Suchergebnisse

The second volume in the South Asian Peace Studies series, Peace Processes and Peace Accords looks at the political question of peace from three perspectives: the process of peace; the contentious issues involved in the peace process; and the ideologies that come in conflict in this process. Arguing that peace is not a one-time event to be achieved and rejoiced over but a matter to be sustained against various odds, the contributors show that the sustainability of peace depends on a foundation of rights, justice and democracy. Peace accords, they maintain, are only a moment in the process-the

This article explores the peacebuilding potential of the environment beyond "environmental problems" from the perspective of two interactive & interacting paradigms: peace studies & environmental studies. A thorough investigation reveals ontological, axiological, epistemological, rhetorical & methodological overlaps; interdependencies; conflicts &; potential synergism from their "interaction." It suggests a theoretical framework, broad & integrative enough to allow a full understanding, functionally as well as philosophically, of the inherent capacities of the environment to inform & sustain peace. The new paradigm, inspired by the idea of environmental peacemaking, is called Peace Ecology. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Investigates stalled and dysfunctional peace processes and peace accords in societies experiencing civil wars. Using a critical and comparative perspective, this book offers strategies for rejuvenating and re-orientating stalled peace processes and peace accords so that they are more able to foster sustainable and inclusive peace

The purpose of this study of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process is to examine the impact of economic incentives on the transformation of protracted conflicts. While economic growth can certainly provide motivations for peace by creating a virtuous cycle, as I argue below; reliance on economic growth faces two problems. First, the incentive of economic growth does not appeal equally to all people, so fundamentalist groups may prefer territorial stakes over promised prosperity & thus possibly seek to derail the process. &, second, economic growth might not distribute its benefits equally, leaving some groups alienated from the process &, consequently, making the process vulnerable to derailment without the support of these groups. Figures. Adapted from the source document.

Suggests that the May 2006 Darfur peace agreement may do little more than obscure the ongoing violence, destruction, displacement, & rape. Three key issues underlying the fragility of the agreement are discussed: the good faith of the Sudan government, the tribal & ethnic character of the insurgencies, & the role of peacekeeping forces where there is no peace.

At the end of 2004 over 64,000 military and civilian police personnel and 4,000 civilian personnel were deployed in 21 UN missions, arguably putting the UN in danger of overstretching its institutional capacities. At the same time 35 peace missions, with a total of 225 385 military and civilian personnel, were carried out by regional organizations and UN-sanctioned non-standing coalitions of states. It is against this backdrop that the report of the UN High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change addressed UN peace operations, in particular the challenge of post-conflict peace-building, and proposed the establishment of a Peace-building Commission, which UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan endorsed in his own report, 'In Larger Freedom: Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All', in March 2005. Peace-building is an increasingly central component of multilateral peace missions, as reflected in the fact that the mandates of 17 of the UN missions launched since 1999 include peace-building tasks. Peace-building is a process involving external actors enabling a post-conflict society to function in the political, social and economic spheres. The magnitude of the peace-building task means that priorities have to be set. Over the past few years, a fair degree of consensus has emerged on what these tasks are and the order in which they should be carried out. However, current peace-building endeavors under way in Afghanistan, Cote d'Ivoire, Haiti, Iraq and Liberia demonstrate that the challenges of magnitude and legitimacy (both international and local) intersect to make the practical tasks of peace-building difficult to address. Re-establishing the state's ability to provide security -- or 'renationalizing' the use of force and the prevention of violence within society -- is the first priority. Afghanistan is a vivid example of the complexities involved: the lack of progress with demobilization, disarmament and reintegration there contributed to the deterioration of the security situation throughout the country. The second priority area is the establishment of functioning law and order within the society. Without the necessary legal and administrative structures and mechanisms in place, economic reconstruction and social rehabilitation cannot take place. In Liberia, the need to set up a temporary skeletal legal system before embarking on a substantive overhaul of the rule of law highlights the challenge of balancing short-term versus long-term goals. The third and fourth priority areas for peace-building-economic reconstruction and governance and participation -- are considerably more difficult to prioritize. Perfect sequencing of peace-building tasks, however, does not necessarily guarantee sustainability. What is needed but often neglected is local participation in the process. A cursory glance at the scope of the tasks and responsibilities of contemporary peace operations raises the question of how the UN and regional organizations can continue to effectively oversee multiple peace operations of a multi-dimensional nature. A variety of responses have been offered. Some have argued that a minimalist approach towards peace-building should be taken and that the role of the international community should be limited to establishing security, leaving the rest to the local population. Others argue that a period of 'benevolent autocracy' from external actors offers the best chance for successful peace-building. Adapted from the source document.

Making War and Building Peace examines how well United Nations peacekeeping missions work after civil war. Statistically analyzing all civil wars since 1945, the book compares peace processes that had UN involvement to those that didn't. Michael Doyle and Nicholas Sambanis argue that each mission must be designed to fit the conflict, with the right authority and adequate resources. UN missions can be effective by supporting new actors committed to the peace, building governing institutions, and monitoring and policing implementation of peace settlements.