Suchergebnisse

The Nordic Region offers innovative interpretative approaches and models to overcome the "dilemma between security and prosperity". In this region, integration and fragmentation have been well-balanced and grounded on diversity. The first aim of this article is to explain the reasons for peace in Nordic Europe, a task sometimes more difficult than explaining wars. Historical cases of pacific resolution of disputes and the possible reasons for those policies are considered. Finally, the theoretical foundations of these approaches and how they influenced the political institutions are also analyzed.

Già prima della Seconda Guerra Mondiale era possibile individuare i primi movimenti per la ricerca scientifica sulla pace sotto il cappello della polemologia, ma è solo in seguito alla Seconda Guerra Mondiale che la Peace Research divenne un filone di studi autonomo volto alla prevenzione di una guerra nucleare o di ulteriori conflitti devastanti per l'umanità. La questione del 'disarmo' è pertanto un tema centrale del dibattito sulla pace di questo periodo. Ma è a partire dagli anni Settanta che un nuovo approccio, più maturo e più poliedrico, alla materia inizia a farsi strada. Si entra così nella seconda fase dello sviluppo degli studi per la pace in cui l'attenzione si concentra non più su un significato di ʻpace' (negativa) come stato dei rapporti internazionali antitetico allo stato di guerra, ma su una lettura della stessa come 'assenza di violenza' (sia essa diretta, strutturale o culturale). Una pace instaurabile soltanto attraverso un radicale cambiamento sociale, lo sviluppo politico ed economico e l'eliminazione delle disuguaglianze. La Peace Research oggi si interroga sul tipo di relazioni internazionali necessarie per prevenire, mitigare o risolvere conflitti violenti con un occhio ai problemi posti dall'economia globalizzata, dal diritto internazionale e alla sicurezza nazionale. Interessante in tal senso è l'apporto dato dalla Peace Economics intesa come progettazione della pace in prospettiva economica e sociale.

Speaking about translation without mentioning the work of Domenico Jervolino is unjust and meaningless. Unjust because Jervolino was the author who in Italy had strongly promoted a "philosophy of translation" as Philosophical Hermeneutics and not only as branch of Analytic Phi- losophy. Meaningless because if we ignore Jervolino's work, we would squander one of the clearest explanations of the implications of trans- lation, namely its political role. Thanks to Jervolino we can meditate on this task and also understand the possible developments of translation, which helps to promote and increase peace.

Cover -- quartino -- Table of Contents -- Introduction. The Renewed Attention for the Protection of the Cultural Expressions in Crisis Areas -- Countering the Illicit Trafficking of Cultural Property. Implementation Experience in Argentina -- SESSION 1 Protecting Cultural Heritage to Maintain International Peace and Security: Key Points -- Antiquities Trafficking and Conflict Financing: The Fight Against Looting and Smuggling of Cultural Property Goods in a Global Perspective of Peace -- Assistance by Peacekeeping Forces to Protection of Cultural Heritage and International Criminal Responsibility -- SESSION 2 Protecting Diversity of Cultural Expression and Cultural Heritage to Maintain International Peace and Security: Contemporary Issues -- Cultural Protection Policy in the Syrian Arab Republic An International Law Perspective -- Contrasto del terrorismo e protezione dei beni e delle espressioni culturali: l'esperienza della Tunisia -- Cultural Heritage in Oman Forts, Castles and Fortifications as Models -- SESSION 3 Peacekeeping and Protection of Diversity of Cultural Expression and Cultural Heritage -- UN Security Council Approaches to the Global Safeguarding of Cultural Heritage: An Evolving Role in Preventing the Illicit Traffic of Cultural Objects -- Closing Remarks -- The Protection of Cultural Heritagein the Context of the Maintenance of Peaceand Security: The Way Ahead -- After the Workshop Steps Forwards -- Exploitation of Natural Resources in Timesof Armed Conflict: The Contributionof the United Nations and Peace Operationsin Addressing Resource-Related Conflicts -- The Relationship Between the Protection of Tangible and Intangible Cultural Heritage under International Law -- Reflecting on the Intentional Destruction of Cultural Heritage as a War Crime in Light of the ICC Judgement in the Al Mahdi Case -- Cultural Genocide

