objectivities. Keywords: Paris Peace Conference, delegation, Entente Alliance, UPR, Galicia (Halychyna), Poland, USA ; Публікація висвітлює один із найскладніших періодів діяльності делегації УНР на Паризькій мирній конференції 1919–1920рр. Характеризує головні напрями цієї діяльності – намагання досягти визнання незалежності УНР провідними та іншими державами світу, врахування інтересів українського народу у ході повоєнних геополітичних змін у Центральній і Східній Європі, налагодження політичної, військової та торговельно-економічної співпраці з іншими країнами. На прикладі аналізу змісту протоколу засідання делегації від 6 червня 1919р. проілюстровано комплекс проблем, що обговорювали члени делегації, – від складних політичних і зовнішньоекономічних питань до організаційних моментів, які мали важливе значення для ефективного виконання делегацією своїх завдань. Ключові слова: Паризька мирна конференція, делегація, Антанта, УНР, Галичина, Польща, США
У статті висвітлюється вплив Оломоуцького мирного договору (1479 р.) на політичний розвиток чеських земель. Підписання Оломоуцького договору між королями Матяшем Корвіном та Владиславом ІІЯгеллоном завершило «Богемську війну» 1466-1478 рр., закріпивши розподіл земель Чеської корони між двома правителями. Чимала роль у підписанні договору належала чеській шляхті, яка відстоювала насамперед власні інтереси. Оломоуцький договір посилив позиції чеської знаті й став передумовою до встановлення на земляхЧеської корони станово-представницької моделі державного управління. ; The article reveals the influence of the Olomouc peaceful agreement (1479) on the political development of the Czech Kingdom. The «Bohemian War» (1466-1478) was ended with singing the Olomouc peaceful agreement between the king Matthias Corvinus and Vladislaus II Jagiellon. This agreement tightened the distribution of lands of the Bohemian Crown between two kings. The Czech representatives of noble class who was protecting their own interests also played an important role in signing the agreement. The Olomouc peaceful agreement had tightened the positions ofthe Czech nobility and became the precondition for the formation of the estate representative model of state government of the Czech lands.
У статті висвітлюється вплив Оломоуцького мирного договору (1479 р.) на політичний розвиток чеських земель. Підписання Оломоуцького договору між королями Матяшем Корвіном та Владиславом ІІЯгеллоном завершило «Богемську війну» 1466-1478 рр., закріпивши розподіл земель Чеської корони між двома правителями. Чимала роль у підписанні договору належала чеській шляхті, яка відстоювала насамперед власні інтереси. Оломоуцький договір посилив позиції чеської знаті й став передумовою до встановлення на земляхЧеської корони станово-представницької моделі державного управління. ; The article reveals the influence of the Olomouc peaceful agreement (1479) on the political development of the Czech Kingdom. The «Bohemian War» (1466-1478) was ended with singing the Olomouc peaceful agreement between the king Matthias Corvinus and Vladislaus II Jagiellon. This agreement tightened the distribution of lands of the Bohemian Crown between two kings. The Czech representatives of noble class who was protecting their own interests also played an important role in signing the agreement. The Olomouc peaceful agreement had tightened the positions ofthe Czech nobility and became the precondition for the formation of the estate representative model of state government of the Czech lands.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the origin of sciences on peace, war, and ethnopolitical conflicts in philosophical, religious and political dimensions. Views and ideas of Ancient Eastern philosophers marked the beginning of future sciences on analysis of the origin of sciences on peace, war, and ethnopolitical conflicts. Subsequently, Ancient Greek and Roman philosophers took up these ideas. Beginning and development of these sciences started in the Middle Ages and in the Renaissance. The Middle Ages witnessed the birth of a number of projects related to achieving and maintaining permanent peace. These projects were based on religious principles. Some of them are of scientific interest to this day. Thus, the treatise of George of Poděbrady was republished several times in English, German, Czech and other languages and had an influence on the development of ideas on war, armed conflict, and peace. Erasmus of Rotterdam, the brightest representative of the Renaissance, became well-known due to his exposure of the true causes of wars and armed conflicts. The fundamental work of the prominent Dutch lawyer and political thinker at the turn of the Renaissance and the Modern Era Hugo Grotius made a significant contribution to the study of the issues identified in the article, predominantly from the political and legal viewpoint. A notable contribution to the further development of the sciences on peace, war, and armed ethnopolitical conflicts was made by the eminent English philosopher and lawyer Jeremy Bentham. An outstanding German philosopher Immanuel Kant made a huge contribution to the formation of a new field of knowledge on peace and ethnopolitical conflicts. From a political perspective, it's