Suchergebnisse

Penelitian ini untuk mendeskripsikan tentang proses penanaman nilai-nilai moral melalui kegiatan bercerita di RA Plus Darussalam Bojonegoro, meliputi: (1) nilai-nilai moral yang ditanamkan; (2) pelaksanaan; (3) faktor penghambat dan faktor pendukung. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan jenis studi kasus. Subjek penelitian ini terdiri dari kepala sekolah, guru, dan anak. Pengumpulan data dengan observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian adalah (1) nilai-nilai moral yang ditanamkan religius, kejujuran, toleransi, disiplin, kerja keras, kreatifitas, kemandirian, demokratis, rasa ingin tahu, bersahabat/ komunikatif, cinta damai, gemar membaca, peduli lingkungan, peduli sosial, dan tanggung jawab; (2) proses terdiri dari (a) adanya perencanaan sebelum kegiatan bercerita yang tertuang dalam bentuk RPPM dan RPPH; (b) media yang digunakan buku pilar, buku cerita, boneka tangan, menggambar menggunakan spidol, dan video; (c) evaluasi yang digunakan penilaian formatif yaitu observasi (pengamatan), percakapan, dan unjuk kerja; (d) hasilnya adalah pengetahuan anak menjadi lebih luas, anak bisa membedakan baik buruk, anak menceritakan kembali isi cerita, perilaku anak setelah dibacakan cerita menjadi baik mencontoh dari cerita yang sebelumnya disampaikan guru; (3) faktor penghambat yaitu keras lemahnya dan tinggi nada suara saat guru bercerita belum terlihat, kekayaan bahasa yang dimiliki guru masih kurang, adanya dua kelas yang dijadikan satu; (4) faktor pendukungyaitu anak mendapatkan cerita dari rumah, guru diberikan berbagai macam pelatihan termasuk pelatihan mendongeng, tersedianya berbagai macam buku cerita, perilaku guru menjadi teladan yang baik bagi anak.Kata kunci: moral, bercerita, anak usia dini CULTIVATING MORAL VALUES THROUGH STORYTELLING ACTIVITYAbstractThis study aimed to describe the cultivation of moral values through storytelling in RA Plus Darussalam Bojonegoro, including: (1) the moral values inculcated; (2) implementation; (3) inhibiting factors and supporting factors.This research is a qualitative case study. The subjects of this study consisted of principals, teachers, and children. The collection of data is through observation, interviews, and documentation.The results of research moral values inculcated (1) religious, honesty, tolerance, discipline, hard work, creativity, independence, democratic, curiosity, respect for the achievements, friendly/communicative, love peace, likes to read, care for the environment, social care, responsibility; (2)the process consists of (a) there is availability of planning before telling a story in the forms of RPPM and RPPH; (b) the implementation tells the media used there are five kindspillars book, story books, puppets, drawing using markers, and video; (c) evaluation used is formative assessment, that is observation, conversation, and performance;(d)The result of the planting of moral values through the activity of storytelling is the knowledge of the child becomes more widespread, the child differentiate good bad, the children recount the contents of the story, the child's behavior after being read the story to be well modeled from the previous story submitted by the teacher;(3) inhibiting factors include loud weakness and high tone of voice when the teacher told the story has not been seen, the richness of the language owned by the teacher is still lacking and just reading the book only; the existence of two classes that are combined into one; (4) the supporting factorschildren get stories from home, the teachers have been given a wide range of training including training of storytelling, the availability of various story books; (d) the behavior of the teachers in being a good example for the children.Keywords: moral, storytelling, early childhood

Specific features, connected with the influence of past conflict, characterize economic situation in the post-conflict area. It is these features that make it possible to characterize post-conflict management as a separate political and legal category. These specificities should determine the activities of actors to achieve the goal of post-conflict policy.The article defines the characteristics of post-conflict social relations, examines the problems of the functioning of the post-conflict economy, and presents concrete management practices – examples from various post-conflict countries of the world – that solve these problems. The economic recovery of post-conflict areas is considered from the point of view of the psychological state and needs of individuals living in such territories. It is revealed that decisions and actions in the economic policy oriented on the individual can contribute to the achievement of reconciliation in society and prevent return to the state of conflict because of the formation of conditions that will make peace more economically profitable for different segments of the population. The informal institutions that are an integral part of the post-conflict economy are described, and the decisions and actions are showed that make it possible to level the influence of such institutes on social relations through various forms of motivating the population to transfer their activities to the