Il presente elaborato si propone di condurre un'analisi della figura e del ruolo degli interpreti a supporto delle Forze armate italiane nella missione di peace support operation in Libano. Il progetto nasce dall'interesse per lo svolgimento dell'attività di interpretazione e traduzione in un contesto altamente "sensibile", quale una zona di conflitto, che si fonda su una serie di equilibri che devono essere mantenuti e rispettati anche mediante il contributo fondamentale degli interpreti. L'obiettivo di questo progetto di tesi, realizzato in collaborazione con lo Stato Maggiore dell'Esercito, è quello di gettare luce, mediante l'utilizzo di interviste condotte di persona, sulla percezione che gli interpreti e i fruitori hanno del servizio linguistico in teatro operativo nonché sulla relazione che si instaura tra le parti coinvolte. Lo studio pertanto si è proposto di concentrarsi sugli interpreti e i loro "utenti" diretti, ossia i militari dell'Esercito italiano. Il capitolo 1 offre una panoramica generale del servizio di interpretazione dell'Esercito italiano nel teatro operativo libanese e fornisce inoltre una presentazione delle peace support operations dispiegate dalle Nazioni Unite, con particolare interesse per la missione UNIFIL in cui operavano gli intervistati al momento dello studio. Il capitolo 2 descrive la metodologia impiegata per svolgere lo studio presentando la modalità di raccolta dati e le tracce utilizzate per lo svolgimento delle interviste nonché le procedure di analisi, sistematizzazione e categorizzazione dei dati. Il capitolo 3 presenta la discussione dei dati emersi dalle interviste, suddivisi in quattro aree principali: conoscenze e competenze dell'interprete, ruolo dell'interprete, collaborazione tra militare e interprete; aspettative sul lavoro dell'interprete.

This thesis addresses the puzzle of heterogeneous trends in paramilitary violence in the two Colombian regions since the beginning of DDR process in 2003. The usual explanations derived from political conflict theories are improved with insights from organized crime research. The author argues that the occasional escalation of post DDR paramilitary violence at sub-regional level cannot be explained with the weakness of the state argument. In order to support this claim, the paper demonstrates the counter intuitive evidence that paramilitary violence correlates positively with the incidence of the state repressive intervention against paramilitary groups. More specifically, the paper finds that the paramilitaries challenged by the state use more violence either as a way of substituting their non-violent resources most affected by law enforcement activities, or in response to crackdown-related intensification of predatory tendencies within their respective organizations. Implications for future conflict resolution of Colombian Civil War are considered.

La tesi analizza il contemporaneo declino elettorale del Partito Laburista israeliano in relazione agli eventi storici, ai cambiamenti sociali e demografici che hanno portato ad un effettivo cambiamento del sistema politico. In particolar modo la ricerca si sofferma sulla lettura dei risultati elettorali, cercando di sottolineare come le dinamiche sopra indicate abbiano influenzato i trend elettorali e l'offerta politica del partito stesso. Fino a giungere agli anni Novanta, passaggio fondamentale in cui cogliere le ragioni per le quali il Partito Laburista sembra tutt'ora non riuscire invertire il trend negativo degli ultimi quindici anni. ; This thesis analyzes the contemporary electoral decline of the Israeli Labor Party in relation to historical events, social and demographic changes that have led to an effective change in the Israeli political system. In particular, the research focuses on the electoral results, trying to underline how the dynamics indicated above have influenced the electoral trends and the political offer of the party itself. The Nineties represent a fundamental passage in which it is possibleto understand the reasons why the Labor Party seems unable, still today, to reverse the negative trend of the last fifteen years.