worth to mention the contribution of the distinguished Austrian-German thinker and politician Friedrich von Gentz to the development of sciences on peace, war, and armed conflicts. The science of peace is called "eirenology" (from Greek "eirnene" – peace). However, this relatively unknown and incomprehensible term due to various reasons has been popular among most foreign researchers, not to mention domestic researchers who are engaged in the study of this problem. In Western corresponding academic literature in 1960–1970 this term was known as "Peace Studies". Nevertheless, since the mid-1980s issues related to it had been investigated mainly within the framework of a new field of scientific knowledge called "Peace and Conflict Studies". In the West today, it is quite known and influential scientific trend. This is demonstrated by the training at many Universities of bachelors, masters and even PhDs in this field and publishing scientific journal "Peace and Conflict Studies".However, in the author's view, this field should be divided into 2 separate ones, namely a) science of peace and b) science of conflicts. The author of the article offers to introduce a new concept "mirology" into the corresponding Ukrainian political and conflict literature, which should be interpreted as the science of peace as the eternal and highest all-human value. Speaking of science aimed at studying conflicts in ethnopolitical sphere of social life. in the West it is known as "Ethnic Conflict Studies". But given that the global ethnopolitical conflicts explosion has occurred at the turn of the millennia, in our opinion, a new branch of scientific knowledge of these conflicts deserves a more correct and adequate name - "Ethnopolitical Conflict Studies". ; The article is devoted to the analysis of the origin of sciences on peace, war, and ethnopolitical conflicts in philosophical, religious and political dimensions. Views and ideas of Ancient Eastern philosophers marked the beginning of future sciences on analysis of the origin of sciences on peace, war, and ethnopolitical conflicts. Subsequently, Ancient Greek and Roman philosophers took up these ideas. Beginning and development of these sciences started in the Middle Ages and in the Renaissance. The Middle Ages witnessed the birth of a number of projects related to achieving and maintaining permanent peace. These projects were based on religious principles. Some of them are of scientific interest to this day. Thus, the treatise of George of Poděbrady was republished several times in English, German, Czech and other languages and had an influence on the development of ideas on war, armed conflict, and peace. Erasmus of Rotterdam, the brightest representative of the Renaissance, became well-known due to his exposure of the true causes of wars and armed conflicts. The fundamental work of the prominent Dutch lawyer and political thinker at the turn of the Renaissance and the Modern Era Hugo Grotius made a significant contribution to the study of the issues identified in the article, predominantly from the political and legal viewpoint. A notable contribution to the further development of the sciences on peace, war, and armed ethnopolitical conflicts was made by the eminent English philosopher and lawyer Jeremy Bentham. An outstanding German philosopher Immanuel Kant made a huge contribution to the formation of a new field of knowledge on peace and ethnopolitical conflicts. From a political perspective, it's worth to mention the contribution of the distinguished Austrian-German thinker and politician Friedrich von Gentz to the development of sciences on peace, war, and armed conflicts. The science of peace is called "eirenology" (from Greek "eirnene" – peace). However, this relatively unknown and incomprehensible term due to various reasons has been popular among most foreign researchers, not to mention domestic researchers who are engaged in the study of this problem. In Western corresponding academic literature in 1960–1970 this term was known as "Peace Studies". Nevertheless, since the mid-1980s issues related to it had been investigated mainly within the framework of a new field of scientific knowledge called "Peace and Conflict Studies". In the West today, it is quite known and influential scientific trend. This is demonstrated by the training at many Universities of bachelors, masters and even PhDs in this field and publishing scientific journal "Peace and Conflict Studies".However, in the author's view, this field should be divided into 2 separate ones, namely a) science of peace and b) science of conflicts. The author of the article offers to introduce a new concept "mirology" into the corresponding Ukrainian political and conflict literature, which should be interpreted as the science of peace as the eternal and highest all-human value. Speaking of science aimed at studying conflicts in ethnopolitical sphere of social life. in the West it is known as "Ethnic Conflict Studies". But given that the global ethnopolitical conflicts explosion has occurred at the turn of the millennia, in our opinion, a new branch of scientific knowledge of these conflicts deserves a more correct and adequate name - "Ethnopolitical Conflict Studies".
