Barış çalışmalarının geçmişten günümüze gelen süreçte bir takım değişiklikler sergilediği gözükmektedir. Bu değişiklikler, 21. Yüzyılın kendine özgü ekonomi politik yapısıyla değerlendirildiğinde sürdürülebilirlik kavramını gündeme getirmektedir. Barışın sürdürülebilir olma niteliği ise barış kavramının strateji ile olan ilişkisini ortaya çıkarmaktadır. Bu ilgileşim, barışın kurulma ve koruma aşamalarında stratejik davranışın sergilenmesi gerektiği sonucunu doğurmaktadır. ; It seems that peace studies have exhibit some changes between the past and present process. These changes put the term of sustainability to the center of the field when it evaluated with the economy politics structure of the 21st age. A sustainable attribution of the peace, reveals the relation with the term of peace with strategy. This correlation, results with the exhibition of the necessity of the strategic behavior in peace building and peace keeping processes.
Bu makalede, uluslararası ilişkiler kuramlarının barış kavramına yaklaşımları incelenmekte, kalıcı barışın tesisinin küresel yönetişim sistemi ile mümkün olduğu değerlendirilmektedir. İdealizm ve Liberalizm geleneğindeki teorik yaklaşımlar kalıcı barışın tesisinin belirli norm ve kuralların devlet düzeyinde ve devletlerarası seviyede yerleşmesine bağlı olduğunu öne sürmektedir. Realizm geleneğindeki teorisyenler uluslararası barışı güç ve çıkar kavramları temelinde ele almakta, ancak sınırlı ve izafi bir barışın gerçekleşebileceğini iddia etmektedir. Marksist çizgideki yapısalcı yaklaşımlar, sürdürülebilir barışın sağlanabilmesini dünyadaki cari kapitalist sistemin yeniden yapılandırılmasına bağlamaktadır. Postyapısalcı bakış açısı ve eleştirel kuram ise pozitivist teorilerin barış anlayışını sorgulasa da uygulanabilir bir barış önerisi geliştirememiştir. Bu çalışma, uluslararası ilişkiler teorilerinin kalıcı barış için sunduğu düzenlemelerin küresel düzeyde işleyebilen bir yönetişim sistemiyle gerçekleşebileceğini ileri sürmekte, etkin bir küresel yönetişimin dünya barışı için gerekli olduğunu savunmaktadır. ; This article analyzes the peace approaches of international relations theories and argues that lasting peace is possible through a functioning global governance system. Idealist and Liberalist traditions maintain that lasting peace can be achieved if certain norms and rules are established and consolidated at state and international levels. Realist theorists associate peace concept with power and interest and claim that an international peaceful order might be a reality only in limited periods and based on power and interests of some states. The Marxist approaches stipulate that the present capitalist world economy must be restructured for sustainable peace while Poststructuralist perspective and Critical Theory do not offer an applicable roadmap for lasting peace despite their critical stance on Positivist understanding of peace concept. This study asserts that for sustainable peace at world level a working and influential global governance system should be built and maintained in effect.
From a conceptual-theoretical as well as political perspective, this essay examines the interrelationships between the identity and foreign policy dimensions of Turkey's Kurdish question and makes policy recommendations. Recent domestic and regional developments present both opportunities and great risks for Turkey's social, political and territorial cohesion, peace and stability. In order to utilize the opportunities, Turkey needs to simultaneously achieve two goals. Domestically, it needs to successfully continue its present peace process and achieve genuine democratization. This process should culminate in a state of affairs whereby the complex social and political questions underlying the Kurdish question can be processed through the mechanisms of normal democratic politics and with the participation of legitimate Kurdish political actors. One crucial and insufficiently understood challenge the Turkish state and society have to manage during the peace process is the challenge of how to addressing the identity question, which is the formative basis of Turkey's Kurdish question. This question consists of two separate but interrelated needs. The first is to address the Kurdish need and demands for 'cultural-national' recognition. The second is to address the need for a common national identity encompassing all ethnic-cultural groups, and to acknowledge that many Turks identify with Turkishness as such a common identity, which, they feel, should shape the state's identity. These two challenges can only be met by introducing new and flexible categorizations to which people can feel belonging under different names. In foreign policy, Turkey should consolidate its improved relations with regional Kurds based on interdependence and its redline should be the emergence of a hostile Kurdish statehood in the region, not Kurdish self-rule per se. This, however, should be done without alienating Arabs by defending any particular status for Iraqi or Syrian Kurds. If Turkey fails in these endeavors, however, major destabilizing developments can occur whereby the identity and belonging perceptions of many Kurds as well as Turks can experience significant shifts.