legal plane. Management practices are presented that can create further prerequisites for the sustainable development of post-conflict areas, taking into account the phenomenon of "post-conflict growth" of individuals.The description of the risks that may arise before the actors of the political process is given, and the possible ways of overcoming them are described. International technical assistance is considered as an important tool for the recovery of the post-conflict economy. The advantages and disadvantages of processes related to obtaining international technical assistance are analyzed, in particular, the risk of donors' interventions in management processes. Models are proposed for preventing such an interventions. ; Стан економіки на постконфліктній території характеризується специфічними ознаками, обумовленими впливом минулого конфлікту. Саме ці ознаки дають змогу характеризувати управління постконфліктною територією як окрему політико-правову категорію. Вказана специфіка має обумовлювати діяльність акторів для досягнення мети постконфліктної політики.У статті визначаються характеристики постконфліктних суспільних відносин, досліджуються проблеми функціонування постконфліктної економіки та наводяться конкретні управлінські практики – приклади з різних постконфліктних країн світу, – які вирішують ці проблеми. Відновлення економіки постконфліктних територій розглянуто з позиції психологічного стану та потреб індивідів, які проживають на таких територіях. Виявлено, що рішення та дії в економічній політиці, орієнтовані на індивіда, можуть сприяти досягненню примирення в суспільстві та запобігти поверненню до стану конфлікту внаслідок формування умов, які зроблять стан миру економічно вигідним для різних верств населення. Охарактеризовані неформальні інститути, які є невід'ємною частиною постконфліктної економіки, та описані рішення і дії, які дають змогу нівелювати вплив таких інститутів на суспільні відносини через різні форми спонукання населення до переведення своєї діяльності у легальну площину. Наведені управлінські практики, які можуть створити подальші передумови для сталого розвитку постконфліктних територій з урахуванням феномену «постконфліктного зростання» індивідів.Надано характеристику ризикам, які можуть виникати перед акторами політичного процесу, та описано можливі шляхи їх подолання. Розглянуто міжнародну технічну допомогу як важливий інструмент для відновлення постконфліктної економіки. Проаналізовано переваги та недоліки процесів, пов'язаних із отриманням міжнародної технічної допомоги, зокрема, ризик втручання донорів, які надають допомогу, в процеси управління. Запропоновано моделі для запобігання такому вручанню.

Specific features, connected with the influence of past conflict, characterize economic situation in the post-conflict area. It is these features that make it possible to characterize post-conflict management as a separate political and legal category. These specificities should determine the activities of actors to achieve the goal of post-conflict policy.The article defines the characteristics of post-conflict social relations, examines the problems of the functioning of the post-conflict economy, and presents concrete management practices – examples from various post-conflict countries of the world – that solve these problems. The economic recovery of post-conflict areas is considered from the point of view of the psychological state and needs of individuals living in such territories. It is revealed that decisions and actions in the economic policy oriented on the individual can contribute to the achievement of reconciliation in society and prevent return to the state of conflict because of the formation of conditions that will make peace more economically profitable for different segments of the population. The informal institutions that are an integral part of the post-conflict economy are described, and the decisions and actions are showed that make it possible to level the influence of such institutes on social relations through various forms of motivating the population to transfer their activities to the legal plane. Management practices are presented that can create further prerequisites for the sustainable development of post-conflict areas, taking into account the phenomenon of "post-conflict growth" of individuals.The description of the risks that may arise before the actors of the political process is given, and the possible ways of overcoming them are described. International technical assistance is considered as an important tool for the recovery of the post-conflict economy. The advantages and disadvantages of processes related to obtaining international technical assistance are analyzed, in particular, the risk of donors' interventions in management processes. Models are proposed for preventing such an interventions. ; Стан економіки на постконфліктній території характеризується специфічними ознаками, обумовленими впливом минулого конфлікту. Саме ці ознаки дають змогу характеризувати управління постконфліктною територією як окрему політико-правову категорію. Вказана специфіка має обумовлювати діяльність акторів для досягнення мети постконфліктної політики.