The article is devoted to the analysis of the origin of sciences on peace, war, and ethnopolitical conflicts in philosophical, religious and political dimensions. Views and ideas of Ancient Eastern philosophers marked the beginning of future sciences on analysis of the origin of sciences on peace, war, and ethnopolitical conflicts. Subsequently, Ancient Greek and Roman philosophers took up these ideas. Beginning and development of these sciences started in the Middle Ages and in the Renaissance. The Middle Ages witnessed the birth of a number of projects related to achieving and maintaining permanent peace. These projects were based on religious principles. Some of them are of scientific interest to this day. Thus, the treatise of George of Poděbrady was republished several times in English, German, Czech and other languages and had an influence on the development of ideas on war, armed conflict, and peace. Erasmus of Rotterdam, the brightest representative of the Renaissance, became well-known due to his exposure of the true causes of wars and armed conflicts. The fundamental work of the prominent Dutch lawyer and political thinker at the turn of the Renaissance and the Modern Era Hugo Grotius made a significant contribution to the study of the issues identified in the article, predominantly from the political and legal viewpoint. A notable contribution to the further development of the sciences on peace, war, and armed ethnopolitical conflicts was made by the eminent English philosopher and lawyer Jeremy Bentham. An outstanding German philosopher Immanuel Kant made a huge contribution to the formation of a new field of knowledge on peace and ethnopolitical conflicts. From a political perspective, it's worth to mention the contribution of the distinguished Austrian-German thinker and politician Friedrich von Gentz to the development of sciences on peace, war, and armed conflicts. The science of peace is called "eirenology" (from Greek "eirnene" – peace). However, this relatively unknown and incomprehensible term due to various reasons has been popular among most foreign researchers, not to mention domestic researchers who are engaged in the study of this problem. In Western corresponding academic literature in 1960–1970 this term was known as "Peace Studies". Nevertheless, since the mid-1980s issues related to it had been investigated mainly within the framework of a new field of scientific knowledge called "Peace and Conflict Studies". In the West today, it is quite known and influential scientific trend. This is demonstrated by the training at many Universities of bachelors, masters and even PhDs in this field and publishing scientific journal "Peace and Conflict Studies".However, in the author's view, this field should be divided into 2 separate ones, namely a) science of peace and b) science of conflicts. The author of the article offers to introduce a new concept "mirology" into the corresponding Ukrainian political and conflict literature, which should be interpreted as the science of peace as the eternal and highest all-human value. Speaking of science aimed at studying conflicts in ethnopolitical sphere of social life. in the West it is known as "Ethnic Conflict Studies". But given that the global ethnopolitical conflicts explosion has occurred at the turn of the millennia, in our opinion, a new branch of scientific knowledge of these conflicts deserves a more correct and adequate name - "Ethnopolitical Conflict Studies". ; The