Suchergebnisse

Atatürk problemlerin çözümünde daima barış yanlısı olmuştur. Barışı sadece ülkesi için değil, bütün dünya için istemiştir. Bu düşüncesini "Yurtta Barış, Dünya'da Barış" sözüyle ifade etmiştir. Atatürk, Milli Mücadele döneminde de barışın sağlanması için çalışmıştır. Bunu gerçekleştirmenin yolunun da işgalin sona erdirilmesi olduğunu belirtmiştir. Ancak İtilaf devletleri işgalden vazgeçmedikleri için Türk Milleti bağımsızlığını kazanmak amacıyla cephede mücadele etmek zorunda kalmıştır. Atatürk, zafer kazanıldıktan sonra da kalıcı bir barış antlaşmasının gerçekleşmesi için gayret göstermiştir. Bu gayretler sonucu imzalanan Lozan Antlaşması'ndan sonra da barışçı politikasını sürdürmüştür. Başta komşu devletler olmak üzere tüm devletlerle iyi ilişkilerde bulunmuş ve Balkan Paktı ile Sadabat Paktı'nın kurulmasına öncülük etmiştir. Dünyadaki bütün barışçı çalışmaları desteklemiş, savaşları önleme ve silahsızlanmaya yönelik çabaların tamamında yer almıştır. Türkiye'nin dünyada barışı sağlamak amacıyla kurulan Birleşmiş Milletler'e üye olmasına da katkıda bulunmuştur ; Atatürk has always been in favor of peace in solution of problems he encountered. He wanted the peace not only for his country but also for the entire world. He expressed this view as "Peace in home, peace on the world". He also tried to establish a peacefull environment during the National Struggle. He stated that the way to enable this was putting the enemy invasion to the end. But he had to war in order to gain independence for his country because the Allied Nations didn't give up invading it. Atatürk also made efforts to provide a permanent peace agreement following the victory. He sustained his peaceful policies after Lausenne Agreement signed by means of these efforts. He made good contacts with other countries, especially those surrounding Turkey and led to Balcan Agreement and Sadabat Agreement. He supported all peaceful efforts on the world and tried to prevent wars and took part in efforts to enable disarmament. He contributed to Turkey for it to be a member of United Nations founded to provide peace on the world.

Peace is conditioned by independence. This affirmation has its origin in Church's teaching. The independence of states is based on the subjective nature of nations and ultimately on the right to freedom enjoyed by all citizens. The development of political communities which is built upon the subjectivity their members can be achieved when the normative moral order is observed, most importantly the personal responsibility. The independence of nations fosters the international peace, especially taking into account the two state constituting factors: nation and power. The first one, namely the nation, shapes the spiritual element of the state. In order to promote the peace in the world, we must respect the national rights that include the right to recognition, sovereignty, autonomy, national culture and language as well as the integrated growth. The latter one, the power, is a necessary condition for the political communities to function and strive towards the common good. The political power which observes the normative moral order gives incentives and support for the citizens to progress and to introduce the principle of solidarity on the global scale. Therefore, it can be concluded that the national independence stimulates the peace on the national as well as the international level. ; Niepodległość jest warunkiem pokoju. Owa zasada ma swoje źródło w dokumentach nauczania społecznego Kościoła. Niepodległość poszczególnych państw jest ukonstytuowana na podmiotowości narodów, a ostatecznie – na prawie do wolności poszczególnych obywateli. Rozwój wspólnot politycznych, oparty na podmiotowości obywateli, jest możliwy przy zachowaniu obiektywnego porządku moralnego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem odpowiedzialności. Niepodległość warunkuje pokój w świecie, szczególnie w zakresie dwóch elementów składowych państwa: narodu i władzy. Naród w zasadniczym stopniu określa pierwiastek duchowy państwa. Zagwarantowanie pokoju w świecie jest nieodzownie związane z respektowaniem praw narodu, pośród których wymienia się następujące: prawo do istnienia narodu, prawo do samostanowienia i niepodległości, prawo do własnej kultury i języka oraz prawo do integralnego rozwoju. Drugim z elementów składowych niepodległych państw – wpływających na pokój – jest władza. W nauczaniu społecznym Kościoła wskazuje się na nieodzowność władzy w funkcjonowaniu wspólnot, skoncentrowanych na urzeczywistnianiu zasady dobra wspólnego. Władza, aprobująca obiektywny porządek moralny, inicjuje i zachęca obywateli do rozwoju, by na coraz większą skalę była urzeczywistniana solidarność w świecie. Niepodległość państw stymuluje więc pokój zarówno w wymiarze pojedynczych państw, jak też w ramach stosunków globalnych.