У статті визначаються характеристики постконфліктних суспільних відносин, досліджуються проблеми функціонування постконфліктної економіки та наводяться конкретні управлінські практики – приклади з різних постконфліктних країн світу, – які вирішують ці проблеми. Відновлення економіки постконфліктних територій розглянуто з позиції психологічного стану та потреб індивідів, які проживають на таких територіях. Виявлено, що рішення та дії в економічній політиці, орієнтовані на індивіда, можуть сприяти досягненню примирення в суспільстві та запобігти поверненню до стану конфлікту внаслідок формування умов, які зроблять стан миру економічно вигідним для різних верств населення. Охарактеризовані неформальні інститути, які є невід'ємною частиною постконфліктної економіки, та описані рішення і дії, які дають змогу нівелювати вплив таких інститутів на суспільні відносини через різні форми спонукання населення до переведення своєї діяльності у легальну площину. Наведені управлінські практики, які можуть створити подальші передумови для сталого розвитку постконфліктних територій з урахуванням феномену «постконфліктного зростання» індивідів.Надано характеристику ризикам, які можуть виникати перед акторами політичного процесу, та описано можливі шляхи їх подолання. Розглянуто міжнародну технічну допомогу як важливий інструмент для відновлення постконфліктної економіки. Проаналізовано переваги та недоліки процесів, пов'язаних із отриманням міжнародної технічної допомоги, зокрема, ризик втручання донорів, які надають допомогу, в процеси управління. Запропоновано моделі для запобігання такому вручанню.

Gabriele D'Annunzio Coup in Rijeka (1919–1920) in the Context of Italian-Yugoslavian RelationsAbstractThe question of domination over the Adriatic Sea was a thorny issue in the interwar relationship between Italy and Yugoslavia. The dispute over the city of Rijeka (Fiume at that time), which after the coup launched by Gabriele D'Annunzio in September 1919 further aggravated the relations of Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, involved in the conflict at the same time the Entente states. Rijeka was the city of non-uniform national structure, and an important economic centre, becoming at the same time a symbol of intersecting Italian and Yugoslavian influences on the Adriatic.The controversy over Rijeka was not a typical one, as it took place in the background of the peace conference in Paris after the end of the Great War. The Entente States, i.e. France, the United States, and Great Britain, had different and conflicting visions of the city's status. This indecision was used by D'Annunzio, who in 1919–1920 strengthened his rule in Rijeka. Initially, the Italian government was ambiguous on the poet's coup, while the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes regarded the coup as Italian attack against Rijeka. Thus, the question of normalisation of the city's status became a complex process, requiring the consideration of many aspects within the framework of Italian-Yugoslavian relations.The present article analyses these aspects of the relationship between Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in the context of D'Annunzio coup mounted in September 1919. Another important value of the text resides in the fact that it is based on archival materials, including archival press reports (mainly from the Polish, Serbian, and French press of that time), which made it possible to present the problem against the rich and broad social and political background of the conflict over Rijeka. Переворот Габриеле д'Аннунцио в Риеке (1919–1920) в контексте итальяно-югославских отношений Аннотация Вопрос господства над Адриатикой был невралгическим пунктом в итальяно-югославских отношениях в межвоенный период. В этом отношении особенно сформировался конфликт о Риеку, который в результате переворота, совершенного Габриеле д'Аннунцио в сентябре 1919 года, усугубил отношения между Италией и КСХС, одновременно втягивая в эту проблему государства Антанты. Риека была городом с неоднородной этнической структурой, а заодно важным центром экономики и символом пересекающихся итальянского и югославского влияний над Адриатикой.Спор о Риеку был нетипичен. Он проходил на фоне Парижской мирной конференции, созванной после завершения Великой войны. Совещающиеся государства Антанты т.е. Франция, США и Великобритания, высказывали разные и противоречивые концепции статуса города. Этой нерешимостью воспользовался д'Аннунцио, который в 1919–1920 гг. утверждал свою власть в Риеке. Поначалу итальянская сторона неоднозначно высказывалась о перевороте поэта, а дипломатия КСХС утверждала, что имело место итальянское наступление на Риеку. Итак, вопрос нормализации статуса города оказался сложным процессом, требующим учета многих аспектов в рамках итальяно-югославских отношений. Эти аспекты в отношениях Италии с КСХС в контексте переворота, совершенного д'Аннунцио в Риеке в сентябре 1919 года и стали предметом обсуждения в данной статье. Основная источниковая ценность текста заключается в архивных материалах, прежде всего, архивных донесениях прессы (главным образом польских, сербских и французских), благодаря которым стало возможным обсуждение, с учетом различных контекстов, прежде всего, общественных и политических, конфликта о Риеку.