article is devoted to the analysis of the origin of sciences on peace, war, and ethnopolitical conflicts in philosophical, religious and political dimensions. Views and ideas of Ancient Eastern philosophers marked the beginning of future sciences on analysis of the origin of sciences on peace, war, and ethnopolitical conflicts. Subsequently, Ancient Greek and Roman philosophers took up these ideas. Beginning and development of these sciences started in the Middle Ages and in the Renaissance. The Middle Ages witnessed the birth of a number of projects related to achieving and maintaining permanent peace. These projects were based on religious principles. Some of them are of scientific interest to this day. Thus, the treatise of George of Poděbrady was republished several times in English, German, Czech and other languages and had an influence on the development of ideas on war, armed conflict, and peace. Erasmus of Rotterdam, the brightest representative of the Renaissance, became well-known due to his exposure of the true causes of wars and armed conflicts. The fundamental work of the prominent Dutch lawyer and political thinker at the turn of the Renaissance and the Modern Era Hugo Grotius made a significant contribution to the study of the issues identified in the article, predominantly from the political and legal viewpoint. A notable contribution to the further development of the sciences on peace, war, and armed ethnopolitical conflicts was made by the eminent English philosopher and lawyer Jeremy Bentham. An outstanding German philosopher Immanuel Kant made a huge contribution to the formation of a new field of knowledge on peace and ethnopolitical conflicts. From a political perspective, it's worth to mention the contribution of the distinguished Austrian-German thinker and politician Friedrich von Gentz to the development of sciences on peace, war, and armed conflicts. The science of peace is called "eirenology" (from Greek "eirnene" – peace). However, this relatively unknown and incomprehensible term due to various reasons has been popular among most foreign researchers, not to mention domestic researchers who are engaged in the study of this problem. In Western corresponding academic literature in 1960–1970 this term was known as "Peace Studies". Nevertheless, since the mid-1980s issues related to it had been investigated mainly within the framework of a new field of scientific knowledge called "Peace and Conflict Studies". In the West today, it is quite known and influential scientific trend. This is demonstrated by the training at many Universities of bachelors, masters and even PhDs in this field and publishing scientific journal "Peace and Conflict Studies".However, in the author's view, this field should be divided into 2 separate ones, namely a) science of peace and b) science of conflicts. The author of the article offers to introduce a new concept "mirology" into the corresponding Ukrainian political and conflict literature, which should be interpreted as the science of peace as the eternal and highest all-human value. Speaking of science aimed at studying conflicts in ethnopolitical sphere of social life. in the West it is known as "Ethnic Conflict Studies". But given that the global ethnopolitical conflicts explosion has occurred at the turn of the millennia, in our opinion, a new branch of scientific knowledge of these conflicts deserves a more correct and adequate name - "Ethnopolitical Conflict Studies".