BM savaş sonrası barışla yaşanan bir dünyayı gerçekleştirmek özlemiyle kurulmuştu. Örgütün kurulmasından sonra on yıllar içinde dünyadaki siyasi dengeler değişmiş, yeni güç odakları oluşmuş, uluslararası barış ve güvenliği tehdit eden devlet dışı unsurlar oluşmuştur. Ancak bütün bu gelişmeler BM sözleşmesine yansımamıştır. Bu sebeple bu yeni gelişmelere göre BM yapısının uyarlanması maksadıyla reform arayışları başlamıştır. Bu arayışlar özellikle uluslararası barış ve güvenliğin korunmasının ana sorumlusu olan Güvenlik Konseyin üzerine odaklanmıştır. Bu makalede Güvenlik Konseyinde Reform arayışları işlenmiştir. Konu önce Güvenlik Konseyinin mevcut yapısı, karar alma usulü ele alınarak incelenmiştir. Ardından Güvenlik Konseyinde neden reform yapmak gerektiği, reformun önünde hangi engellerin olduğu incelenmiştir. Daha sonra da yapılan reform önerileri ayrı ayrı ele alınmıştır. Makalenin sonunda da reform arayışları üzerine bir değerlendirme yapılmıştır. ; UN is established after the war with the hope of peace. After decades from the establishment of the organization, political balances has changed, new power roots emerged and besides these,non-state threats against international peace and security came into existence. However, all these changes are not reflected in the UN contract. Therefore, quest for reform has started in order to make adaptations to UN's structure according to these new events. These quests especially focus on Security Council which is the main responsible for the protection of peace and security. In this paper, quest for reform of Security Council is analyzed. First, the current structure of the Security Council is handled by discussing the order of decision making style of it. Then, the reason why Security Council needs to be reformed and handicaps of these reforms are studied. After that, all reform proposals handled one by one. At the end of the essay, an evaluation about reform seeking is made. After that, all reform proposals handled one by one. At the end of the essay, an evaluation about reform seeking is made and attention is drawn that if the aim is to prevent failure of United Nations' fulfilling its duty about assuring the world peace and safety and also to hinder abasement of this organization, a new settlement should be done about the reform of UN agreement.
BM, dünya barışının sağlanması maksadıyla gönüllü olarak bir araya gelmiş milletler topluluğudur. Barışın sağlanması için BM, öncelikle barışçıl yöntemlere başvurur, eğer bu mümkün olmazsa silahlı kuvvet kullanmak zorunda kalabilir. BM'nin silahlı güç kullanmak zorunda kaldığı yerlerden olan Kosova, Bosna-Hersek ve Afganistan'da Türkiye'nin katkılarının ne boyutta olduğu irdelenecektir. Bu katkıların genel çerçevede yeterli olduğu tezimizde açıklanacaktır. ; UN is the union of countries which has come together voluntarily for the purpose of the settlement of world peace. For the settlement of peace, UN applies principally peaceful solutions, if this is not possible, UN might be obliged to use armed forces. Turkey's contributions in Kosovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Afghanistan where UN has obliged to use armed forces will be examined. These contributions which are being sufficient in general framework will be explained in our thesis.
В статті наведені проблемні питання щодо організації несення служби з охорони громадського порядку з'єднаннями, частинами та підрозділами внутрішніх військ МВС України способом патрульних дільниць. ; В статье приведены проблемные вопросы относительно организации несения службы по охране общественного порядка соединениями, частями и подразделениями внутренних войск МВД Украины способом патрульных участков. ; In the article problem questions are resulted in relation to organization of execution of service on the guard of public peace by connections, military unit and by subdivisions of internal troops of MVD of Ukraine by the method of patrol areas.
У статті проаналізовано діяльність відомого правознавця, соціолога, суспільного діяча Максима Ковалевського щодо набуття Державною думою Росії повноважень визначати основи зовнішньої політики держави. З'ясовано його роль у підвищенні статусу Міжнародного парламентського союзу, в об'єднанні російських та європейських парламентарів у справі укріплення міжнародного миру та співробітництва. ; The article presents the analysis of the activity of the known legist, sociologist, social activist of Maksim M. Kovalevskiy in relation to acquisition by State Duma of Russia authority to determine the bases of foreign policy of the state. It is made clear his role in the rise of status of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, in the consolidation of the Russian and European members of parliament on affair of strengthening of international peace and cooperation.
