Suchergebnisse

Papinske poruke mira već imaju svoju polustoljetnu tradiciju. Sve ovore o ugrozi mira među ljudima i narodima, njihovim vanjskim i duhovnim uzrocima, sve predlažu neka rješenja, svaka poziva na poštivanje temeljnih ljudskih prava, na nenasilni put rješavanja svih konflikata, na pravednije društvene odnose i sl. Za razliku od mnogih sličnih svjetskih poruka i poziva, konvencija i dogovora, njihova posebnost leži u teološko-antropološkom pristupu. Autor na primjeru 23 od 51 papinske poruke od 1996. godine istražuje transcendentnu i antropološku gramatiku mira i kulturu dijaloga koje pape u svojim porukama mira neumorno ističu, a svijet stalno zaobilazi. Papinske poruke ukazuju da je transcendentni mir temelj i polazište antropološkom miru. Mir je kao realna mogućnost Božji dar čovjeku, kojemu globalno tržište donosi više nemira, negoli mira, pa je čovjek neprestano pozvan raditi oko mira. Bog je transcendentni izvor mira, a čovjek je antropološko srce mira. Da bi se izgradilo istinsko drvo mira u svijetu, valja nužno mijenjati sliku o čovjeku i sliku o Bogu. Pape stalno upozoravaju da se mir kao opće dobro čovječanstva ne može ostvariti samo pozitivnim zakonima i kojekakvim konvencijama. Stoga zaključuju da moralni i teološki aspekti trebaju prožeti i oploditi one pravne norme i forme, da ljubav treba prožeti istinu i pravdu, a da pravda u pravednosti treba biti povezana ljubavlju. Tako oni grade most između transcendentne i antropološke razine, između mira i ljudskih prava, između ljudskih prava i pravednosti, između pravednosti i praštanja, između praštanja i pomirenja, između pomirenja i mira. Put dijaloga preko praštanja i pomirenja put je do pravoga mira koji se temelji na istini, pravednosti, ljubavi i slobodi. Dakle, kulturu rata i nasilja treba zamijeniti kulturom mira, a ostvarivati kulturom dijaloga i dijalogom kultura i religija. ; Papal messages of peace have already had a half-century tradition. Everybody speaks of threat to peace among people and nations, their external and spiritual causes; everybody proposes some solutions, calls for respecting the basic human rights, for a non-violent way of solving all the conflicts, for just human relationships, and the like. Unlike many similar world messages and calls, conventions and agreements, the specifics of papal messages lie in their theological-anthropological approach. Using the example of 23 of the 51 papal messages from the year 1996, the author investigates the transcendental and anthropological grammar of peace and culture of dialogue that popes tirelessly point out in their messages of peace, but the world constantly avoids them. Papal messages indicate that transcendental peace is the foundation and starting point for anthropological peace. Peace is, as a real possibility, God's gift to man. The global market brings a man more restlessness than peace, and that is why man is called to constantly strive for peace. God is the transcendent source of peace and man is the anthropological heart of peace. To build a genuine tree of peace in the world, it is necessary to change the image of man and the image of God. Popes constantly keep warning that peace as the common good of mankind cannot be achieved only through positive laws and all sorts of conventions. Therefore, they conclude that moral and theological aspects need to pervade and impregnate legal norms and forms, love must permeate truth and justice and justice in righteousness should be related to love. Thus, they build a bridge between the transcendent and anthropological level, between peace and human rights, between human rights and justice, between justice and forgiveness, between forgiveness and reconciliation, between reconciliation and peace. The path of dialogue, through forgiveness and reconciliation, is the path to true peace based on truth, justice, love and freedom. Thus, the culture of war and violence needs to be replaced by a culture of peace, which should be achieved through a culture of dialogue and through a dialogue between cultures and religions.