In this paper we present a theoretical basis of polemologii. We indicate for the relationship of a) anthropology and b) science of peace and the nature of war and armed conflicts. We discuss the causes of the war in the context of the development of peoples and nations. We consider the ethical aspects of research on the nature of war and peace, operational metaphysical essence of contemporary wars and armed conflicts; the article points out the elements of management in the relations of war and peace, we show the perspective of humanities research on the issue of war and peace. We explanation - from the point of view of metaphysics of Solidarity movement of the decade from 1980 to 1989 - the causes of war and explaining the conditions of the knowledge of peace. Our study is based on a study of the tasks of a social movement in Poland in the years 1980-1989. Also applies to the problem of security of the person in the light of the principles of modern neuroscience and anthropology, personal security, terrorism and other threats to civilization. Key words: the theory of peace and war, conflicts and humanistic science, progress, revolution of the Solidarity in the decade 1980-89 in Poland, ethics, philosophy of war, metaphysics of peace, Polish anthropology about war, conditions of knowing the peace, safety of the person, terrorism. ; W pracy przedstawiamy teoretyczne podstawy polemologii. Wskazane są relacje antropologii i nauki o pokoju i naturze wojny i konfliktów zbrojnych. Omawiamy przyczyny wojny w kontekście rozwoju ludów i narodów. Rozpatrujemy etyczne aspekty badań nad naturą wojny i pokoju, metafizyczną operacyjną istotę współczesnych wojen i konfliktów zbrojnych, wskazujemy na elementy zarządzania w relacjach wojny i pokoju, ukazujemy perspektywy badań humanistycznych nad zagadnieniem wojny i pokoju. Zajmujemy się wyjaśnianiem – z punktu widzenia metafizyki Solidarności dekady lat 1980-89 - przyczyn wojen i wyjaśnianiem warunków poznania pokoju. Badania nasze opierają się na studiowaniu zadań ruchu społecznego w Polsce w latach 1980-89. Dotyczą też problemu bezpieczeństwa osoby w świetle zasad neurologii i antropologii współczesnej, bezpieczeństwa personalnego, terroryzmu i innych zagrożeń cywilizacyjnych. Słowa kluczowe: nauka o pokoju i wojnie, konflikty, postęp, rewolucja Solidarności w dekadzie 1980-89 w Polsce, etyka, filozofia wojny, metafizyka pokoju, antropologia polska a wojna, warunków poznania pokoju, bezpieczeństwo osoby, terroryzm.
The author of the article considers «the Cossack problem» that existed during the peaceful processes, which proceeded the said match, issues in regard of the direct conclusion of a peaceful agreement as well as the consequences of the said military conflicts. ; В статье рассматривается «казацкий вопрос» в переговорных процессах, которые предшествовали объявлению военных походов и заключению мирных соглашений между Речью Посполитой и Османской империей в XVII – первой четверти XVII вв. В частности, указываются причины объявления Хотинского похода, ход событий, связанных с этим походом, непосредственно заключения соответствующего мирного договора и последствия указанных военных конфликтов. ; У статті розглядається «козацьке питання» в переговорних процесах, які передували оголошенню військових походів та укладанню мирних угод між Річчю Посполитою та Османською імперією в XVII – першій чверті XVIIІ ст. Зокрема, зазначаються причини оголошення Хотинського походу, перебіг подій, пов'язаних з цим походом, безпосередньо укладання відповідного мирного договору та наслідки зазначених воєнних конфліктів.
The author of the article considers «the Cossack problem» that existed during the peaceful processes, which proceeded the said match, issues in regard of the direct conclusion of a peaceful agreement as well as the consequences of the said military conflicts. ; В статье рассматривается «казацкий вопрос» в переговорных процессах, которые предшествовали объявлению военных походов и заключению мирных соглашений между Речью Посполитой и Османской империей в XVII – первой четверти XVII вв. В частности, указываются причины объявления Хотинского похода, ход событий, связанных с этим походом, непосредственно заключения соответствующего мирного договора и последствия указанных военных конфликтов. ; У статті розглядається «козацьке питання» в переговорних процесах, які передували оголошенню військових походів та укладанню мирних угод між Річчю Посполитою та Османською імперією в XVII – першій чверті XVIIІ ст. Зокрема, зазначаються причини оголошення Хотинського походу, перебіг подій, пов'язаних з цим походом, безпосередньо укладання відповідного мирного договору та наслідки зазначених воєнних конфліктів.
The author of the article considers «the Cossack problem» that existed during the peaceful processes, which proceeded the said match, issues in regard of the direct conclusion of a peaceful agreement as well as the consequences of the said military conflicts. ; В статье рассматривается «казацкий вопрос» в переговорных процессах, которые предшествовали объявлению военных походов и заключению мирных соглашений между Речью Посполитой и Османской империей в XVII – первой четверти XVII вв. В частности, указываются причины объявления Хотинского похода, ход событий, связанных с этим походом, непосредственно заключения соответствующего мирного договора и последствия указанных военных конфликтов. ; У статті розглядається «козацьке питання» в переговорних процесах, які передували оголошенню військових походів та укладанню мирних угод між Річчю Посполитою та Османською імперією в XVII – першій чверті XVIIІ ст. Зокрема, зазначаються причини оголошення Хотинського походу, перебіг подій, пов'язаних з цим походом, безпосередньо укладання відповідного мирного договору та наслідки зазначених воєнних конфліктів.
