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The article debunks the conception that peace agreements are all equal. Distinct from the conventional monocausal assessment, I view the peace agreement as a cohesive whole and evaluate its strength in terms of its structural and procedural provisions. I use data on the length of intrastate peace episodes during the period from 1946 to 2010. My key finding is that the design quality of the peace agreement has a significant impact on the durability of peace. Agreements that are carefully designed to deal with all obstacles to cooperation have the strongest pacifying effect among armed conflict outcomes. The article sets forth ways to sharpen the performance of conflict management operations in war-torn countries.

The interaction of processes of state formation, liberal peacebuilding and statebuilding and localized practices of peacemaking—or what might be called peace formation—offer the prospect of forms of peace that may be both locally and internationally legitimate. Post-liberal and hybrid forms of peace influenced by local patterns of politics, based on contextual social, cultural and historical, norms, identities, and material resources, as well as cognizant of international norms, not to mention power, may represent a more accurate characterization of the results of peace processes worldwide. This article examines local processes of peace formation and emerging peace infrastructures.

This book is about the process and, more generally, about the opportunities that peace research and the teaching of conflict resolution can offer academic diplomacy. As such the book is both an empirical and a theoretical project. While it aims at being the most comprehensive analysis of the conflict in West Kalimantan, it also launches a new theoretical approach, neo-pragmatism, and offers lessons for the prevention of conflicts elsewhere.

This book is a case study of the development of peace psychology in Australia. While there is, in comparison to other countries, relatively little overt violence, Australia the nation was founded on the dispossession of Indigenous people, and their oppression continues today. Peace Psychology in Australia covers the most significant issues of peace and conflict in the country. It begins with a review of conflict resolution practices among Australia's ancient Indigenous cultures and succinctly captures topics of peace and conflict which the country has faced in the past 222 years since British

Intro -- Dedication -- The Eulogies -- Part I: Our Challenge Beyond Peace -- Part II: A New World Beyond Peace -- America Must Lead -- Russia and the Victory of Freedom -- America and Europe: New Missions for Old Friends -- Asia and the New American Century -- The United States and Japan: In Lockstep into the Next Century -- China: "The Biggest of Them All" -- Vietnam, Cuba, and North Korea: The Closed Door or the Open Door? -- Building New Bridges to the Muslim World -- The Developing World: Freedom's Last Frontier -- Part III: America Beyond Peace -- Strong Government, but Limited Government -- Equal Opportunity, Not Equal Outcomes -- Hardheaded Idealism and Enlightened Realism -- The Media: Freedom Without Constraint -- The Myths of Government -- Health Care "Reform": More Steroids for Big Government -- Old-Fashioned Learning for a New Era -- Welfare: Sickfare for America's Cities -- Crime and Race in America -- The Corruptions of Popular Culture and Drugs -- God and Family: Rediscovering the True Heart of America -- Individual Mission, National Mission -- Author's Note -- Index -- Copyright.

The Western security community has increasingly militarized its politics of peace, through peacekeeping, peace-making and other policies to which the 'peace' prefix has been attributed. Peace has become a virtual concept, which at times disguises rather violent management techniques of 'global governance'. Peace, within this framework, is a practice and a policy, mantled by a narrative of a liberal, and teleological, desire for non-violence. Non-violence towards the governing institutions became viewed as peace, advancing the notion of 'peace-as-order'. A teleology of liberal development helped to securitize the 'not-yet-liberalized Other', excluding non-liberal concepts from the idea of peace. Like the baby thrown out with the bathwater, peace lost its emancipatory content. A particular peace is the result, which includes transitional justice or reconciliation as rhetorical devices for its legitimization. However, the practice of 'peace' leaves these processes to the 'losers'; lasting peace between equals remains elusive and the politics of peace an exercise in managing security. Adapted from the source document.

The formal negotiations to reach peace agreements are a unique opportunity to create social and political change, and those who participate in the negotiations - in what capacity, at what stage, to what degree and on what issues - matter. Although the decision-making process directly affects them, members of civil society are too often not invited to take part in the negotiations, as traditionally the negotiation table has been considered to be a space for the arms-bearers and those who hold the power. However, an organized civil society may prove to be critical for shaping peace, as it has the power to persuade, propose solutions and influence by example and by the integrity of their moral voice. The question is not whether civil society can contribute to the peace negotiations and to a lasting peace, but how it can do so. This study seeks to contribute to answering this complex question, by looking at ways in which civil society have effectively participated in peace negotiations, in order to identify the elements that have contributed to their effectiveness, the challenges and dilemmas they had to deal with and possible ways to overcome them.

We know that peace education helps individuals transform conflict in their own lives, understand and respect other cultures and ways of living, and treasure the Earth. Teachers of peace education encourage their students to cooperate with each other, think critically, solve problems constructively, take part in responsible decision-making, communicate clearly, and share their feelings and commitment openly. These skills and values are essential for survival in an increasingly interdependent world, where violence has become an instrument of policy. Peace education seeks to enable learners to envision a range of possibilities that could lead from a culture of war and violence to a culture of peace. One widely used method to encourage such envisioning is posing an inquiry into the characteristics of peace. Efforts are being made to educate students and teachers about non-violence and human rights via peace education programs. This book lays a foundation for students, teachers and peace educators to explore the elements necessary to create a peaceful society. Educating for Peace will help to build a peaceful, just and sustainable world for our children.Educating for Peace consists of seventeen chapters. Chapter one deals with the pro-motion of education for a peaceful society; chapter two details how to emphasise the importance of peace to children. Chapter three of this book sketches out peace education in a non-formal way, while chapter four deals with education for peace and non-violence. The following chapter clearly defines the conceptualization of peace education. Chapter six defines what exactly a culture of peace entails, while chapter seven deals with a research study on non-violence. Chapters eight and nine address pressing concerns in peace education and creating a violence-free school respectively. Chapters ten and eleven deal with the

This article is rooted in the understanding that global ideas of liberal democratic peace and the gendered dynamics of peacebuilding need to be confronted. The aim is to explore the challenges of localizing liberal democratic peace by exploring efforts such as those undertaken by women's organizations in Bosnia-Herzegovina to promote a gender-just peace. The Dayton Peace Accord was the new "social contract" that set the standard for postwar societies. The gendered hierarchies built into this peace and the absence of women in the peace process created a "peace gap" that was gendered despite the fact that gender empowerment has become a standard tool in international peacebuilding. The post-Dayton peace process was characterized by a conservative backlash which has become a hallmark of women's postwar experience. Adapted from the source document.