The theme of sustainable development is an extremely interdisciplinary field of research where biological, engineering, political, economic and social studies are reconnected in a future-oriented cognitive proposal. The aim of this intellectual effort is to give proper attention to the link between peace economics and sustainable development. Although neglected for a long time, the link we highlight here represents such a central point that, if we want to investigate sustainable development from a sociological point of view, we cannot ignore its epistemological nexuses between sociology and peace economics. This means that the perspective from which to address the problem of the implementation of sustainable also changes.

The twentieth century (characterized by the gruesome and haze of horror of two World Wars, the Cold Wars-CW, dictatorships, civil wars, genocides, etc.) has seen a great transformation in warfare but to the expense of the innocent civilians and yet in the full view of regulatory internationally recognized war-laws. So, if at one point in history, civilian populations hardly suffered war directly, the order of the state of affairs has now changed. Many civilians perish simply because warlords so desire; extremes of violence, killings and destruction of property is predominantly preferred. As if that is not enough, the indifference of the majority of the public in tranquil zones of the world towards the fate of the civilians in zones under by fire kind of provide implicit licenses to violence planners to do whatever it takes to "win". Consequently, great numbers of survivors are seen trying to escape from situations of assured death to that of probable death. It is against this background that we feel moved to take on this dissertation. Bearing in mind the generally complex and challenging contemporary conflicts that acutely breeds volatile security environments (for civilians), our thesis is that there needed to be an increased, noteworthy and continued applicable innovation of approaches to civilian protection. To be precise, as a strategy to sustainable peace, we have aspired after a world where the United Nations Peacekeeping Department (UNPKD) is not singly considered the sole custodian of the concept of civilian protection but (based on contexts and cases) as one but a leader among other stakeholders (local and foreign) able and ready to contribute to the common-pool of operational arenas. Thinking about these other stake holders, we have in this work stood by those that: firstly, move towards more civilian-centered operations that are; secondly, carried out by (a mixture of grassroots and international) unarmed civilians by means of; thirdly, engages nonviolent approaches and practices that in themselves anticipate the basic constituents of successive bottom-up Peacemaking (PK) and Peacebuilding (PB) in the hic et nunc of their Peacekeeping (PK) initiatives and applications. All these basics, in our view, do not just add up to drawing a continuous line that intersects the just mentioned Three Approaches to Peace (PK, PM, PB) coined by Johan Galtung way back in 1975; they also open avenues to sustainability. The thesis is taken on through three different parts; each subdivided into two chapters. With due attention to intrastate contemporary violent conflicts, the first part tries to demonstrate the reason why in PK there has been indeed need for rethinking the protection of civilians (PoC) and/or for enriching the methods until now employed in bringing it about. In the first chapter of the part, we kind of gave a sketchy attention to the historical journey that the patterns of violent conflicts in relation to the fate of non-combatants have made. It emerges that, unlike in the past, the pattern of contemporary violent conflict, especially with reference to the CW (especially in third-world countries) and post-CW periods, have become severely complex to handle. Wars have continued and proved to be very hot especially on the populations on the periphery; on those who are minimally directly concerned with and honestly ignorant of its objectives. In the period in question, these innocent men, women and children are more than ever struck hard not just by its direct consequences but also the indirect ones and their hopes are constantly put at the brink of mere survival and of the grave. Mores so the lucky ones who manage to escape these snares, continue to unwaveringly hope for bread, freedom, justice and peace, instead of iron that kills and destroys. In chapter II of the same part, looking at the commitments borne by the UN right from its early years in keeping, initially, the interstate and successively also the intrastate peace (of those tormented by reign of violence and terror), we acknowledge the strides gradually taken along the years. These strides has better late than never embraced a multidimensional point in time where civilian protection counts as a primacy. Accordingly, we recognize that the UN military PK is certainly capable of reducing the level of tension in conflicts but we also negated that, by so doing, it is able to guarantee a durable peace not only because of the application of the non-peaceful means which is limited to separating the conflicting parties but also because it lacks the strategic concern of fostering an active citizenship which is a basic ingredient to democratic populace. In Part Two, we have concentrated on the vision and the peculiar picture of the practitioners of the alternative way, particularly; the Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP) which operates on a benchmark of bottom-up strategic empowerment of local civilian unarmed and nonviolent efforts by international unarmed and nonviolent civilians to protect civilians, prevent, reduce and stop violent conflicts. The first chapter of this second part begins by singling out some of the nuts and bolts (Like: The centrality of sustainability; strategic, local and multilevel capacity and relational empowerment and mediation for peace; conflict transformation as the adequate language; nonviolence and nonpartisanship as a philosophy) that make Unarmed Civilian Protection (UCP) stands out faithfully to the above stated aspirations. Without giving importance to the chronological specifics and with a