Suchergebnisse

Hvordan Norge håndterer sin militæraktivisme og fredsaktivisme ble aktualisert i kampanjen for et sete i sikkerhetsrådet. Aktivisme forstås her som nasjonens villighet til å ta initiativ på tross av kostnader. I denne replikken svarer vi på Friis sin kommentar som trekker verdien av vårt bidrag i tvil, da han omtaler vår analyse av Norges unnlatelse av å fremme sin militæraktivisme til fordel for «mykere verdier», som «gammelt nytt.» I kampanjen fremmet Norge både militæraktivisme og fredsaktivisme, men i ulikt materiale og forum. Vi hevder dermed at dette som et minimum er gammelt nytt i nye klær. Ved bruk av nasjonsbranding-rammeverket finner vi at Norge ønsket å fremstille seg som en aktør som er villig til å bidra, samtidig med å understreke Norge som en ikke utpreget militæraktør.
Abstract in English"Old News" on Military Activism and Peace Activism in New ClothesHow Norway communicates its military activism and peace activism was actualized in the campaign for a seat on the Security Council. Activism is here understood as the nation's willingness to take initiatives despite the costs. In Friis' comment on our article, he questions the value of our contribution, as he categorises our analysis of Norway's public relations focus on "softer values" over its military activism, as "old news". However, Norway in the campaign emphasized both military activism and peace activism, but in different ways and and different forums. We thus claim that this – as a minimum – is interesting old news in new clothes. By using the nation branding framework in the context of a tightly contested political contest, we find that Norway sought to present itself as an actor that was willing to make significant contributions to security, whilst stressing simultaneously that Norway was a non-military actor.

Usprkos dugogodišnjem mirovnom procesu, kojim su polučeni određeni pomaci k normalizaciji situacije u Sjevernoj Irskoj i razoružavanju Privremene IRA-e (Provisional IRA – PIRA), provedenom 2005., ova regija i dalje živi u stalnoj opasnosti od terorističkih napada. Nakon 2007. rasplamsale su se operacije IRA-inih krila koja su se odmetnula, a unatoč okončanju oružane borbe Irske nacionalne oslobodilačke armije (Irish National Liberation Army – INLA) u listopadu 2009., Prava IRA (Real IRA – RIRA) i IRA kontinuiteta (Continuity IRA – CIRA) zasad ne pokazuju namjeru da polože oružje. Štoviše, postoje naznake da je Prava IRA uspostavila kontakte s ćelijama Al-Qaide u Velikoj Britaniji, a priključili su joj se bivši pripadnici Privremene IRA-e. Naročitu zabrinutost izaziva to što, prema istraživanjima javnog mnijenja, disidenti uživaju veću podršku unutar katoličke zajednice nego što se dosad pretpostavljalo. Štoviše, u srpnju 2012. disidenti su objavili ujedinjavanje u novu organizaciju – Novu IRA-u (New IRA). Početkom 2015. predstavnik sjevernoirske policije Bill Kerr je objavio da disidentske skupine uoči izbora i proslave stogodišnjice Uskrsnog ustanka planiraju nove napade na području Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva. Dostupni podaci o disidentskim aktivnostima između 2012. i 2015. ne mogu dati konačni odgovor o budućnosti republikanskog pokreta. Činjenica je da su disidenti "ovdje", no hoće li tako biti i nakon 2016. ostaje za vidjeti. ; Despite on-going peace process efforts, which have achieved some progress towards normalization of the situation in Northern Ireland, and disarming of the Provisional IRA conducted in 2005, this region still lives in constant danger of terrorist attacks. Operations of the IRA's breakaway wings have been intensified after 2007, and despite the Irish National Liberation Army's termination of the armed struggle in October 2009, the Real IRA (RIRA) and Continuity IRA (CIRA) do not yet show an intention to lay down their arms. Moreover, there are indications that the Real IRA established contacts with al-Qaeda cells in the UK, and that former members of the Provisional IRA joined the dissidents. Particular concern is the public opinion polls which suggest that dissidents enjoy greater support within the Catholic community than previously assumed. Moreover, in July 2012 the dissidents announced unification into a new organization called the "New IRA". In early 2015 a representative of Northern Ireland Police Bill Kerr announced that dissident groups are planning new attacks on the territory of the United Kingdom on the eve of elections and the centennial celebration of the Easter Uprising. The available data on dissident activities between 2012 and 2015 can not give a definitive answer about the future of a dissident movement. The fact is that the dissidents are "here", but if they will still be here after 2016 remains to be seen.