Niepodległość jest warunkiem pokoju. Owa zasada ma swoje źródło w dokumentach nauczania społecznego Kościoła. Niepodległość poszczególnych państw jest ukonstytuowana na podmiotowości narodów, a ostatecznie – na prawie do wolności poszczególnych obywateli. Rozwój wspólnot politycznych, oparty na podmiotowości obywateli, jest możliwy przy zachowaniu obiektywnego porządku moralnego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem odpowiedzialności. Niepodległość warunkuje pokój w świecie, szczególnie w zakresie dwóch elementów składowych państwa: narodu i władzy. Naród w zasadniczym stopniu określa pierwiastek duchowy państwa. Zagwarantowanie pokoju w świecie jest nieodzownie związane z respektowaniem praw narodu, pośród których wymienia się następujące: prawo do istnienia narodu, prawo do samostanowienia i niepodległości, prawo do własnej kultury i języka oraz prawo do integralnego rozwoju. Drugim z elementów składowych niepodległych państw – wpływających na pokój – jest władza. W nauczaniu społecznym Kościoła wskazuje się na nieodzowność władzy w funkcjonowaniu wspólnot, skoncentrowanych na urzeczywistnianiu zasady dobra wspólnego. Władza, aprobująca obiektywny porządek moralny, inicjuje i zachęca obywateli do rozwoju, by na coraz większą skalę była urzeczywistniana solidarność w świecie. Niepodległość państw stymuluje więc pokój zarówno w wymiarze pojedynczych państw, jak też w ramach stosunków globalnych. ; Peace is conditioned by independence. This affirmation has its origin in Church's teaching. The independence of states is based on the subjective nature of nations and ultimately on the right to freedom enjoyed by all citizens. The development of political communities which is built upon the subjectivity their members can be achieved when the normative moral order is observed, most importantly the personal responsibility. The independence of nations fosters the international peace, especially taking into account the two state constituting factors: nation and power. The first one, namely the nation, shapes the spiritual element of the state. In order to promote the peace in the world, we must respect the national rights that include the right to recognition, sovereignty, autonomy, national culture and language as well as the integrated growth. The latter one, the power, is a necessary condition for the political communities to function and strive towards the common good. The political power which observes the normative moral order gives incentives and support for the citizens to progress and to introduce the principle of solidarity on the global scale. Therefore, it can be concluded that the national independence stimulates the peace on the national as well as the international level.

II. Dünya Savaşı'nın ardından kurulan Birleşmiş Milletlerde, savaşın galibi beş devletin daimî üye olarak yer aldığı Güvenlik Konseyi oldukça güçlü ve geniş yetkiler- le donatılmış, buna mukabil tüm üye devletlerin eşit bir şekilde temsil edildiği Genel Kurul bir müzakere organı olarak şekillendirilmiştir. Ancak Güvenlik Konseyinin be- lirleyici ve hükmedici bir konuma sahip kılındığı bu sistemin, temel amaç olan ulus- lararası barış ve güvenliğin sağlanması açısından başarısız olduğu ortaya çıkmıştır. Özellikle daimî üyelerin Birleşmiş Milletler Andlaşması ile kendilerine tanınan veto yetkilerini sıkça kullanmaları sebebiyle, Güvenlik Konseyinden karar almak neredey- se imkânsız hâle gelmiştir. Uluslararası barış ve güvenliği tehdit eden veya ihlâl eden olaylar karşısında Güvenlik Konseyinin etkin bir şekilde harekete geçememesi, Gü- venlik Konseyi özelinde Birleşmiş Milletleri haklı eleştirilerin hedefi haline getirmek- tedir. Birleşmiş Milletler sisteminin yaşanan bu tür sorunlar ve günümüz ihtiyaçları doğrultusunda yeniden şekillendirilmesi yönündeki çabaların sonuç vermediği dikkate alındığında, daimî üyelerin sahip oldukları veto yetkilerini kötüye kullanmaları karşı- sında, Genel Kurulun 1950 tarihli Barış İçin Birlik Kararı kapsamında harekete geç- mesinin en uygun ve elverişli seçenek olduğu görülmektedir. ; The Security Council, being one of the main bodies of the United Nations es- tablished after the Second World War, is composed of five permanent members and empowered with large and strong powers, in contrast with General Assembly desig- ned just as negotiation organ although all member states are represented only in this body. However, it is obvious that the Security Council dominant UN system aiming international peace and security has not been successful. Especially due to frequent use of veto power by permanent members has blocked decision making. The inability and immobility of Security Council against the actions creating threats to international peace and security has made the UN system a target of rightful criticism. Taking into consideration these problems and futile reform efforts for restructuring the UN sys- tem, the most appropriate and convenient option to prevent abuses of veto powers by permanent members is to act according to Uniting for Peace Resolution of the General Assembly dated 1950.