particular reference to the assessment of the practicality of the project that, on a later date, would organizationally become the NP, an extensive attention is paid to the vicissitudes that surrounded the founding of this UCP protection agency and especially to the foundations of the formative elements entailed. Chapter II does not only build on the findings and stimuli of Chapter I, it supersedes it and makes real a new and distinct reality. Herein, a unique place is devoted to the formative components reserved to the practitioners as a strategy for guaranteeing the competencies and high professionalism needed for the successful execution of field strategies attached to the NP UCP objectives, principles, key methods and practices. Through the analysis of the UCP Training Course entitled "Strengthening Civilian Capacities to Protect Civilians; A joint UNITAR- Nonviolent Peaceforce online Course" the chapter tries to show how the activities of the organization intrinsically flow from its very being; from elements which define it. And this is illustrated in how the very life of the NP UCP is blended with its formative spirit and content; a sort of transformative training that seeks to promote transformative operational frameworks that applicable to situations and contexts. The third part of the work is an applied one. It is dedicated to our chosen case study, namely, NP's intervention in the longtime violence-stricken Republic of South Sudan; in a country which (Thomas Hobbes would say) has once again reverted to its natural state; a harsh reality of hand to mouth living and a never ending search for sustenance in an ambiance virtually challenging to change. In chapter I, the pragmatic implementation of NP UCP in strengthening the local civilians' capacity, security and sense of safety in situation of violent conflict is marked out. Here, some concrete instances of this intervention are presented to exemplify the claim that a multiple base of actors (UCPs, the inviting civil society and/or local NGOs of an UCP presence and local partners) can sustainably and strategically provide the PoC work that for a long time was and is still largely entrusted to the military. And at the end of the day PK, PM, PB resources are considered to consist in not only financial and material supports, but also, and (in the same way) importantly, the socio-cultural resources of the affected people. And in this way people in conflict settings are seen as resources rather than recipients. Even though we evidently confirmed that the alternative way counts exceptionally big in strategically promoting, developing, and implementing sustainable unarmed civilian PK as a tool for preventing, reducing and stopping violence and protecting civilians in situations of violent conflict, we also acknowledge that it is not without challenges. These are actually what chapter two of the part extensively dwells on. The second chapter is instead dedicated (at length) to looking at the challenges that NP faces not only with regard to its missions lands but also in general. We have gone about this in the form of a comprehensive assessment and in some humble recommendations are advanced. Among these challenges we have particularly paid attention to issues like: The meager UCP funding and the dominant top-down mentality; the violent bully character of some major world power wielders; the need for more practitioners to carry out UCP; the dynamicity and complexity of conflict nature as a challenge; conflict prevention challenges like delays in capturing the signs of time so as to effectively intervene; the presence of spoilers as a challenge; the challenge of effective sustainable credibility. Recommendations proposed include among others: Investing in systematic reflections on the extent of the progress and failures so far registered in efforts to involve the UN, regional bodies and other donor agencies or individuals in the cause of NP (UCP) and reflecting on the philosophy that underpins the reasons why financial assistance to UCP and NP in particular is founded; more emphasis on the already existing engagement with political leaders and other influential people and embarking on popular campaigns to propagate a concretely evidenced knowledge of the feasibility of the alternative way, instituting and investing in "School Project" (dedicated to preferably to high schools) within the NP Advocacy and Outreach office and insisting on the positives of volunteers' contribution; enriching a little more the content of the just elaborated online UCP training course; etc. Hereafter, the general conclusion of our dissertation will be drawn. A profound acknowledgement of the UNPK pivotal role with its actual multidimensional fronts in PK basically intended as PoC specifically in the contemporary intrastate violent conflicts. It is also observed that, thanks to the appropriate blending of local and international capacities giving priority to the former, UCP's strategic approach to PK (which is not limited to the PoCs but is also anchored to preventing, reducing and ending not just those that are already on but also lays for standing up to the future possible ones) could be counted on. Thus far, it is on one hand, admissible that, despite all the challenges that there may be, NP (UCP) mechanisms is already proffering a great deal to this end, and on the other, it is evident that it can and should still do more. The ability of its interventions to stand the test of time and to stand up to the future conflicts (i.e. its sustainability) resides in a time which is not yet at hand and in the continuous involvement and inventiveness of many. As per now, if the Italian proverb "Il buongiorno si vede dal mattino" (Meaning: You can tell how something will go by how it begins) holds, then it is, up till now, realistic to count on NP as one of the most outstanding Bottom-up UCP organizations in the PoC in (selected) contemporary violent conflict situations. All that is needed is the building and the consolidation of international interest and support for UCP that presents the hope and reality of alternatives to over dependence on armed intervention; alternatives that chances the revitalization of local communities and the restoration of the social fabrics and capital of the affected people.