Namjera je u ovom radu prikazati i predstaviti oružanu skupinu FARC, njihovu dugogodišnju borbu, propale pregovore s vladom te posljednje pregovore koji su rezultirali sporazumom. Ovaj slučaj pruža uvid u rješavanje sukoba te primjer kako postupati s drugim sukobljenim stranama. Kolumbija se ističe kao zemlja s velikim problemima, a jedan od njih su pobunjeničke grupe. Velikim uspjehom može se smatrati potpisivanje sporazuma s najdugovječnijom oružanom skupinom. Tematski okvir rada predstavlja istraživanje korporacije RAND, odnosno njenih autora Setha Jonesa i Martina Libickog koji su predstavili pet načina na koje dolazi do prestanka djelovanja terorističkih skupina. Fokus u ovom radu je na prestanku djelovanja terorističkih skupina tako što se uključe u legalne i legitimne političke procese. Rad dovodi do zaključka kako je FARC oružana skupina koja je tijekom svojih godina postojanja prošla nekoliko tipova djelovanja te na kraju postala politička stranka. Okolnosti u kojima se zatekla skupina, ali i sama država, dovele su do toga da ponovno pokrenu pregovore. ; The purpose of this paper is to show and introduce armed group named FARC, their long-lasting fight, failed negotiations with the government and the last negotiations that resulted in a peace agreement. This case provides insight in solutions to the conflict and example how to deal with other conflicted groups. Colombia stands out as a country with big problems and one of them are rebel groups. Great success is signing of a peace agreement with the most lasting rebel group. The framework of this subject is the research of the RAND Corporation, that is, their authors, Seth Jones and Martin Libicki, who showed five ways in which terrorist groups end. The focus of this paper is an ending of terrorist groups by involving in legal and legitimate political process. The paper brings to conclusion that FARC is armed group which has had throughout their many years different types of activity and in the end it has become a political party. Circumstances in which ...

Kozmopolitizam i imperij dijele dugu zajedničku povijest koja seže još u antička vremena. Kozmopolitizam kao ideju sigurno ne bismo poznavali da nije bilo političke organizacije poput imperija, a imperijalni oblik vladavine sigurno ne bio toliko uspješan da se kozmopolitizam nije barem djelomično nalazio u opravdanju i očuvanju niza imperijalnih projekata. Interes za ideju kozmopolitizma obnovljen je u posljednjih dvadeset godina pojavom globalizacijske teorije, a također se čini da je i imperij, bilo da je odobravan ili osporavan, u skorije vrijeme postao popularan organizacijski koncept u akademskim diskusijama o našem trenutnom globalnom političkom stanju. Uspostava mira i njegovo održanje u oba ova koncepta igraju značajnu ulogu, no je li uopće moguće razlučiti kozmopolitsko od imperijalnog shvaćanja mira te kako ove sličnosti (i razlike) utječu na razvitak današnjeg globalnog vladanja? ; Cosmopolitanism and empire share a long history together, dating back to Antiquity. We would certainly not know of cosmopolitan idea if political organization such as Empire did not exist, and the imperial form of government certainly would not be so successful if cosmopolitanism was not at least partially involved in the justification and preservation of the series of imperial projects. Interest in the cosmopolitan idea was renewed in the last twenty years with the appearance of globalization theory, but it also appears that empire, whether it is accepted or disputed, also became a popular organizational concept in academic discussions about our current global political situation. In both of those concepts the establishment of peace and its maintenance plays an important role, but is it even possible to distinguish between cosmopolitan and imperial understanding of peace, and how these similarities (and differences) affect the development of today's global governance?

