Suchergebnisse

J. Galtung's redefinition of the concept of peace is a classic example of an attempt to reorient a discipline by coining a new term; but it should not be the pleasant connotation of the term 'positive peace', but its usefulness in studying factual violence, which should be decisive in determining the merits of the new definition. Three objections to Galtung's definition are raised: (1) It is quite ineffective to criticize the 'minimal' definition of violence, which is meant to refer to observable phenomena, by counterproposing a theoretical construct. Galtung's definition of violence, which, apart from 'direct' violence, includes also 'structural' violence, needs prior operationalization before it can be used in empirical research. (2) Although Galtung's use of the term 'structural violence' suggests otherwise, any indication of the social units to which the 'actual' & 'potential realizations' in his definition of violence refer, is lacking. Most of Galtung's examples are at the individual level. Social interdependencies (eg, those resulting from the DofL) necessitate the introduction of properties of the SE order in Galtung's terminology & require that he make explicit how 'the best attainable realizations' (as the most likely interpretation of 'potential realizations') can be incorporated in his thinking. (3) In drawing a distinction between 'personal violence' & 'structural violence', Galtung mistakes a distinction between theoretical alternatives in the study of violence (ie, the Clausewitzian approach vs the causal-empirical approach) for a distinction between kinds of violent relationships. In emphasizing that the causes of war should also be searched for in periods of peace, Q. Wright has shown that 'positive peace' cannot be considered as an alternative for 'negative peace'. Nevertheless, Galtung's use of the term has induced serious disagreement among peace researchers about the most desirable research strategy in their discipline. 'Critical' peace researchers (Galtung not included) tend to rely on ideological testimony instead of empirical proof for the causes of violence. Research into those causes, including the relationship between social injustice & violence, is regarded a more fruitful approach. 6 Tables. Modified HA.

PO surveys from 1979 to 1981 are analyzed to assess changing Dutch attitudes on foreign & defense policies & the influence of pressure group activism, particularly that of the peace movement. Despite difficulties in data interpretation, findings indicate a greater change in intensity than in content of such attitudes; while there is quasi-unanimity to maintain NATO membership & balance of power, the majority of Rs want no new nuclear arms probably due to the peace movement, & wish to remove existing ones from Dutch territory & cease nuclear activity in the Dutch armed forces. Potential political gains by parties espousing these goals, particularly the Dutch Labor Party, are predicted. Contradictions in the available data are noted, however, & the necessity of more detailed research is emphasized. 35 Tables. Modified HA.

An overview of Belgian policy making & implementation targeting countries of the African continent through either bilateral agreements or cooperation in projects launched by international organizations. Belgian African policy is placed in the larger geopolitical context, discussing the legacy of the Cold War, the country's historical ties with the Central African region (Zaire, Burundi, & Rwanda), & current structures & institutions available in the European Union & on the international arena (eg, the World Bank) within which the Belgian government can become effective either bilaterally or multilaterally in this part of Africa. The modernization of the ways & means through which developmental aid is dispensed in Africa is examined, considering Belgian & international initiatives & making comparisons to the traditional foci in Belgium's African policy. Five areas on which the current Belgian government concentrates on Central Africa are identified: (1) humanitarian assistance, (2) support for groups & initiatives targeting a peaceful resolution of conflicts & the enhancement of human rights in this part of the globe, (3) work on the demobilization & reintegration of former military units & ex-soldiers, (4) mobilization of donors & organizations willing to assist in securing peace in Burundi & eastern Congo (Zaire), & (5) actions on behalf of strengthening African "ownership" & diplomatic involvement in local peace initiatives. Z. Dubiel

The article provides reflexive analysis of the key factors of the cessation of armed conflict in the East of Ukraine and the return of the temporarily occupied regions of Donetsk to Lugansk oblasts under the authority and jurisdiction of our sovereign state.
As the oldest works on war and peace (Sun Tzu) are known, the longer the armed struggle is, the more difficult it ends with a just world, therefore, a wide range of approaches are usually proposed for resolving the armed conflict in the Donbass: from a compromise with the aggressor to victorious plans and strategies for a military solution to the liberation of captured territories. In the pre-election period, Ukrainian political parties, without theoretical justification, propose such populist approaches to solving difficult military-political problems. Our approach is based on the identification of the causes and consequences of the occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the ORD and LO, the importance of adhering to the principles of international law, humanism and progress in the conduct of state policy, recognition of the factors of the key - activity factor of the peacemaking of multinational forces whose phenomenon is not explicated, theoretically unclear as to the peculiarities of the socio-political and humanitarian situation in the Donbass. Peacekeeping as a relatively new international legal and humanitarian phenomenon is attributed to the peaceful measures of the world community, which, according to the UN Charter, is taking "other measures" for the restoration of peace and the prevention of humanitarian catastrophes. His controversial nature follows from the fact that, on the one hand, the United Nations does not interpret its Statute, as "the right to intervene in cases that are essentially within the competence of any state, and on the other hand, it must take all measures for the establishment and preservation of peace.
He peculiarity of the use of multinational peacekeeping forces in the East of Ukraine is its work on the basis of the UN Charter, the synthesis of humanitarian, political, social missions, military and civilian control over the humanitarian situation, which could lead to disaster.

