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SUMMARY Collective Security: Theory and Practice The origins of collective security are found in the theories of "eternal peace", and the first time in practice collective security have been realized in XIX century. Traditional conception defines collective security as universal or regional system, which is created to react collectively in the situation when one of the member states is attacked by other member. At present universal collective security system is realized through United Nations. The main purpose of United Nations is to maintain international peace and security. Collective security is one of the ways to maintain international peace and security. The mechanism of collective security is invoked to deal with situations, which are threats to the peace, acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace. Traditionally collective security was orientated to deal with situations, which involved the use of force. However in practice this has been modified. UN Security Council enjoys wide discretion – it can decide which situations should be regarded as threats to the peace, acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace. As the practice shows Security Council had invoked and decided to use collective measures also in situations which involved not only the use of force. Security Council decides which collective security measures should be used in order to maintain international peace and security. In practice Security Council developed and used great variety of collective measures – embargo, limitations of international travels, prohibitions of certain financial operations, military enforcement actions and etc. Modern mechanism of collective security is characterized by decentralization; military resources are given on ad hoc basis, therefore it strongly depends on member states' solidarity and willingness to act. The newest tendencies suggest modifying collective security. It is suggested that poverty, epidemics, serious environmental problems should be regarded as "threat to peace" and therefore those situations should be dealt through the measures of collective security. International law experts point to the risk that the extended conception of collective security could negatively affect the sovereignty of member states. For example, there might be the increased number of interventions to states through the boarder understanding of collective security. However at present day neither the doctrine, nor the opinio juris of states fully supports such a broad interpretation of collective security.

The article analyzes the attitide of Lithuanian lawyers (advocates) towards the peaceful settlement of disputes and mediation, which are embedded in Lithuanian law, are started to be applied in practice in Lithuanian courts (judicial mediation) since year 2005, but hardly find proper place in practice of Lithuanian lawyers. The publication contains brief theoretical analysis on role of a lawyer in mediation (lawyer-mediator, lawyer-neutral adviser and lawyer-party representative), their different functions. Also the necessity of additional education for lawyers in the field of alternative dispute resolution is highlighted. Afterwards the article presents a survey on attitide of Lithuanian advocates towards peaceful settlement of disputes and mediation. This survey was performed in 2015 at the General meeting of Lithuanian advocates. 354 advocates participated in the survey. The conducted survey examines issues of lawyers' knowledge about mediation, their use of mediation in practice and reasons for non-use. Based on the survey findings proposals for measures that could encourage the advocates to have more favorable attitude to the peaceful settlement of disputes and mediation, making these advanced processes natural and priority-order way of dispute resolution, were formulated.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

SUMMARY Stirring international military activity has become one of the most important tasks of Lithuanian foreign policy implementation. Intensive international military collaboration and participation in peace keeping process are the main means to implement that task. The main aim of the paper is to detect geographical peculiarities of Lithuanian international military activity. It is defined that Lithuanian international military activity is reasoned not only politically, but also has a geographical validity. Bilateral and multilateral military collaboration of Lithuania clearly reveals it's priorities given to the most of the Baltic Sea region countries. Especially active cooperation in military range Lithuania holds with other Eastern Baltic countries – Latvia and Estonia. The main geographical factors of such collaboration peculiarity are: the Baltic Sea and the need of geopolitical balance. Moreover, according to Lithuania's increased activity in international peace making operations, it's very important to have a good military staff preparation system for such aims. Perhaps a combatant preparation is in a high level, but geographical preparation is insufficient. It becomes especially important when the country sends peacemakers to the geographically distant regions. Membership in NATO and other international organizations obligate Lithuania to be an active associate in peace keeping process. Lithuania was taking part in military operations that were prosecuted in four regions of Europe and Asia: The Balkans, Persian Gulf region, Caucasus and South and Central Asian region. The priority is given to the geographically closest region – The Balkans, where Lithuania have sent the biggest part of it's international peacemakers, that served in five countries of the region. Furthermore, consideration of Lithuanian activity in peace keeping process shows that the country gives priority to NATO, European Union and USA, which is the most important strategic partner of Lithuania, supervising military missions. Finally, Lithuania is participating in peace keeping operations not because of it's own national interests in the "hot" regions. It is more determined to the obligations to NATO and other international organisations and regarding to the position of strategic partners. Military and political benefit also remains as a very important factor of participating in the chosen peace keeping operations.