Razvoj ljudske civilizacije usko je povezan s korištenjem energije i njezinih mnogostrukih izvora. Od doba ranih hominida na planetu, prije sedam milijuna godina, pa do sadašnjeg homo sapiens sapiens, energija je bila osnovni čimbenik opstanka vrste. Crkva općenito, a posebice kroz svoj socijalni nauk pokazuje posebno zanimanje za pitanja cjelovitog ljudskog razvoja, pa je tako predmet njezina razmatranja i pitanje energije, kao iznimnog izazova za pravdu, sigurnost i mir u svijetu. S pitanjem globalne energetike bave se izravno pape Ivan Pavao II., Benedikt XVI. i Franjo, svjesni da ono spada u iznimno bitne znakove vremena, koje treba pretpostavljati, čitati i tumačiti u svjetlu evanđeoske mudrosti. Ipak, problematika energije, odnosno energetskog sustava, još uvijek je jedno zanemareno globalno pitanje današnjice, iako je iznimno bitan čimbenik za cjelovit razvoj i ljudsko dostojanstvo. ; The development of human civilization is closely related to the use of energy and of its multiple sources. From the time of the early hominoids on the planet, seven million years ago, to the present homo sapiens sapiens, energy has been a basic factor affecting the survival of the species. Generally speaking and particularly through her Social Doctrine, the Church demonstrates a special interest in issues concerning integral human development. Thus, the energy issue is also deemed a subject to be dealt with by the Church since it is an exceptional challenge for the purposes of justice, security and peace in the world. Popes John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis all have concerned themselves with the question of global energy, being aware that this is an extremely important sign of the times which must be understood, read and interpreted in the light of evangelical wisdom. Nevertheless, matters concerning energy and the energy system are today still a neglected global issue, though an immensely important factor affecting integral development and human dignity.

Od Teorije pravednosti do Prava narodâ liberalizam Johna Rawlsa razvija se od individualizma do jednog specifičnog oblika tzv. »komunitarističkog liberalizma«. U Teoriji Rawls će govoriti o pojedincu i njegovoj dužnosti izbjegavanja rata (građanskom neposlušnošću) dok će u Pravu narodâ govoriti o društvu i dužnosti dobro uređenih naroda na pokretanje rata ako su ugrožena ljudska prava. Prva je perspektiva individualna i miroljubiva, dok je druga društvena i ne čini se baš pacifističkom. Prva kao da je protumačena iz perspektive običnog građanina liberalne ustavne demokracije, dok je druga više nalik tumačenju nekoga tko ima moć. U tom razvoju Rawlsova liberalizma intrigira potencijalni sukob između pojedinca i društva što je osobito uočljivo u njegovu shvaćanju odbijanja sudjelovanja ili opravdanja sudjelovanja u ratu. ; From the Theory of Justice to the Law of Peoples liberalism of John Rawls develops from individualism to one specific form of the so¬called "Communitarian liberalism". In the Theory Rawls discussed the individual and his duty to avoid war (civil disobedience), while in the Law of Peoples he discussed society and the duties of well¬organized Nations to launch war if human rights are endangered. The first perspective is individualistic and peaceful, while the other is more social and does not seem too pacifist. The first seems interpreted from the perspective of an ordinary citizen of liberal constitutional democracy, while the other is more like an interpretation from someone who holds the power. In that development of Rawls' liberalism, what is intriguing is the potential conflict between individuals and society, which is particularly evident in his understanding of refusal to participate or justification to participate in war.

Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne zajednice uključeni u sprječavanju sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije svojim pravnopolitičkim mehanizmima navedeno načelo koje predstavljalo razloge/polazište svih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije nisu znale i mogle zaštiti. Činjenica djelovanja međunarodne zajednice, prvenstveno Europske ekonomske zajednice/Europske unije u skladu s izvorima europskog i međunarodnog javnog prava, te koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme koji su upravo proizlazili iz navedenih izvora, a bez mogućnosti fizičke, stvarne primjene istih prema onima na koje se odnosilo, kao i neaktivnost u angažiranju od početaka sukoba od strane Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, stvarali su subjektivni dojam da ne postoji politička volja oko temeljnih pitanja ključnih za sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira, kao ni volja zaštite međunarodnog prava na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Upravo željom za globalnom dominacijom u novom svjetskom poretku, kao i činjenica dokazivanja Europi da ne može samostalno upravljati i rješavati krize na svom području, Sjedinjene Američke Države preuzele su aktivnu ulogu u rješavanju krize koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme u skladu s odredbama međunarodnog javnog prava, čime su spriječile daljnje sukobe/ratove i postigle mir. Političkom reaktivacijom u odnosu na prostor bivše Jugoslavije, Sjedinjene Američke Države jasno su dokazale svoju političku dominaciju u rješavanju i "upravljanju krizom" na tlu Europe, a ujedno su očuvale svoj i kredibilitet NATO-a i same Europske unije. ; The topic of this dissertation is the analysis of acting through legal and political mechanisms of an international community, namely the actions the European Economic Community (later known as the European Union) had undertaken to prevent conflicts and achieve peace on the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1990 and the first signs of a crisis up to the end of the armed conflicts/wars in 1995 and the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Just when the first signs of the crisis and the first armed conflicts began to appear in the former Yugoslavia, the European Economic Community created the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Also, the Yugoslav crisis took place in parallel with the creation of a new united Europe that faced the challenge of proving to be a regional and global force in the creation of the world policy, as well as proving its ability to independently resolve possible conflicts within its territory without interference from the policy of the United States. The Yugoslav crisis, later manifested in armed conflicts and wars, was a test of the institutional system of the former and future united Europe, a guideline for the institutional development of the European Economic Community, and an indicator of the inability to implement the adopted policies/decisions that would resolve the crisis and prevent conflicts. Armed conflicts/wars and the crisis in the former Yugoslavia were eventually contrary to the spirit of the future united Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inability to find a solution to end the crisis and armed conflicts, as well as to achieve peace, raised the issue of sustainability of such a community. Redrawing the borders perforce by the local policies in the former Yugoslavia with the aim to ensure the settlement of one nation in one state was contrary to the principle of uti possidetis iuris and the rule of law relied upon by the modern Europe after World War II. The European Economic Community, and later the European Union, as well as all the other members of the international community engaged in conflict prevention and achieving peace in the former Yugoslavia, did not know how to use their legal and political mechanisms to protect the aforesaid principle which represented the reasons/starting point for all the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The action of the international community, primarily the European Economic Community/European Union in line with the sources of European and international public law, using the legal and political mechanisms stemming from the aforesaid sources, without the possibility of their actual implementation, as well as the USA's decision not to engage in the conflict from the beginning, created a subjective impression that there is no political will to tackle issues crucial for conflict prevention, achieving peace, and protecting international law in the former Yugoslavia. It was the desire for global domination in the new world order and the desire to show Europe the independence in managing and addressing the crises in its territory that enabled the USA to take an active role in addressing the crisis by using legal and political mechanisms in line with international public law provisions, which prevented further conflicts/wars and ensured peace. Political reactivation in the former Yugoslavia enabled the USA to clearly demonstrate its political domination in "crisis management" in Europe, whilst preserving its own credibility as well as the credibility of NATO and the European Union.

This article deals with the issue of the peace-building process in countries with long-standing civil wars and the factors that might influence such processes. Based on my analysis, I identify two types of factors that might influence the peace process: power-sharing arrangements as an institutional factor, and attitudes of internal actors of the peace process as an agency factor. In this article I analyze the peace-building process in the West African country of Liberia. The peace-building process is analyzed through the study of the two main peace treaties signed to end the Liberian civil war in the 1990s: the Treaties of Abuja and Accra. In the analysis, I focus mainly on the extent to which the peace treaties incorporate the elements of power-sharing as well as the motivations, decision-making, and behavior of internal actors involved in the peace building process during the implementation of the peace treaties. The goal of this analysis is to reveal which dominant factor influenced the stability of the peace-building process in Liberia. Adapted from the source document.

Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne ...

In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake. ; In regions troubled by ethnic based conflict violence often erupts abruptly and severely. Peacemakers, then, follow unconditional paths to prevent conflict escalation. The article analyzes the ways in which post-conflict constitutional designs shape the state structure through constitutional amendments. Peace agreements as bases for constitutional reform, the article claims, have reformatory but also obstructive implications. Seeing the Ohrid Framework Agreement as a case study, the paper analyzes its implications on the development of the political system in Macedonia. On one side OFA serves as a criterion for the Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration and a driving force for the creation of a functioning multicultural society. On the other side, the procedural and substantive flaws of the agreement undermine its absorbability in the society. In procedural sense, OFA hindered its own implementation through the used terminology and the drafting process. In substantial sense, agreement's goals and provisions reached beyond the purpose of peace agreements and underestimated the complexity of the conflicting issues at stake.