Structural relations betweenUkraineand UN which is based on the mutual understanding and readiness for collaboration on questions of peace maintenance in the world problem regions, are considered in the article.UN peacekeeping activity is an important tool in the arsenal of resources for ensuring international stability and security. The primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security is assigned to UN Security Council. The essence of international peacekeeping activities strategy ofUkraineunder the UN control in the theoretical and methodological, political and social aspects are shown. Since its existence, the UN conduct International Peacekeeping Operations, Ukraine also participates in most peacekeeping operations under UN auspices and supports participation in the most states.Ukraine's interests as a founder of the United Nations, an active peacemaker, OSCE member is to find the optimal parameters of peacekeeping, where peacekeeping inUkraineis one of the main areas of preparation and application departments and units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. ; У статті розглянуто конструктивні відносини між Україною й ООН, які базуються на взаєморозумінні й готовності до співробітництва з питань підтримання миру в проблемних регіонах світу. Розкрито суть стратегії міжнародної миротворчої діяльності України під егідою ООН у теоретико-методологічному, політологічному й соціальному аспектах. Показано, що інтереси України як держави-засновниці ООН, активного миротворця, члена ОБСЄ полягають у пошуку оптимальних параметрів миротворчої діяльності, яка в Україні є одним з основних напрямів підготовки та застосування підрозділів і частин Збройних сил України.
У статті окреслено завдання інтернаціонального виховання, які були обумовлені тими суспільно-політичними умовами, що склалися в СРСР у 70−80-ті рр. ХХ ст. Робиться наголос на систематичному й комплексному підходах до організації інтернаціонального виховання піонерів, які забезпечувалися наявністю комплексної програми у вигляді Всесоюзного маршу піонерських загонів. Подано характеристику Всесоюзного маршу піонерських загонів (1970−1987 рр.). Виявлено завдання інтернаціонального виховання різних вікових груп піонерів на маршрутах «Мир і солідарність» (1970−1986 рр.) та «Піонери − патріоти-інтернаціоналісти» (1987 р.). Зроблено огляд піонерських справ інтернаціоналістського спрямування. ; The tasks of the international education are determined in the article. They were prearranged by the social-political conditions which arose in the USSR in 70−80-s years of the XXth century. It is accentuated that the pioneer organization helped to realize practically schoolchildren's all-round development and participated in the realization of the tasks of ideological and political, labour, moral, physical and aesthetic development of pupils. The pioneer organization used all specific means which were immanent in it. It was an integral part of the educational system in the socialist society. Comprehensive school couldn't organize the educational work with the pupils without the support of the pioneer organization. There wasn't any problem which was connected with its activity. Systematic and complex approaches to the organization of the international education of pioneers are accentuated in the article. It was provided with the complex program in the form of the All-Union march of pioneer detachments. The All-Union march of pioneer detachments (1970−1987) is characterized in the article. It started in 1970 and was dedicated to the 50th anniversary of the pioneer organization. The work on the March differentiated according to the age of children that secured their gradual and steady development. The program of the pioneer work manifested in the All-Union march of pioneer detachments enclosed the content of the pioneer work in different directions. It was a complex of the interconnected routes which included all basic directions of the content of the pioneer work. They were «My Motherland is the USSR», «To the Land of Knowledge», «Peace and solidarity», «Pioneerbuild», «To the Land of Beauty», «Strong, brave, quick», «Tymurivets», «Zirochka». The tasks of the international education of the pioneers were realized on the route «Peace and solidarity» which was a component of the All-Union campaign «The youth blames imperialism». They were to bring the pioneer up in the spirit of people's friendship and internationalism, to participate in the work of the clubs of international friendship and the weeks of solidarity, in actions which SIMEA held, to pay in the Fund of Peace etc. The tasks of the international education of the pioneers of different age groups are traced and pioneer internationalist affairs are shown in the article.
На основі узагальнення досвіду участі Збройних Сил України в міжнародних миротворчих операціях надаються підходи до оцінки ефективності та удосконалення функціонування оперативних центрів пунктів управління як елементів системи державного і військового управління. ; На основе обобщения опыта участия Вооруженных Сил Украины в международных миротворческих операциях предоставляются подходы к оценке эффективности и усовершенствования функционирования оперативных центров пунктов управления как элементам системы государственного и военного управления. ; Based on the experience of the Ukrainian Armed Forces participation in peace support operations the approaches are given to the assessment of effectiveness and improvement of functioning of command posts' operations centers as elements of state and military command and control system
Виходячи з особливостей несення служби по охороні громадського порядку визначено вимоги до способів несення служби, розглянуто існуючі та запропоновано нові способи несення служби патрулями під час проведення профілактичних відпрацювань, при посиленні служби та участі у забезпеченні масових заходів. ; Исходя из личного опыта несения службы по охране общественного порядка определены требования к способам несения службы, рассмотрено существующие и предложено новые способы несения службы патрулями во время проведения профилактических отработок, при усилении службы и участии в обеспечении массовых мероприятий. ; Coming from the personal experience of execution of service on the guard of public peace certain requirement to the methods of execution of service, existing is considered and the new methods of execution of serving as patrols are offered during conducting of the prophylactic workings off, at strengthening of service and participating in providing of mass measures.