Peace has all the characteristics of pure public goods, such as non-excludability and non-rivalry. While peace in national level is a public good, peace in international level is a global public good which should be financed accordingly. In this study, first, characteristics of peace as a global public good is investigated, then, how peace operations are financed in United Nations (UN) is examined. Although, there have been significant improvements on financing structure of UN peace operations, it is still not very efficient and the current level of funding for UN peace operations is inadequate. There is also a need for an effective sanction for late payment of peacekeeping assessments. In the literature, there have been many new ideas to finance peace operations more effectively, ranging from insurance approach (countries get insurance from UN) to applying some kind of arm trade tax on countries. Suggestions to improve financing peacekeeping operations as global public goods are also discussed in this study.

Peace has all the characteristics of pure public goods, such as non-excludability and non-rivalry. While peace in national level is a public good, peace in international level is a global public good which should be financed accordingly. In this study, first, characteristics of peace as a global public good is investigated, then, how peace operations are financed in United Nations (UN) is examined. Although, there have been significant improvements on financing structure of UN peace operations, it is still not very efficient and the current level of funding for UN peace operations is inadequate. There is also a need for an effective sanction for late payment of peacekeeping assessments. In the literature, there have been many new ideas to finance peace operations more effectively, ranging from insurance approach (countries get insurance from UN) to applying some kind of arm trade tax on countries. Suggestions to improve financing peacekeeping operations as global public goods are also discussed in this study.

Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ wydała na przestrzeni ostatnich piętnastu lat kilka rezolucji dotyczących roli kobiet w zapobieganiu konfliktom oraz budowaniu pokoju. Pierwszą i przełomową była rezolucja 1325 (2000), w której podkreślono istotne znaczenie równego i pełnego uczestnictwa kobiet w zapobieganiu i rozwiązywaniu konfliktów, budowaniu i utrzymaniu pokoju. Udział kobiet w negocjacjach pokojowych czy szerzej działaniach na rzecz pokoju i bezpieczeństwa jest istotny m.in. dlatego, że istnieje o 35% większa szansa, że porozumienia pokojowe wynegocjowane z udziałem kobiet potrwają co najmniej 15 lat. Artykuł skupia się na instrumentach Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ w zakresie zapewnienia większego udziału kobiet w utrzymaniu pokoju i bezpieczeństwa oraz rezultatach wdrażania tych instrumentów. ; The UN Security Council issued several resolutions over the last fifteen years regarding the role of women in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. Resolution 1325 (2000) came first and marked a watershed stressing the importance of equal and full participation of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and building and maintaining peace. The participation of women in peace negotiations or broader activities for peace and security is important, among other things, because there is a 35% greater chance that peace agreements negotiated by women will last at least 15 years. The article focuses on the UN Security Council instruments to ensure greater participation of women in maintaining peace and security and the results of mplementing these instruments.

Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ wydała na przestrzeni ostatnich piętnastu lat kilka rezolucji dotyczących roli kobiet w zapobieganiu konfliktom oraz budowaniu pokoju. Pierwszą i przełomową była rezolucja 1325 (2000), w której podkreślono istotne znaczenie równego i pełnego uczestnictwa kobiet w zapobieganiu i rozwiązywaniu konfliktów, budowaniu i utrzymaniu pokoju. Udział kobiet w negocjacjach pokojowych czy szerzej działaniach na rzecz pokoju i bezpieczeństwa jest istotny m.in. dlatego, że istnieje o 35% większa szansa, że porozumienia pokojowe wynegocjowane z udziałem kobiet potrwają co najmniej 15 lat. Artykuł skupia się na instrumentach Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ w zakresie zapewnienia większego udziału kobiet w utrzymaniu pokoju i bezpieczeństwa oraz rezultatach wdrażania tych instrumentów. ; The UN Security Council issued several resolutions over the last fifteen years regarding the role of women in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. Resolution 1325 (2000) came first and marked a watershed stressing the importance of equal and full participation of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and building and maintaining peace. The participation of women in peace negotiations or broader ac-tivities for peace and security is important, among other things, because there is a 35% greater chance that peace agreements negotiated by women will last at least 15 years. The article focuses on the UN Security Council instruments to ensure greater partici-pation of women in maintaining peace and security and the results of implementing these instruments.