Papa Ivan Pavao II. bio je na čelu Katoličke crkve od 16. listopada 1978. do 2. travnja 2005. Od samoga dolaska na Petrovu stolicu dao je do znanja da želi biti blizak svim ljudima i svim narodima na svijetu pokazujući razumijevanje i izgrađujući povjerenje prema svima. Ubrzo su svi narodi i svi ljudi na cijeloj zemaljskoj kugli postali njegovi sugovornici. U prvoj polovici svoga papinskog služenja trudio se približiti ljude i narode jedne drugima, bez obzira kojemu su političkom bloku pripadali. Poslije promjena, devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, u svijetu se neumorno zalagao za zaštitu malih naroda, kultura, posebnosti i svakoga pojedinca u svijetu globalizacije. Bio je čovjek ekumenizma i dijaloga. Bio je neumoran u izgrađivanju mira među narodima. Do posljednjega časa svoga života nije prestajao isticati važnost ljudskoga života i čovjekova dostojanstva. Znao je vješto komunicirati sa svim osobama, bez obzira na dob, spol, vjersku pripadnost, naciju, rasu ili društveni status. ; Pope John Paul II was the Head of the Catholic Church from October, 16th 1978 till April, 2nd, 2005. When he took over Peter's Chair he put on notice that he wanted to be close to all people and all nations in the world showing the understanding and building trust with everyone. Soon all the nations and all the people around the world became his collocutors. In the first part of his pontifical serving he tried to bring closer people and nations, regardless of which political block they belonged to. After changes in the nineteen nineties, he untiringly pleaded for the protection of "little" people, cultures, particularities and every individual in the world of globalization. He was a man of ecumenism and dialogue. He was tireless in building peace among nations. Till the last moment of his life he didn't stop with emphasizing the importance of a human life and a man's dignity. He knew how to communicate with every person, regardless of age, sex, religious affiliation, nation, race or social status.

Danas u uvjetima globalizacije terorizma, trgovine ljudima i rastuće migracije stanovništva pred međunarodnim snagama UN i međunarodnim policijskim organizacijama stoji niz novih složenih zadataka u okviru borbi protiv zločina protiv čovječnosti. U svom radu navodimo razloge rastuće složenosti tih zadataka i karakteriziramo temeljne smjerove djelovanja međunarodnih policijskih organizacija i međunarodnih snaga UN u uvjetima globalizacije terorizma, trgovine ljudima i ekstremne migracije stanovništva. Posebice razmatramo problem borbe međunarodnih policijskih organizacija protiv trgovine ženama i djecom. ; Today, under the conditions of globalized terrorism, human traffi cking and growing migration of population, international forces of the UN and international police organizations are faced with a series of complex tasks in fi ghtinhg crimes against humanity. In this paper, the authors state reasons for growing complexity of these tasks and characterization of underlying directions of action of international police organizations and international forces of the UN against the eff ects of globalization of terrorism, human traffi cking and forced migration of population. We particularly consider the problem of collision of international police organizations against trafficking in women and children.