Canada's growing interest in trade with countries in the Indo-Pacific region corresponds with an ominous growth in geopolitical instability and insecurity in that part of the globe. With Indo-Pacific hunger for oil expected to soar – especially in China, where demand will translate to 80 per cent of imports in 10 years – Canada needs to develop policies to deal with the region's turbulent realities. The Indo-Pacific comprises countries in South Asia and Southeast Asia, and includes such unstable and unpredictable players as North Korea and Pakistan, both of which have nuclear weapons and long-simmering border tensions. India is an emerging economic and military rival to China. In the next 20 years, China and India are expected to lead the global demand for gas as coal consumption continues to decline, and Canada has a stake in this prosperous future. Along with territorial squabbles in the region, Canada will have to deal with complex issues such as terrorism, human trafficking, transnational crime, piracy and cyber-crime, as well as the struggle for global dominance between China and the U.S. One key area for potential conflict is China's recent construction and militarization of artificial islands in the South China Sea. The Canadian government's new military strategy, Strong, Secure, Engaged does little more than make a plea for peace and the rule of law in the South China Sea. However, more trade crosses the Pacific Ocean from Canada than crosses the Atlantic. And with Canada signing on to the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), the region's troubles will need to be resolved by more than good intentions on paper. Canada must shift more diplomatic, security and military resources to the Indo-Pacific; otherwise, its efforts will be spread too thinly to be effective in the region. Trade, especially through a major route like the Strait of Malacca, could easily be disrupted by any one of a number of disputes, such as a conflict between China and Taiwan or if historic resentments boil over among competing territorial claimants in the region. Thus, Canada needs to step up and reaffirm its security commitments to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a partner in the region. Participating in maritime exercises and Freedom of Navigation (FON) operations would also help to reinforce to countries in the region the importance of abiding by international law. Meanwhile, Canada should set aside for now any intentions to negotiate a free trade agreement with China. China does not share some of Canada's key trade and security goals and its aggressive behaviour in the South and East China Seas clearly signal that now is not the time to talk about a trade pact. China must demonstrate that it is willing to take a more cooperative approach to resolving trade and security issues in the Indo-Pacific and to support and respect the rule of law in the region. Canada has the potential to become a reliable, stable source of energy for Indo-Pacific countries. There is also an opportunity for provinces such as Alberta to strike their own strategic deals to provide energy resources to countries in that region, in return for trade and investment benefits. However, while investing at home in the necessary infrastructure and export capability to expand its role, Canada must also strive to bring its own unique approach to enhancing regional and energy security in the Indo-Pacific.