Url: http://sutad.selcuk.edu.tr/sutad/article/view/273 ; Atatürk, karizmatik bir liderdir. Bu sebeple, O pek çok reformu herkese kabul ettirebilmiştir. Bunun sonucunda da Türkiye Cumhuriyetinin toplumsal ve kültürel kurumları yerleşmiştir. Atatürk, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin karşısındaki bütün bölücü akımları engellemek için üniter ve laik devlet yapısını kabul etmiştir. Aynı zamanda dış politika ile ilgili dengeli ve barışsever yapılı bir politikayı benimsemiştir. O, bu konuda günümüz politikacılarına güzel bir örnektir. ; Ataturk is a charismatic leader. For that reason he has had a lot of reforms accepted everybody. Consequently, the social and cultural institutions of Turkish Republic has settle down. Ataturk has admitted the structure of unitier and seculer state to prevent all of the trend of dividing against Turkish republic. Ataturk has also appropriated a policy that has equilibrium and the structure of peacable about foreign politics. He is a good model of this subject for today's politicians.

There are two passages in the Book of Revelation where the author evokes the subject of peace (Rev 1:4; 6:4) and, through analysis, we can detect semantic connections between them. God is presented as the source and owner of peace, offering it to human beings (Rev 1:4). Then again, God also allows the second horseman, after the breaking of the seal, to take peace from the earth (Rev 6:4). The union between peace and love/mercy is dependent upon receiving charis from God (Rev 6:4), the result being peace in the world and in the human heart. It implies the need to love one another, with the lack of it leading to hostility (Rev 6:4). The author strengthened that reflection by a series of sensory depictions of peace, in Rev 7:15b-17 and Rev 21:1–22:5, where peace is manifested as an internal experience. On a personal level, the emphasis lies on the value of an individual's decision to turn to God and thus receive the blessings of peace. ; Autor natchniony Apokalipsy św. Jana dwukrotnie przywołuje pojęcie pokoju – w Ap 1,4 i 6,4. Analiza ukazuje istniejące między tymi fragmentami powiązania semantyczne. Bóg zostaje przedstawiony jako posiadający i oferujący pokój człowiekowi, jak również dopuszczający usunięcie go z ziemi. Powiązanie pokoju z miłością uzależnia jego posiadanie od przyjęcia Bożej charis (Ap 1,4), a zarazem lokując go na pozycji owocu takiej relacji wskazuje, że tam, gdzie nie ma pokoju nie będzie też miłości ofiarowywanej drugiemu człowiekowi, a jedynie wrogość (Ap 6,4). Autor natchniony wzmacnia przekonanie dotyczące wagi pokoju wprowadzając obrazy Ap 7,15b-17; Ap 21,1-22,5, które swoją sensorycznością kreują w odbiorcy doświadczenie. Personalizm odniesień podkreśla wagę ludzkiej decyzji w przyjęciu/podjęciu/zwróceniu się do Boga o ten dar.

Bu çalışmada 1960'lardan sonra değişim gösteren toplumsal hareketler literatürü ve özellikle 11 Eylül 2001 saldırılarından sonra boyut değiştiren barış aktivizmi bağlamında Doğu Konferansı adlı oluşumun barış aktivizmi yapan bir toplumsal hareket olarak değerlendirilmesinin ne ölçüde mümkün olduğu araştırılacaktır. Bu bağlamda Doğu Konferansı oluşumunun içerisinde yer almış ve aktif olarak faaliyetlere katılmış olan kişilerle yapılan derinlemesine mülakatlar ve oluşumun yapmış olduğu yayınlar ile basına ve kamuoyuna yansımış metinler derlenen veriler kullanılacaktır. Bu veriler öncelikle 1960 sonrası toplumsal hareketler literatüründe bu fenomeni acıkmaya çalışan dört temel yaklaşım olan kolektif davranış yaklaşımı, kaynak mobilizasyonu teorisi, siyasi süreç yaklaşımı ve yeni toplumsal hareketler yaklaşımı bağlamında incelenecektir. Ardından Johan Galtung'un pozitif ve negatif barış kavramları üzerinden değerlendirilen veriler ışığında, Doğu Konferansı oluşumunu barış aktivizmi yapan bir toplumsal hareket olarak tanımlamanın ne derece mümkün olduğu değerlendirilecektir. ; In this study, it will be investigated to what extent it is possible to evaluate the Eastern Conference as a peace activist social movement in the context of the social movements literature that changed after the 1960s and especially the peace activism that changed dimensions after the September 11, 2001 attacks. In this context, data compiled from in-depth interviews with people who took part in the formation of the Eastern Conference and actively participated in the activities, and from the publications made by the Conference, as well as texts that were collected from the press, will be used. These data will be examined primarily in the context of the collective behavior perspective, resource mobilization theory, political process perspective and new social movements approach, which are the four main approaches that try to explain this phenomenon in the post-1960 social movements literature. Then, in the light of the data analyzed with the positive and negative peace concepts of Johan Galtung, it will be evaluated to what extent it is possible to define the Eastern Conference as a social movement engaged in peace activism.