Usprkos dugogodišnjem mirovnom procesu, kojim su polučeni određeni pomaci k normalizaciji situacije u Sjevernoj Irskoj i razoružavanju Privremene IRA-e (Provisional IRA – PIRA), provedenom 2005., ova regija i dalje živi u stalnoj opasnosti od terorističkih napada. Nakon 2007. rasplamsale su se operacije IRA-inih krila koja su se odmetnula, a unatoč okončanju oružane borbe Irske nacionalne oslobodilačke armije (Irish National Liberation Army – INLA) u listopadu 2009., Prava IRA (Real IRA – RIRA) i IRA kontinuiteta (Continuity IRA – CIRA) zasad ne pokazuju namjeru da polože oružje. Štoviše, postoje naznake da je Prava IRA uspostavila kontakte s ćelijama Al-Qaide u Velikoj Britaniji, a priključili su joj se bivši pripadnici Privremene IRA-e. Naročitu zabrinutost izaziva to što, prema istraživanjima javnog mnijenja, disidenti uživaju veću podršku unutar katoličke zajednice nego što se dosad pretpostavljalo. Štoviše, u srpnju 2012. disidenti su objavili ujedinjavanje u novu organizaciju – Novu IRA-u (New IRA). Početkom 2015. predstavnik sjevernoirske policije Bill Kerr je objavio da disidentske skupine uoči izbora i proslave stogodišnjice Uskrsnog ustanka planiraju nove napade na području Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva. Dostupni podaci o disidentskim aktivnostima između 2012. i 2015. ne mogu dati konačni odgovor o budućnosti republikanskog pokreta. Činjenica je da su disidenti "ovdje", no hoće li tako biti i nakon 2016. ostaje za vidjeti. ; Despite on-going peace process efforts, which have achieved some progress towards normalization of the situation in Northern Ireland, and disarming of the Provisional IRA conducted in 2005, this region still lives in constant danger of terrorist attacks. Operations of the IRA's breakaway wings have been intensified after 2007, and despite the Irish National Liberation Army's termination of the armed struggle in October 2009, the Real IRA (RIRA) and Continuity IRA (CIRA) do not yet show an intention to lay down their arms. Moreover, there are indications that the Real IRA established contacts with al-Qaeda cells in the UK, and that former members of the Provisional IRA joined the dissidents. Particular concern is the public opinion polls which suggest that dissidents enjoy greater support within the Catholic community than previously assumed. Moreover, in July 2012 the dissidents announced unification into a new organization called the "New IRA". In early 2015 a representative of Northern Ireland Police Bill Kerr announced that dissident groups are planning new attacks on the territory of the United Kingdom on the eve of elections and the centennial celebration of the Easter Uprising. The available data on dissident activities between 2012 and 2015 can not give a definitive answer about the future of a dissident movement. The fact is that the dissidents are "here", but if they will still be here after 2016 remains to be seen.

Na području između Burna i Tilurija odvijala se od 6. do 9. godine jedna od posljednjih faza delmatsko-panonskog ustanka. Taj ustanak, poznat pod imenom Bellum Batonianum, dobio je ime po Batonima, vođama pobunjenika. O kakvom se sukobu radilo i koliko je on uzdrmao rimsku državu najbolje svjedoče Svetonijeve riječi u Tiberijevoj biografiji (Suet. Tib. 16.1): .gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica. Tek je nakon savladavanja ustanika u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji moglo započeti razdoblje istinskoga mira (Pax Romana) koji je, osim toga, bio blagodatan i za Italiju kojoj je ova čuvala priobalne prilaze. Mirnodopsku blagodat na prostoru između Burna i Tilurija Rimljani su postigli strateškim razmještanjem legionarskih i pomoćnih vojnih jedinica. Ovaj rad želi istražiti da li u tome prostornom razmještaju trupa ima sustava i da li je u tome sustavu tijekom 1. stoljeća od značenja bio i raspored pomoćnih trupa. ; One of the last stages of the Delmataean-Pannonian rebellion took place in the area between Burnum and Tilurium between 6 and 9 AD. This revolt is known as the Bellum Batonianum, which was named after the two leaders of the rebellion. Suetonius' words in Tiberius's biography (Suet. Tib. 16.1) .gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica, best attest to the nature of the conflict and how much it affected the Roman state. In the Roman province of Dalmatia, true peace, the so-called Pax Romana, could have begun only after overpowering the rebels. This peace was also very beneficial to Italy, which was secured by Dalmatian coastal routes. The benefit of peace was achieved by the Romans through the strategic deployment of legionary and auxiliary military units in the area between Burnum and Tilurium. This paper seeks to explore whether the spatial arrangement of units had a certain system and whether the spatial arrangement of auxiliary units during the 1st century had any significance in that system.