A particular feature of Kosovo's internal policy development as an independent state and problematic reasons with a full international recognition of this fact is also highlighted. The research studied objective and subjective historical reasons for the state formation of Kosovo Albanians starting from the latent stage of this process within former Yugoslavia and then up to the declaration of Kosovo independence. Influence of Yugoslavia's collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo's separation from Serbia is also explored in this dissertation. A particular feature of Kosovo's internal policy development as an independent state and problematic reasons with a full international recognition of this fact is also highlighted. Problem of Kosovo's status to the diplomacy of «power poles» in modern system of international relations within the context of NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined.The paper deals with EU policy on Kosovo Status. The author shows evolution of EU policy on Kosovo Status from diplomatic mission to «humanitarian intervention». These are the need for Kosovo independents. Another problem is to make a peace for Serbian-Kosovo relationship. Problem of Kosovo's status to the diplomacy of «power poles» in modern system of international relations within the context of NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. A main tendency of Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of political system of this state and in conditions of Serbia's European integration aspirations was examined. NATO has been leading a peace support operation in Kosovo since Juni 1999 in support of wider international efforts to build peace and stability in the Balkan area. KFOR was established when NATO's 78-day air campaign against Milosevic's regime, aimed at putting to violence in Kosovo, was over. The operation derives its mandate from United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999) and the Military – Technical Agreement between NATO, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Serbia. KFOR's original objectives were to deter renewed hostilities establish a secure environment and ensure public safety and order demilitarize the Kosovo Liberation Army, support the international humanitarian effort and coordinate with the international civil presence. KFOR continues contribute towards maintaining a safe and secure environment in Kosovo and freedom of movement for all. NATO strongly supports the Belgrad-Pristina EU-brokered Normalization Agreement. The author shows evolution of Balkans states policy on Kosovo Status from Dayton Agreements for Peace in Bosnia to independence of Kosovo. The Serb minority of Kosovo, which largely opposes the declaration of independence, has formed the Community Assembly of Kosovo in response. Problem of Kosovo's status to the diplomacy of "power poles" in modern system of international relations within the context of NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. A main tendency of Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of political system of this state and in conditions of Serbia's European integration aspirations was examined. ; В статье рассматриваются вопросы политики Евросоюза по вопросу определения статуса Косово. Показано, что определение курса ЕС происходило в сложных условиях трансформации европейской системы международных отношений. Страны ЕС, которые имеют проблемы с сепаратистскими движениями, не признали независимости Косово. Большинство стран ЕС признали независимость Косово. Широкий политический консенсус в этом вопросе только формируется. Ценой вступления в ЕС для Сербии неформально считается признание независимости Косово как предпосылки стабилизации Балкан. ; У статті розглядаються питання політики Європейського Союзу щодо визначення статусу Косово. Показано, що формування курсу ЄС відбувалося у складних умовах трансформації європейської системи міжнародних відносин. Країни ЄС, які мають проблеми із сепаратистськими рухами, не визнали незалежності Косово. Більшість країн ЄС встановила з Косово дипломатичні відносини. Європейський інтеграційний курс Сербії залежить від урегулювання питання статусу Косово. Широкий політичний консенсус з цього питання у сербському суспільстві тільки формується. Ціною вступу до ЄС для Сербії неформально вважається визнання незалежності Косово як передумови стабілізації Балкан.