Kant's concept of "perpetual peace" is the cornerstone of the rational human right that, in the form of international law, bears upon all states. However, the prerequisite for enduring international legal security & peace is that the internal affairs of states are based on constitutional & republican principles. Although Kant is clearly aware of the antinomies & paradoxes of a world league of states, he nevertheless postulates the ideal of a world league of republican states, since it corresponds to the general striving of nature & moral consciousness; such a league would guarantee a relatively peaceful coexistence among the states, based on international legal precepts. Hegel has often (& wrongfully) been accused of being an apologist of war; in fact, he only realized (having in mind the realities of sovereign national states) the inevitability of multilateral conflicts -- including military ones. His disproval of Kant's ideal of a league of states is based on his disbelief in the feasibility of supranational law, which should be superior to the absolute sovereignty of the state & keep an eye on & contain its partial interests. Adapted from the source document.

Na području između Burna i Tilurija odvijala se od 6. do 9. godine jedna od posljednjih faza delmatsko-panonskog ustanka. Taj ustanak, poznat pod imenom Bellum Batonianum, dobio je ime po Batonima, vođama pobunjenika. O kakvom se sukobu radilo i koliko je on uzdrmao rimsku državu najbolje svjedoče Svetonijeve riječi u Tiberijevoj biografiji (Suet. Tib. 16.1): .gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica. Tek je nakon savladavanja ustanika u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji moglo započeti razdoblje istinskoga mira (Pax Romana) koji je, osim toga, bio blagodatan i za Italiju kojoj je ova čuvala priobalne prilaze. Mirnodopsku blagodat na prostoru između Burna i Tilurija Rimljani su postigli strateškim razmještanjem legionarskih i pomoćnih vojnih jedinica. Ovaj rad želi istražiti da li u tome prostornom razmještaju trupa ima sustava i da li je u tome sustavu tijekom 1. stoljeća od značenja bio i raspored pomoćnih trupa. ; One of the last stages of the Delmataean-Pannonian rebellion took place in the area between Burnum and Tilurium between 6 and 9 AD. This revolt is known as the Bellum Batonianum, which was named after the two leaders of the rebellion. Suetonius' words in Tiberius's biography (Suet. Tib. 16.1) .gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica, best attest to the nature of the conflict and how much it affected the Roman state. In the Roman province of Dalmatia, true peace, the so-called Pax Romana, could have begun only after overpowering the rebels. This peace was also very beneficial to Italy, which was secured by Dalmatian coastal routes. The benefit of peace was achieved by the Romans through the strategic deployment of legionary and auxiliary military units in the area between Burnum and Tilurium. This paper seeks to explore whether the spatial arrangement of units had a certain system and whether the spatial arrangement of auxiliary units during the 1st century had any significance in that system.

Ovaj rad temelji se na analizi studije slučaja Republike Cipra o pokušajima rješavanja problema i europeizaciji samog otoka. Ciparski problem predstavlja jedan od dugovječnijih pokušaja provedbe mirovnog sporazuma između dvije etničke zajednice – ciparskih Grka i ciparskih Turaka. Od turske invazije na otok 1974. godine zaoštrili su se dodatno odnosi između sukobljenih strana. Velika Britanija, Turska i Grčka postale su jamci mira i sigurnosti te glavni pregovarači u rješavanju problema. Početkom pristupnih pregovora s Europskom unijom i ona službeno postaje umiješana u situaciju na otoku te provođenje europeizacije je označilo novu fazu razvoja otoka. Iako postoje brojna rješenja problema niti jedna strana ne pristaje na uvjete koji ne idu njima u korist. Najuspješnije rješenje do sada je održavanje statusa quo koje jamči mir i sigurnost objema stranama. Analizom dokumenata i literature nastoji se objasniti interes velikih svjetskih sila i Europske unije na Republiku Cipar te kakav je to utjecaj ostavilo u međunarodnoj zajednici i propalim diplomatskim pokušajima. ; This paper is based on an analysis of Cyprus as a case study on attempts to solve problems and the Europeanization of the island. Cyprus problem is one of the long-standing attempts of implementation of the peace agreement between two ethnic communities – Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. Since the Turkish invasion of the island in 1974, relations between the conflict parties have intensified. The United Kingdom, Turkey, and Greece have become guarantors of peace and security and have been the main negotiators in solving the problem. With the start of accession negotiations with the European Union, it officially becomes involved in the situation on the island and the implementation of Europeanization marks a new phase of island development. Although there are numerous solutions, neither side has agreed to the terms that will benefit them. The most successful solution so far is to maintain the status quo that guarantees peace and security for both ...