Ovaj rad temelji se na analizi studije slučaja Republike Cipra o pokušajima rješavanja problema i europeizaciji samog otoka. Ciparski problem predstavlja jedan od dugovječnijih pokušaja provedbe mirovnog sporazuma između dvije etničke zajednice – ciparskih Grka i ciparskih Turaka. Od turske invazije na otok 1974. godine zaoštrili su se dodatno odnosi između sukobljenih strana. Velika Britanija, Turska i Grčka postale su jamci mira i sigurnosti te glavni pregovarači u rješavanju problema. Početkom pristupnih pregovora s Europskom unijom i ona službeno postaje umiješana u situaciju na otoku te provođenje europeizacije je označilo novu fazu razvoja otoka. Iako postoje brojna rješenja problema niti jedna strana ne pristaje na uvjete koji ne idu njima u korist. Najuspješnije rješenje do sada je održavanje statusa quo koje jamči mir i sigurnost objema stranama. Analizom dokumenata i literature nastoji se objasniti interes velikih svjetskih sila i Europske unije na Republiku Cipar te kakav je to utjecaj ostavilo u međunarodnoj zajednici i propalim diplomatskim pokušajima. ; This paper is based on an analysis of Cyprus as a case study on attempts to solve problems and the Europeanization of the island. Cyprus problem is one of the long-standing attempts of implementation of the peace agreement between two ethnic communities – Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. Since the Turkish invasion of the island in 1974, relations between the conflict parties have intensified. The United Kingdom, Turkey, and Greece have become guarantors of peace and security and have been the main negotiators in solving the problem. With the start of accession negotiations with the European Union, it officially becomes involved in the situation on the island and the implementation of Europeanization marks a new phase of island development. Although there are numerous solutions, neither side has agreed to the terms that will benefit them. The most successful solution so far is to maintain the status quo that guarantees peace and security for both ...

Krajem Hladnog rata i kolapsom blokovskog sustava dolazi do procvata mirovnih operacija Ujedinjenih naroda koji teže utemeljiti svoju transformiranu ulogu u novom globalnom okruženju. Jedne od prvih demonstracija nove, aktivnije uloge UN-a bile su dvije, svojom složenošću vrlo slične, mirovne misije: UNTAC u Kambodži i UNPROFOR u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Unatoč brojnim zajedničkim karakteristikama, te su misije ishodile vrlo različitim rezultatima. Dok UNTAC mirovnu misiju u Kambodži UN ponosno ističe kao jednu od najvećih uspjeha, UNPROFOR u bivšoj Jugoslaviji je priznat kao jedan od najvećih neuspjeha međunarodne zajednice. Rad se vodi idejom da bi upravo navedene misije, s potpuno različitih krajeva spektra, mogle otkriti jedan od ključnih faktora koji utječu na uspješnost peacekeepinga. Podrobnom analizom oba sukoba i obije misije potvrdit će se hipoteza kako se upravo taj odlučujući faktor, koji je odredio uspjeh u Kambodži, odnosno neuspjeh u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, ne nalazi unutar same mirovne misije, već se odnosi na karakter sukoba, to jest dužinu njegova vremenskog trajanja. ; Along with the Cold War ending and the Communist bloc demise, the United Nations, while seeking to establish its transformed role in the new global environment, begin to rapidly increase the number of peacekeeping missions. One of the first demonstrations of UN's new, more active role were two, by their complexity, very similar peace missions: UNTAC in Cambodia and UNPROFOR in Former Yugoslavia. Despite the numerous shared features, these missions produced substantialy different results. While the UN proudly upholds the UNTAC peace mission as one of the Organization's greatest archievements, UNPROFOR in the Former Yugoslavia is regarded as one of the biggest defeats of the international community. This paper aims to detect one of the key factors which influence the probability of peacekeeping success while comparing two missions from different ends of the spectrum. With the detailed analisis of both conflicts and missions, the hypothesis ...