A particular feature of Kosovo's internal policy development as an independent state and problematic reasons with a full international recognition of this fact is also highlighted. The research studied objective and subjective historical reasons for the state formation of Kosovo Albanians starting from the latent stage of this process within former Yugoslavia and then up to the declaration of Kosovo independence. Influence of Yugoslavia's collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo's separation from Serbia is also explored in this dissertation. A particular feature of Kosovo's internal policy development as an independent state and problematic reasons with a full international recognition of this fact is also highlighted. Problem of Kosovo's status to the diplomacy of «power poles» in modern system of international relations within the context of NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined.The paper deals with EU policy on Kosovo Status. The author shows evolution of EU policy on Kosovo Status from diplomatic mission to «humanitarian intervention». These are the need for Kosovo independents. Another problem is to make a peace for Serbian-Kosovo relationship. Problem of Kosovo's status to the diplomacy of «power poles» in modern system of international relations within the context of NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. A main tendency of Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of political system of this state and in conditions of Serbia's European integration aspirations was examined. NATO has been leading a peace support operation in Kosovo since Juni 1999 in support of wider international efforts to build peace and stability in the Balkan area. KFOR was established when NATO's 78-day air campaign against Milosevic's regime, aimed at putting to violence in Kosovo, was over. The operation derives its mandate from United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999) and the Military – Technical Agreement between NATO, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Serbia. KFOR's original objectives were to deter renewed hostilities establish a secure environment and ensure public safety and order demilitarize the Kosovo Liberation Army, support the international humanitarian effort and coordinate with the international civil presence. KFOR continues contribute towards maintaining a safe and secure environment in Kosovo and freedom of movement for all. NATO strongly supports the Belgrad-Pristina EU-brokered Normalization Agreement. The author shows evolution of Balkans states policy on Kosovo Status from Dayton Agreements for Peace in Bosnia to independence of Kosovo. The Serb minority of Kosovo, which largely opposes the declaration of independence, has formed the Community Assembly of Kosovo in response. Problem of Kosovo's status to the diplomacy of "power poles" in modern system of international relations within the context of NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. A main tendency of Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of political system of this state and in conditions of Serbia's European integration aspirations was examined. ; В статье рассматриваются вопросы политики Евросоюза по вопросу определения статуса Косово. Показано, что определение курса ЕС происходило в сложных условиях трансформации европейской системы международных отношений. Страны ЕС, которые имеют проблемы с сепаратистскими движениями, не признали независимости Косово. Большинство стран ЕС признали независимость Косово. Широкий политический консенсус в этом вопросе только формируется. Ценой вступления в ЕС для Сербии неформально считается признание независимости Косово как предпосылки стабилизации Балкан. ; У статті розглядаються питання політики Європейського Союзу щодо визначення статусу Косово. Показано, що формування курсу ЄС відбувалося у складних умовах трансформації європейської системи міжнародних відносин. Країни ЄС, які мають проблеми із сепаратистськими рухами, не визнали незалежності Косово. Більшість країн ЄС встановила з Косово дипломатичні відносини. Європейський інтеграційний курс Сербії залежить від урегулювання питання статусу Косово. Широкий політичний консенсус з цього питання у сербському суспільстві тільки формується. Ціною вступу до ЄС для Сербії неформально вважається визнання незалежності Косово як передумови стабілізації Балкан.