Xenophon founds his plan of economic renewal & development of Athens on the recognition of basic interests of the three principal classes of Athenian population, namely citizens, strangers & slaves. The predominant position of the citizens' class could be upheld only by representation of citizens in the state & by state monopoly with regard to enterprising strangers. In order to give a boost to internal & external trade & fiscal transactions, strangers also had to be guaranteed safety. Thus Xenophon advances an improvement of the strangers' status, the enactment of special protection of their rights (board for the protection of strangers), & the awarding of special commendations to prominent strangers. Faced with the problem of the citizens' impoverishment, Xenophon suggests the introduction of tax & the establishment of a special financial fund, which would provide for daily sustenance wages. He also suggests the expansion of the fund into a state-governed joint stock company, which would collect free assets, invest in various forms of capital objects, & the state would lease them to domestic & foreign entrepreneurs & wealthy people. Furthermore, Xenophon proposes that the "capital fund" be used for financing construction of houses & hotels, port- & other facilities for merchants & visitors, building of state-owned merchant ships for rent to private shipowners, & the purchase of slaves, which would also be rented to private entrepreneurs. Special attention is dedicated to the possibilities of improving & expanding the silver-mines in Laurion, which could ensure great income to the state. According to Xenophon, a prerequisite for the realization of his plan is preservation of peace, for in peacetime large resources can be saved which would otherwise be swallowed by war, risks are reduced, & trust increased. In this way Athens would contribute to the preservation of peace in Greece & enhance its own security. He particularly insists on a close connection between economic development & peace preservation, which is the true foundation of a state's power. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes the political situation & the relations among the victorious powers following WWII as well as their intention to create such an international organization for protecting peace & security, which would avoid the shortcomings of its predecessor, the League of Nations. Though this goal has been only partly achieved, the Organization of the United Nations has significantly contributed in preventing many political crises to escalate into wider conflicts. Adapted from the source document.

Vibeke Vindeløv, dr.jur. og professor i konfliktmægling i Center for Offentlig Regulering og Administration (CORA) ved Det juridiske Fakultet, Københavns Universitet, fratræder i januar 2017 og overgår til en position som professor emerita. I den anledning har en række gode kolleger og venner bidraget til dette festskrift. Vibeke har betydet rigtig meget for mange mennesker både fagligt og personligt. Med denne bog ønskes der at hædre Vibekes indsats på det juridiske fakultet. Gennem sine mere end 35 år på fakultetet har hun ydet en uvurderlig indsats med forskningsmæssig nysgerrighed og menneskelig indsigt, engagement og visdom. Bogen hylder Vibeke både som forsker, som kollega, som ven og som menneske

Krajem Hladnog rata i kolapsom blokovskog sustava dolazi do procvata mirovnih operacija Ujedinjenih naroda koji teže utemeljiti svoju transformiranu ulogu u novom globalnom okruženju. Jedne od prvih demonstracija nove, aktivnije uloge UN-a bile su dvije, svojom složenošću vrlo slične, mirovne misije: UNTAC u Kambodži i UNPROFOR u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Unatoč brojnim zajedničkim karakteristikama, te su misije ishodile vrlo različitim rezultatima. Dok UNTAC mirovnu misiju u Kambodži UN ponosno ističe kao jednu od najvećih uspjeha, UNPROFOR u bivšoj Jugoslaviji je priznat kao jedan od najvećih neuspjeha međunarodne zajednice. Rad se vodi idejom da bi upravo navedene misije, s potpuno različitih krajeva spektra, mogle otkriti jedan od ključnih faktora koji utječu na uspješnost peacekeepinga. Podrobnom analizom oba sukoba i obije misije potvrdit će se hipoteza kako se upravo taj odlučujući faktor, koji je odredio uspjeh u Kambodži, odnosno neuspjeh u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, ne nalazi unutar same mirovne misije, već se odnosi na karakter sukoba, to jest dužinu njegova vremenskog trajanja. ; Along with the Cold War ending and the Communist bloc demise, the United Nations, while seeking to establish its transformed role in the new global environment, begin to rapidly increase the number of peacekeeping missions. One of the first demonstrations of UN's new, more active role were two, by their complexity, very similar peace missions: UNTAC in Cambodia and UNPROFOR in Former Yugoslavia. Despite the numerous shared features, these missions produced substantialy different results. While the UN proudly upholds the UNTAC peace mission as one of the Organization's greatest archievements, UNPROFOR in the Former Yugoslavia is regarded as one of the biggest defeats of the international community. This paper aims to detect one of the key factors which influence the probability of peacekeeping success while comparing two missions from different ends of the spectrum. With the detailed analisis of both conflicts and missions, the hypothesis ...

According to the regularly conducted polls by "Globus," political rating of HDZ significantly increased after the military actions "Flash" & "Storm" while those of liberals & other parties decreased. On the basis of certain assumptions, the author concludes that this does not indicate a radical change in political attitudes & orientations of the electoral body; the changes have been caused by political conjuncture. The research has shown that political attitudes are halfway between traditionalism & modernism & that the prospects for the development of democracy in Croatia once peace has been established are notable. Adapted from the source document.