This article explores Max Weber's ideas about a «successful peace» that he exposed during World War I. For Weber, a successful peace depended essentially on important domestic reforms and a fundamental reorganisation of the German Reich, more than on the foreign policy dimension. Analysing Weber's "ideas of 1918" – opposed to the so-called "ideas of 1914" – this paper focuses on three aspects: (1) nation and citizenship, (2) Prussia, (3) German tradition, history and political culture. ; Questo articolo tratta delle idee di Max Weber su una «pace di successo», da lui esposte durante la Prima guerra mondiale. Per Weber, una pace di successo dipendeva essenzialmente da importanti riforme inter-ne e da una riorganizzazione fondamentale del Reich tedesco, più che dalla dimensione della politica estera. Analizzando le "idee del 1918" di Weber – in contrapposizione alle cosiddette "idee del 1914" – questo contributo si concentra su tre aspetti: (1) nazione e cittadinanza, (2) Prussia, (3) tradizione, storia e cultura politica tedesca.

Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: società, istituzioni e sistemi politici europei,19.-20. secolo ; La tesi ripercorre le vicende dell'associazionismo internazionale delle donne dalla sua nascita - negli anni Ottanta dell'Ottocento- fino alla vigilia del Secondo conflitto mondiale. In particolare, la ricerca si sofferma sulle tre maggiori organizzazioni l' International Women's Council, l'International Woman Alliance, la Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, sulle politiche da esse perseguite, sulle loro differenze e i loro conflitti. Una parte specifica è dedicata al caso italiano. Al centro vi è l'ipotesi dell'esistenza di una cultura politica prodotta dai movimenti delle donne ed intesa come espressione di un soggetto sociale e politico autonomo. Elaborata dalle generazioni femminili del mondo occidentale, appartenenti alle classi medie e medio-alte, per superare le asimmetrie nelle relazioni tra i sessi e costruire una diversa rappresentazione del femminile, questa cultura si è misurata con le grandi questioni che hanno attraversato la storia dei primi decenni del nuovo secolo: patriottismo e pacifismo di fronte alla prima guerra mondiale; organizzazione istituzionale di una convivenza pacifica tra gli anni Venti e gli anni Trenta; infine il confronto tra democrazia e totalitarismi nella crisi degli anni Trenta. Nel corso della tesi ne sono state delineate le caratteristiche, le continuità e i mutamenti intercorsi nei primi decenni del XX secolo, con un'attenzione particolare al rapporto tra democrazie e diritti delle donne, all'internazionalismo e transnazionalismo femminile, alle politiche di pace e al dilemma tra pacifismo assoluto e accettazione di una nuova guerra nel cuore dell'Europa in difesa della democrazia. Alla base del lavoro vi sono una serie di importanti corpus documentari consistenti per la maggior parte di fonti a stampa e di fonti archivistiche conservate nei principali archivi e biblioteche specializzate presenti in Europa e negli Stati Uniti. ; The thesis explores the history of the international women's associations from their birth - in the eighties of the Nineteenth- up on the eve of the Second World War. In particular, the research focuses on the three main international organizations: International Women's Council, International Woman Alliance, Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, their politics, conflicts, and differences. A specific part is devoted to the Italian case. The central hypothesis of the research is the existence of a