The aim of the article is to identify the main objectives that arise for religions under conditions of globalisation, as well as the conceptual approach that is necessary for their analysis. The theoretical perspective that has been selected is the concept of "work that has been advanced by soul" that unifies religion and culture. Culture is analysed through the prism of the concepts of social communication and individual personification; meanwhile, religion is approached through the concept of the relationship with the absolute or infinity by highlighting both their mutual autonomy and their overlap. Nowadays, the conditions for both cultural life and religious life are undergoing radical transformations because of the process of globalisation. In this article, globalisation is defined as the increasing global interdependence of societies that is being driven by technology. The paradoxical nature of this process is noted: on the one hand, it poses a threat to the very cultural and religious identity of a person, but on the other hand, it creates conditions for a more intense interconnectedness of cultures and religions, and a new stage for the maturity (deepening) of this identity. In this context, the main objectives are being reformulated; these objectives arise out of the necessity to articulate changed modalities of the relationship with the absolute and spiritual movements of new types under conditions of globalisation: making sense of technology, obtaining a new concept of authority, transformation of the relationships between religion and politics, universal ecumenism, rethinking the concept of truth, the search for a universal language, and the revival of a mystical stance.

The aim of the article is to identify the main objectives that arise for religions under conditions of globalisation, as well as the conceptual approach that is necessary for their analysis. The theoretical perspective that has been selected is the concept of "work that has been advanced by soul" that unifies religion and culture. Culture is analysed through the prism of the concepts of social communication and individual personification; meanwhile, religion is approached through the concept of the relationship with the absolute or infinity by highlighting both their mutual autonomy and their overlap. Nowadays, the conditions for both cultural life and religious life are undergoing radical transformations because of the process of globalisation. In this article, globalisation is defined as the increasing global interdependence of societies that is being driven by technology. The paradoxical nature of this process is noted: on the one hand, it poses a threat to the very cultural and religious identity of a person, but on the other hand, it creates conditions for a more intense interconnectedness of cultures and religions, and a new stage for the maturity (deepening) of this identity. In this context, the main objectives are being reformulated; these objectives arise out of the necessity to articulate changed modalities of the relationship with the absolute and spiritual movements of new types under conditions of globalisation: making sense of technology, obtaining a new concept of authority, transformation of the relationships between religion and politics, universal ecumenism, rethinking the concept of truth, the search for a universal language, and the revival of a mystical stance.

Security Council is one of the main institutions of the United Nations. It has both general and special powers. General power is maintenance of international peace and security. Special powers are indicated in VI, VII, VIII and XII chapters of the Charter of United Nations. Security Council can undertake various sanctions against aggressors. This institution enacts legally binding resolutions according to VII chapter of the Charter. They are obligatory. Historical process and composition of the Security Council is being discussed in the first part of this work. General and special powers of the Security Council are described in another part of this master thesis. The main problems of this work are concentrated on enactment of resolutions of the institution and effectiveness of peace – keeping missions. Also necessity of the reform of the Security Council is mentioned. Cooperation between Security Council and regional organizations is described too. Finally, author of this work provides conclusions using logical method. The importance of the Security Council in maintaining international peace and security is beyond a reasonable doubt. However, often states are not willing to obey the requirements of the Security Council. More effective and operative participation in solution of conflict would be possible after the reform of the Security Council.

The article begins with a discussion of the transitional justice concept, which is followed by a brief overview of the developments of the study field. It notes that the classical works on transitional justice focus on the implementation of various transitional justice policies, their adaptability to specific needs of societies, emerging after a repressive rule or a violent ethnic conflict, and the possible benefits resulting from an active engagement in the past, whereas the more recent inquiries demonstrate an important empirical turn. Since the year 2000, there has been an increase in comparative studies attempting to empirically verify the effect of transitional justice mechanisms on societal transitions. This new wave of research calls into question the previous assumption regarding the ability of transitional justice mechanisms to contribute to peace and reconciliation and demonstrates that this relationship may be more complicated than initially thought. The article continues with the discussion of the main debates in the field. It covers the well-known debates on Peace vs. Justice, Truth vs. Justice, and provides an overview of the problems faced by those attempting to explore the causal relationship among the transitional justice mechanisms and societal reconciliation, democratization and peace. The methodological issues of definitions and problems with proving causality are addressed. The article concludes with recommendations for future inquiries.