The political arithmetic of Sir William Petty is explored as a method of investigation, in relation to his political & economic ideas. Elements of the relevant cultural background are exposed. Petty's ideas are shown to exhibit a remarkable degree of interconnectedness: political institutions, economic behavior, & demographic developments are interrelated & influence each other in producing "peace & plenty" for the country. Petty's investigation into the central concept of 'plenty' is an example of the method of political arithmetic; he attempted to express man in terms of number, weight, or measure. Modified HA.

In the present article the author starts off with a discussion of the Barcelona process and the main reason for its failure: namely the fragility of the Oslo peace process. The second topic focuses on the genesis of the Union for the Mediterranean of July 2008 as a follow-up of the Euromediterranean Partnership dated 1995, and its relevance for both its North African and European shores. Included are the institutional and procedural structures, and an analysis of the place conflict resolution holds within the Union for the Mediterranean, the latter illustrated by the recent Gaza War. O. van Zijl

It is often argued that new social movements, in contrast to earlier ones such as the Wc movement, should be analyzed primarily in terms of value change rather than of structural characteristics of movement participants. The influence of three major value types associated with new social movements -- postmaterialism, individualism & hedonism, & antimodernism -- on the Dutch peace movement is examined through research findings. Individualism & hedonism are unrelated or negatively related, & antimodernism is only weakly related, to the individual potential for new social movements; only postmaterialism is strongly related to it. Postmaterialism is itself primarily related to structural variables such as SC position & integration into institutions such as the Church & the private sector of the economy that reproduce existing social conditions. These findings call the current emphasis on values change into question. 4 Tables, 21 References. Modified HA

The territorial integrity of Ukraine and peace on its lands, preservation of state sovereignty are the main tasks of the Ukrainian government, society, and all Ukrainians. As for as today the real threats from the Russian Federation remain, the Kremlin's aggressive policy in the hybrid war against our state is aimed at returning Ukraine to the sphere of Russia's influence. For doing this the Russian Federation is using methods that destabilize the internal situation in Ukraine, first of all, it depletes the Ukrainian economy, uses a powerful propaganda arsenal to distort Ukrainian national values and national culture, and misleads the allies of the Ukrainian state. A large-scale propaganda campaign against our country in certain areas of the Ukrainian state made it possible to perceive events in Ukraine through the prism of the views of politicians, scientists and artists of the Russian Federation. In such a situation, it is possible to confront Russian aggression only by using a complex of military, political, economic, informational and socio-humanitarian actions. In these conditions, culture and art are becoming an important means of solving complex social conflicts. Modern technological development has created a wide field for cultural and artistic influences, which has the opportunity to play a stabilizing role in the state. The through the influence on social consciousness can achieve important results in creating of certain ideas, values, spiritual needs as well as stereotypes and patriotic ideals. Such special way of influence on social conscious is art. The art represents significant and value dimension of the national being of the Ukrainians, gives a vision of historical being of the Ukrainian national, reflects spiritual links between a personality and the national, spiritual unity and succession of generation; both imaginative-symbolic and significant attributes of the national values and ideals are characteristic of it. Therefore, the question of restoration of peace, consolidation of Ukrainians, de-occupation of Ukrainian territories is considered in the context of conducting various cultural state measures, in particular artistic ones. That is why such purposeful usage of art in modern conditions the can be a powerful factor of consolidation of Ukrainians.

In his speech at the conference "Buitenlandse politiek in Belgie" (The Foreign Policy in Belgium), organized by the U of Ghent & the Catholic U of Louvain & held in Ghent, 27 March 2002, the country's foreign minister outlines the principles governing the foreign policies of the current government led by prime minister Guy Verhofstadt since the summer of 1999. He stresses the importance of vision, trust, & morality in Belgian foreign policy & mentions his country's unblemished stand on human rights, unwavering championship of the European Union (EU), & efforts to construct durable peace in Central Africa. The effectiveness of multilateral & bilateral approaches is pointed out. The active position of the EU, under its Belgian chairmanship, in addressing issues pertaining to the Balkan & Middle East conflicts is noted. The new challenges posed by the events of September 11 & the future enlargement of the EU with states from Central & Southern Europe are recognized. Z. Dubiel

Noting the inequality in wealth distribution between the haves & have nots in the world today & recognizing the possibility that poverty may become a threat to world peace, Flemish foreign policies, promulgated within the Belgian federation, are outlined. It is noted that, although perceived by many as largely symbolic, the foreign policy actions carried out by the government of Flanders deliver tangible benefits in many regions of the globe & have a profound impact on the formulation & promulgation of foreign policy on the federal level. Several of such initiatives conducted in cooperation with the World Health Organization & UNESCO & targeting third world countries are listed. Recognizing the tragedy of September 11, it is argued that Europe should show solidarity & support to a country which supported the continent when it needed help. However, Europe should also work on preventing any overreaction by the American government in its retaliation. The recent foreign policy initiatives of the federal government, with Louis Michel as its foreign minister, are both appreciated & supported. Z. Dubiel