Implementing effective and well-meaning post-conflict management policy is important for a stable peace in a society suffering after the war. For a comprehensive understanding of post-conflict management policy, it is necessary to determine which actors act as participants of such a policy, what interests do they have and what influence they may have. The author plans to allocate international organizations to a separate group of actors trying to influence the policy of managing post-conflict areas, as well as to assess the performance of international organizations in post-conflict areas in the historical perspective. Detection of the above-mentioned points will help to assess the degree of risk of external interference on the post-conflict management policy, as well as to develop mechanisms for mutually beneficial cooperation between national governments and international partners assisting in restoring peace in a post-conflict society. ; Внедрение эффективной и взвешенной политики управления постконфликтной территорий является важным для установления стабильного мира в пострадавшем о войны обществе. Для комплексного понимания политики управления постконфликтными территориями необходимо определить, какие субъекты будут выступать актерами такой политики, каковы их интересы и какое влияние они могут иметь. Автор планирует выделить международные организации в отдельную группу субъектов, которые пытаются влиять на политику управления постконфликтными территориями, а также дать оценку деятельности международных организаций на постконфликтных территориях в исторической перспективе. Выявление указанных выше маркеров поможет оценить степень риска внешнего вмешательства в политику управления постконфликтными территориями, а также разработать механизмы взаимовыгодного сотрудничества национальных правительств с международными партнерами, которые оказывают помощь в восстановлении мира в постконфликтном обществе. ; Впровадження ефективної та зваженої політики управління постконфліктною територією є важливим для становлення стабільного миру у постраждалому від війни суспільстві. Для комплексного розуміння політики управління постконфліктними територіями необхідно визначити, які суб'єкти виступатимуть акторами такої політики, які інтереси вони мають та якого впливу можуть завдати. Автор планує виділити міжнародні організації в окрему групу суб'єктів, що намагаються впливати на політику управління постконфліктними територіями, а також дати оцінку діяльності міжнародних організацій на постконфліктних територіях в історичній перспективі. Виявлення зазначених вище маркерів допоможе оцінити ступінь ризику зовнішнього втручання у політику управління постконфліктними територіями, а також напрацювати механізми взаємовигідної співпраці національних урядів із міжнародними партнерами, які надають допомогу у відновленні миру у постконфліктному суспільстві.
Implementing effective and well-meaning post-conflict management policy is important for a stable peace in a society suffering after the war. For a comprehensive understanding of post-conflict management policy, it is necessary to determine which actors act as participants of such a policy, what interests do they have and what influence they may have. The author plans to allocate international organizations to a separate group of actors trying to influence the policy of managing post-conflict areas, as well as to assess the performance of international organizations in post-conflict areas in the historical perspective. Detection of the above-mentioned points will help to assess the degree of risk of external interference on the post-conflict management policy, as well as to develop mechanisms for mutually beneficial cooperation between national governments and international partners assisting in restoring peace in a post-conflict society. ; Внедрение эффективной и взвешенной политики управления постконфликтной территорий является важным для установления стабильного мира в пострадавшем о войны обществе. Для комплексного понимания политики управления постконфликтными территориями необходимо определить, какие субъекты будут выступать актерами такой политики, каковы их интересы и какое влияние они могут иметь. Автор планирует выделить международные организации в отдельную группу субъектов, которые пытаются влиять на политику управления постконфликтными территориями, а также дать оценку деятельности международных организаций на постконфликтных территориях в исторической перспективе. Выявление указанных выше маркеров поможет оценить степень риска внешнего вмешательства в политику управления постконфликтными территориями, а также разработать механизмы взаимовыгодного сотрудничества национальных правительств с международными партнерами, которые оказывают помощь в восстановлении мира в постконфликтном обществе. ; Впровадження ефективної та зваженої політики управління постконфліктною територією є важливим для становлення стабільного миру у постраждалому від війни суспільстві. Для комплексного розуміння політики управління постконфліктними територіями необхідно визначити, які суб'єкти виступатимуть акторами такої політики, які інтереси вони мають та якого впливу можуть завдати. Автор планує виділити міжнародні організації в окрему групу суб'єктів, що намагаються впливати на політику управління постконфліктними територіями, а також дати оцінку діяльності міжнародних організацій на постконфліктних територіях в історичній перспективі. Виявлення зазначених вище маркерів допоможе оцінити ступінь ризику зовнішнього втручання у політику управління постконфліктними територіями, а також напрацювати механізми взаємовигідної співпраці національних урядів із міжнародними партнерами, які надають допомогу у відновленні миру у постконфліктному суспільстві.