Bu çalışmada, özellikle soğuk savaş sonrası, önemli bir konu olarak karşımıza çıkan yumuşak güç kavramının, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk'ün kurmuş olduğu Türkiye Cumhuriyeti?nin dış politikasının temelini oluşturan ?Yurtta Barış Dünyada Barış? doktriniyle aynı amaca hizmet ettiği savunulmuştur. Bunun dışında Türk dış politikasındaki yumuşak gücün kullanım alanları ve Türkiye?nin günümüzde yükselen değer olan Afrika kıtasındaki Yumuşak Güç olma potansiyeli incelenmektedir. Çalışma, Türkiye?nin Osmanlı?ya dayanan tarihi geçmişine de değinmiş ve bu geçmişin Türkiye?nin yumuşak güç kaynaklarının temelini oluşturduğunu savunmuştur. Buna bağlı olarak evrensel değerleri ve politikası sayesinde cazibesinin bulunduğu dikkati çekilmiş, bu cazibe sayesinde model ülke olarak takip edilebileceği vurgulanmıştır. 1990 lı yıllardan sonra tüm dünyada olduğu gibi Türk dış politikasında da değişimle beraber Afrika Kıtasına açılım ve bu açılımın etkileri değerlendirilmiştir. Türkiye?nin yumuşak güç stratejilerinden, düzen-kurucu rol, komşularla sıfır sorun politikası, kültürel etkileşim faaliyetleri ve ekonomik-insani yardımlarla dış politikaya ağırlık verilmesi Türkiye?nin yumuşak gücünü olumlu yönde etkilemiştir. Aynı zamanda çalışmada, Türkiye?nin Afrika Kıtası ülkeleri üzerindeki yumuşak gücünün şu ana kadar ki durumu incelenmiş ve bundan sonra geliştirmeye yönelik neler yapılması gerektiğine değinilmiştir. ; In this study, it is argued that the concept of soft power encountered as an important subject after the Cold War and ?Peace at home, peace in the world? doctrine, the basis for foreign policy of the Turkish Republic which was founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk serves the same purpose. Also, the use of soft power tools in Turkish foreign policy and its potential as becoming a Soft Power in Africa, considered as a rising value nowadays are researched. Turkey?s background dating back to Ottoman Empire is mentioned and it is argued that these antecedents form the source of Turkey?s soft power. Consequently, Turkey?s charm is pointed by means of universal values and policies and it is emphasized that Turkey can be followed as a model state. After 1990?s with the change in the foreign policy of Turkey ? like the changes all over the world- the expansion of Africa and the effects of that expansion are then reviewed. Focusing on the foreign policy with soft power strategies such as the role of being a promoter, zero problems with neighbours, acculturation, economic and humanitarian aids has affected Turkey?s soft power positively. In the study, the case of Turkey?s soft power in Africa so far is examined and what should be done to develop this power is as well expressed.
This study explores the historical evolution of the Levant region from the trade system to hydrocarbon geopolitics by using a longue duree approach one which evaluates the region's present situation in light of developments in oil and natural gas exploration production and export. The concepts of great power politics and balance of power frame the investigation of permanent and changing dimensions of hydrocarbon geopolitics. The first of the two hypotheses tested and verified in this study is that the geopolitics of the Levant maintains its historical importance for the global hegemon and for the international state system even though the central thrust of the Levant's geopolitics has been tranformed from trade to energy. The second hypothesis is that regional and global peace and stability increase when the geopolitics of the Levant is in the control of a hegemon. Instances of conflict increase and opportunities for cooperation decrease when the Levant's geopolitics slips from the grasp of a single hegemon as a result of shifts in the balance of power. Following a discussion of threats and opportunities for conflict and cooperation in the Levant region possible strategies for the regional actors are evaluated. Lastly the threats and opportunities that Turkey faces are situated within emergent trends in the energy geopolitics of the region.