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19 pages. --Acta del coloquio: "Conflictivitat i vies de solució a la Mediterrània Medieval" ; [CT] Aquest treball té com a finalitat estudiar els diferents sistemes utilitzats en els segles XIII i XIV pels sobirans catalanoaragonesos per tal d'evitar el desencadenament de les temudes cartes de marca o de represalia que els governs de les nacions concedien a un dels seus súbdits per a confiscar els béns dels ciutadans de l'estat estranger del qual havia sofert un greuge. Els sobirans catalanoaragonesos tractaren d'impedir que les marques que els rei de França decretaren contra la Corona d'Aragó fossin evitades. Per això utilitzaren tres vies: 1. Les negociacions diplomàtiques amb la cort francesa. 2. La instauració d'un impost sobre les mercaderies, amb la recaptació del qual poder compensar els perjudicats. 3. La indemnització dels perjudicats utilitzant els recursos de la propia Corona catalanoaragonesa. ; [EN] This paper has as its aim the study of the different systems used in the XIII and XIV centuries by the Catalano- Aragonese sovereigns to avoid the dreaded letters of warrant or reprisal issued by the governments of various nations. These were granted to one of their subjects to allow him to confiscate property belonging to the citizens from the foreign state which had suffered the wrong. The Catalano- Aragonese sovereigns tried to avoid the letters of warrant decreed against the Crown of Aragon by the kings of France. They used three ways to achieve this: 1. By diplomatic negotiations with the French Court. 2. By the institution of a tax on the merchandise, with which they could compensate those who had been wronged. 3. By the indemnification of the person wronged through the recourses available to the Catalano-Aragonese crown itself. ; El present estudi s'insereix dins del Projecte d'Investigació "La Corona de Aragón en el Mediterráneo medieval: puente entre culturas, mediadora entre Cristiandad e Islam" (Ref. HUM2007-61131), subvencionat pel Ministeri de Ciència i Innovació ; Peer reviewed

Klep, Christ, Somalië, Rwanda, Srebrenica. De nasleep van drie ontspoorde vredesmissies (Dissertatie Utrecht 2008; Amsterdam: Boom, 2008, 385 blz., ISBN 978 90 8506 668 2)When the Home Front meets Foreign Parts. The Aftermath of Commissions of Inquiry into derailed Peace MissionsPeace Missions take place in difficult and volatile circumstances. It is therefore hardly surprising that some peace missions become 'derailed'. Christ Klep zooms in on three 'derailed' missions in his book and focuses on the value of Commissions of Inquiry which are subsequently set up as a result of public and political pressure. Do they succeed in revealing the 'how' and the 'why' of such derailments and – above all – identifying those who are responsible? Based on a broad spectrum of questions and extensive source materials, Klep concludes that 'the number of escape routes from the labyrinth of responsibility is practically infinite'; a clear message for all those taking part in international and domestic politics. It is here that the author skillfully and expertly succeeds: exposing the complex entanglement of domestic and foreign policy, even concerning events that sometimes happen away from the capital city.

Klep, Christ, Somalië, Rwanda, Srebrenica. De nasleep van drie ontspoorde vredesmissies (Dissertatie Utrecht 2008; Amsterdam: Boom, 2008, 385 blz., ISBN 978 90 8506 668 2).ResponseThe validity of my comparative approach (Somalia-Rwanda-Srebrenica) still stands, in my opinion. At the level of political responsibility and the process of coming to terms with events, the similarities are stronger than the differences. My estimation that the Inquiry reports were 'hijacked' by almost all of the stakeholders involved (especially the Canadian, Belgian and Dutch governments) is more of a matter of fact and a political reality than a reproach that ought to have legal implications. Finally, the question of how far the three governments that were involved learned lessons from the three affairs is difficult to answer. Was it not also the wider developments (for example, the switch from the 'blue' missions to the more robust 'green' missions) that compelled the lessons to be drawn out?

In the present article the author starts off with a discussion of the Barcelona process and the main reason for its failure: namely the fragility of the Oslo peace process. The second topic focuses on the genesis of the Union for the Mediterranean of July 2008 as a follow-up of the Euromediterranean Partnership dated 1995, and its relevance for both its North African and European shores. Included are the institutional and procedural structures, and an analysis of the place conflict resolution holds within the Union for the Mediterranean, the latter illustrated by the recent Gaza War. O. van Zijl