The article begins with a discussion of the transitional justice concept, which is followed by a brief overview of the developments of the study field. It notes that the classical works on transitional justice focus on the implementation of various transitional justice policies, their adaptability to specific needs of societies, emerging after a repressive rule or a violent ethnic conflict, and the possible benefits resulting from an active engagement in the past, whereas the more recent inquiries demonstrate an important empirical turn. Since the year 2000, there has been an increase in comparative studies attempting to empirically verify the effect of transitional justice mechanisms on societal transitions. This new wave of research calls into question the previous assumption regarding the ability of transitional justice mechanisms to contribute to peace and reconciliation and demonstrates that this relationship may be more complicated than initially thought. The article continues with the discussion of the main debates in the field. It covers the well-known debates on Peace vs. Justice, Truth vs. Justice, and provides an overview of the problems faced by those attempting to explore the causal relationship among the transitional justice mechanisms and societal reconciliation, democratization and peace. The methodological issues of definitions and problems with proving causality are addressed. The article concludes with recommendations for future inquiries.

The article begins with a discussion of the transitional justice concept, which is followed by a brief overview of the developments of the study field. It notes that the classical works on transitional justice focus on the implementation of various transitional justice policies, their adaptability to specific needs of societies, emerging after a repressive rule or a violent ethnic conflict, and the possible benefits resulting from an active engagement in the past, whereas the more recent inquiries demonstrate an important empirical turn. Since the year 2000, there has been an increase in comparative studies attempting to empirically verify the effect of transitional justice mechanisms on societal transitions. This new wave of research calls into question the previous assumption regarding the ability of transitional justice mechanisms to contribute to peace and reconciliation and demonstrates that this relationship may be more complicated than initially thought. The article continues with the discussion of the main debates in the field. It covers the well-known debates on Peace vs. Justice, Truth vs. Justice, and provides an overview of the problems faced by those attempting to explore the causal relationship among the transitional justice mechanisms and societal reconciliation, democratization and peace. The methodological issues of definitions and problems with proving causality are addressed. The article concludes with recommendations for future inquiries.

The article begins with a discussion of the transitional justice concept, which is followed by a brief overview of the developments of the study field. It notes that the classical works on transitional justice focus on the implementation of various transitional justice policies, their adaptability to specific needs of societies, emerging after a repressive rule or a violent ethnic conflict, and the possible benefits resulting from an active engagement in the past, whereas the more recent inquiries demonstrate an important empirical turn. Since the year 2000, there has been an increase in comparative studies attempting to empirically verify the effect of transitional justice mechanisms on societal transitions. This new wave of research calls into question the previous assumption regarding the ability of transitional justice mechanisms to contribute to peace and reconciliation and demonstrates that this relationship may be more complicated than initially thought. The article continues with the discussion of the main debates in the field. It covers the well-known debates on Peace vs. Justice, Truth vs. Justice, and provides an overview of the problems faced by those attempting to explore the causal relationship among the transitional justice mechanisms and societal reconciliation, democratization and peace. The methodological issues of definitions and problems with proving causality are addressed. The article concludes with recommendations for future inquiries.