political culture produced by the women's movements as the expression of an autonomous political and social subject. Developed by female generations in the Western world, belonging to middle and upper middle classes, to overcome the asymmetries in gender relations, this culture challenged the great issues that have permeated the history of the first decades of the century: patriotism and pacifism in the face of World War I; institutional organization of peaceful coexistence; the confrontation between democracy and totalitarianism in the crisis of the Thirties. The thesis outlines the features, the continuities and changes , with specific attention to the relationship between democracy and women's rights, internationalism and transnationalism, peace policies and the dilemma between absolute pacifism and acceptance of a new war in the heart of Europe in defence of democracy. The work is based on a rich body of sources held in the main archives and specialized libraries in Europe and the United States.

La presente tesi si inserisce all'interno di una ricerca inerente alle operazioni di pace condotte dalla comunità internazionale e dalle Nazioni Unite dagli anni novanta ad oggi. L'oggetto dell'elaborato fa riferimento in termini generici ai modi in cui è avvenuto il passaggio dalle missioni di pace catalogate dalle Nazioni Unite come missioni di seconda generazione a quelle di terza. Per una comprensione della misura in cui è avvenuta questa trasformazione e della forma assunta dalle operazioni di pace ho preso in esame il contesto della guerra civile bosniaca per la quale vennero attivate una serie di missioni che oltre a consolidare la pace avrebbero dovuto dare forma ad un nuovo Stato bosniaco fondato sulla legittimità, la democrazia e la libertà. L'obiettivo della presente tesi consiste nel portare alla luce i cambiamenti avvenuti negli ultimi vent'anni nei processi di pace guidati dalle NU, analizzando i costi e i benefici, l'efficienza e l'inefficienza delle operazioni, la sostenibilità ottenuta attraverso le operazioni e la funzionalità dell'attuale approccio internazionale ai processi di peace-building e state-building. In quest'analisi cercherò di comprendere i meccanismi che hanno reso, e continuano a rendere, le operazioni internazionali nei contesti post-conflittuali un successo oppure un fallimento.

Speaking about translation without mentioning the work of Domenico Jervolino is unjust and meaningless. Unjust because Jervolino was the author who in Italy had strongly promoted a "philosophy of translation" as Philosophical Hermeneutics and not only as branch of Analytic Philosophy. Meaningless because if we ignore Jervolino's work, we would squander one of the clearest explanations of the implications of translation, namely its political role. Thanks to Jervolino we can meditate on this task and also understand the possible developments of translation, which helps to promote and increase peace. ; Parlare di traduzione senza citare l'opera di Domenico Jervolino è ingiusto e insensato. Ingiusto perché è stato l'autore che in Italia ha promosso con decisione una "filosofia della traduzione" collocata nel solco dell'Ermeneutica Filosofica e non soltanto della filosofia analitica, come è stato fatto in molti casi. Insensato perché in tal modo perderemmo una delle più lucide esplicazioni delle implicazioni della traduzione, ossia il suo ruolo politico. Grazie a Jervolino oggi possiamo riflettere consapevolmente su questo compito e anche comprendere gli sviluppi possibili della traduzione, la quale contribuisce a promuovere e accrescere la pace.