This Master Thesis aims to take a closer look at peacebuilding processes regarding women during post-conflict period in Iraq and Afghanistan. Both of these countries are Muslim, belong to the same Middle East region and have endured long years of conflict which affected the society. After the intervention of USA together with coalition countries the conflicts have been stopped and the new government structure has been established. International community was encouraging the inclusion of all social groups in post-conflict processes, however women remained a marginalized part of the society who are denied access to various resources or power structures. Therefore, sustainable peace cannot be achieved. The main question raised in this thesis – in which country during the defined period – Afghanistan or Iraq, sustainable peace was achieved more successful from the women point of view? In order to create a research model Johan Gatling's peace theory has been combined with critical feminism notions. Using the created research model the post-conflict period is analyzed through gender lens because women remain marginalized and excluded from peacebuilding processes in Afghanistan and Iraq. Main variables that are used to evaluate and determine a more successful peacebuilding case regarding women focus on structural and cultural violence. Direct violence is not analyzed because direct violence is considered to be stopped and negative peace is achieved. Structural violence is analyzed and evaluated through positioning women in private or public spheres, poverty rate, access to education, the empowerment of women organizations, the participation of women in political processes. Meanwhile, the aspects of cultural violence are evaluated through cultural and religious gender norms regarding women. These variables help to evaluate Iraq and Afghanistan post-conflict period and determine a more successful peacebuilding case. The main finding was that peacebuilding regarding women in post-conflict period of 2001-2016 has been more successful in Iraq than in Afghanistan. This conclusion has been reached because in Iraq women had better possibilities to combine responsibilities to family and work and that let to enter labor market easier, the poverty rate is also lower that way there are more jobs for women and women are allowed to participate in public affairs, accessibility and quality of education is better in Iraq compared to Afghanistan. Regarding cultural violence, the analyzed fertility rate and sharia law showed that women in Iraq are not so strongly limited to the gender roles of "mother "or "wife "compared to Afghanistan. It is important to mention that analyses discovered that political women participation is better in Afghanistan compared to Iraq and the situation of women organizations were similar. However, even with better political participation of women Afghanistan was lacking in other aspects and it was not enough in order to create a sustainable peace regarding women. It can be stated that in order to establish a sustainable or as Galtung calls it positive peace, women must be empowered in all aspects of life. The creation of sustainable peace and problems that it is facing are complex, therefore it calls for complex measures. There is still a lot of room for research regarding this field of study. The area of research is wide and different aspects of peacebuilding regarding women could be analyzed. The process of peacebuilding in Iraq and Afghanistan is also ever-changing therefore the later periods could be researched. Also women are not the only marginalized group in the analyzed societies so the same field of study could be analyzed from different perspectives.

This Master Thesis aims to take a closer look at peacebuilding processes regarding women during post-conflict period in Iraq and Afghanistan. Both of these countries are Muslim, belong to the same Middle East region and have endured long years of conflict which affected the society. After the intervention of USA together with coalition countries the conflicts have been stopped and the new government structure has been established. International community was encouraging the inclusion of all social groups in post-conflict processes, however women remained a marginalized part of the society who are denied access to various resources or power structures. Therefore, sustainable peace cannot be achieved. The main question raised in this thesis – in which country during the defined period – Afghanistan or Iraq, sustainable peace was achieved more successful from the women point of view? In order to create a research model Johan Gatling's peace theory has been combined with critical feminism notions. Using the created research model the post-conflict period is analyzed through gender lens because women remain marginalized and excluded from peacebuilding processes in Afghanistan and Iraq. Main variables that are used to evaluate and determine a more successful peacebuilding case regarding women focus on structural and cultural violence. Direct violence is not analyzed because direct violence is considered to be stopped and negative peace is achieved. Structural violence is analyzed and evaluated through positioning women in private or public spheres, poverty rate, access to education, the empowerment of women organizations, the participation of women in political processes. Meanwhile, the aspects of cultural violence are evaluated through cultural and religious gender norms regarding women. These variables help to evaluate Iraq and Afghanistan post-conflict period and determine a more successful peacebuilding case. The main finding was that peacebuilding regarding women in post-conflict period of 2001-2016 has been more successful in Iraq than in Afghanistan. This conclusion has been reached because in Iraq women had better possibilities to combine responsibilities to family and work and that let to enter labor market easier, the poverty rate is also lower that way there are more jobs for women and women are allowed to participate in public affairs, accessibility and quality of education is better in Iraq compared to Afghanistan. Regarding cultural violence, the analyzed fertility rate and sharia law showed that women in Iraq are not so strongly limited to the gender roles of "mother "or "wife "compared to Afghanistan. It is important to mention that analyses discovered that political women participation is better in Afghanistan compared to Iraq and the situation of women organizations were similar. However, even with better political participation of women Afghanistan was lacking in other aspects and it was not enough in order to create a sustainable peace regarding women. It can be stated that in order to establish a sustainable or as Galtung calls it positive peace, women must be empowered in all aspects of life. The creation of sustainable peace and problems that it is facing are complex, therefore it calls for complex measures. There is still a lot of room for research regarding this field of study. The area of research is wide and different aspects of peacebuilding regarding women could be analyzed. The process of peacebuilding in Iraq and Afghanistan is also ever-changing therefore the later periods could be researched. Also women are not the only marginalized group in the analyzed societies so the same field of study could be analyzed from different perspectives.