The armed conflict in Colombia is undeniable, currently the world has its eyes directly on this country because the peace process that FARC and Santos government comes happening, however Colombians have endured the scourge of violence for fifty long years during which every corner of the country, cities and municipalities have supported the civil casualties, the economic consequences and any changes resulting from the conflict. The municipality of Chima in the Department of Santander, hasn't been immune to this, because its population has been directly affected by armed groups like "Guerrillas and Paramilitaries", and especially during the years 1993-2003 was a very violent time, during which time many were resulted victims about different events such as forced displacement, homicide, Threats, Terrorist Attack, forced disappearances and crimes against freedom and sexual integrity. Heeding the fact that the Colombian government issued the Law 1448 just to take care measures, and comprehensive assistance and repair the victims of the internal armed conflict, it was considered important to address this issue in order to determine the effectiveness of the same in the municipality. Thus, by analyzing the regulations and case law that systematize the scheme of assistance to victims of armed conflict in Colombia achieve the description of the effectiveness of the implementation of Law 1448 of 2011 within the jurisdiction of the Municipality of Santander Chima, against people who have been recognized by their status as victims, by the Unit for Attention and Reparation for Victims ; El conflicto armado en Colombia es innegable, en la actualidad el mundo ha puesto sus ojos de manera directa sobre éste país en razón al proceso de paz que se adelanta FARC- GOBIERNO SANTOS, sin embargo los colombianos han tenido que soportar el flagelo de la violencia durante cincuenta largos años durante los cuales en cada rincón del país, ciudades y municipios han soportado las pérdidas humanas, las consecuencias económicas y todas las alteraciones que resultan del conflicto. El Municipio de Chima en el Departamento de Santander, no ha sido ajeno a esto, pues su población ha resultado directamente afectada por cuenta de los grupos armados "Guerrillas y Paramilitarismo", y especialmente durante los años 1993 a 2003 fue una época muy violenta, periodo durante el cual resultaron muchas víctimas respecto de diferentes hechos tales como Desplazamiento Forzado, Homicidio, Amenazas, Atentado Terrorista, Desaparición Forzada y Delitos contra la Libertad y la Integridad Sexual. Atendiendo el hecho de que el Estado colombiano profirió la Ley 1448 justamente para tomar medidas de atención, asistencia y reparación integral a las víctimas del conflicto armado interno, se consideró importante abordar este tema a fin de determinar la efectividad de la misma en dicho municipio. Así, mediante un análisis de la reglamentación y la jurisprudencia que sistematizan el esquema de asistencia a las Víctimas del Conflicto Armado en Colombia lograr la descripción de la eficacia de la aplicación de la Ley 1448 de 2011 dentro de la jurisdicción del Municipio de Chima Santander, frente a las personas a quienes se les ha reconocido su condición de víctimas, por la Unidad para la Atención y Reparación Integral a las Victimas.

Abstrak -- Konflik teritorial Laut Cina Selatan yang melibatkan beberapa negara telah berlangsung selama beberapa dekade dan saat ini belum menemukan penyelesaiannya. Dinamika konflik di Laut China Selatan tentunya dapat menimbulkan pengaruh yang kuat dalam proses manajemen maupun penyelesaian konflik itu sendiri. Konflik Laut China Selatan merupakan salah satu tantangan bagi stabilitas keamanan di kawasan termasuk bagi Indonesia sebagai non-claimant state. Walaupun Indonesia tidak terlibat langsung dalam konflik Laut China Selatan namun tetap berusaha mengambil peran dalam mengelola konflik tersebut. Hal tersebut didasarkan pada tanggung jawab Indonesia dalam menciptakan perdamaian dunia sesuai amanat konstitusi. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis dinamika konflik di Laut China Selatan dari perspektif Indonesia dan Peran Pemerintah Indonesia dalam mengelola konflik Laut China Selatan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif analitis dimana data primer diperoleh melalui wawancara mendalam dan juga didukung oleh data sekunder meliputi: buku; jurnal; dan dokumen yang terkait dengan konflik Laut Cina Selatan. Selain itu, penelitian ini dianalisis dengan menggunakan teori peran, manajemen konflik dan diplomasi preventif untuk melihat dinamika konflik serta peran Pemerintah Indonesia dalam mengelola konflik Laut China Selatan. Sampai saat ini, pemerintah Indonesia masih terus berperan dalam mengelola konflik Laut China Selatan termasuk mendorong ASEAN dan Tiongkok untuk membentuk Code of Conduct (CoC). Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini didapatkan fakta bahwa konflik Laut China Selatan sudah berada pada tahap polarisasi, sementara hubungan antara Tiongkok-Vietnam dan Tiongkok-Filipina berada pada tahap segregasi sehingga pembentukan CoC menjadi sangat penting. Kata Kunci: Peran Indonesia, Pengelolaan Konflik, Konflik Laut China Selatan Abstract -- Territorial conflict in the South China Sea among several countries have been ongoing for decades and so far it is difficult to achieve solution. The dynamics of conflict in the South China Sea will certainly have a strong influence in the process of managing and resolving the conflict itself. The South China Sea conflict is one of the major challenge for security stability in the region including for Indonesia as a non-claimant state. Although Indonesia is not directly involved in the South China Sea conflict but is still trying to take a role in managing the conflict through preventive diplomacy instruments. It is based on Indonesia's responsibility to create world peace according to the mandate of the constitution. The purpose of this research is to analyze the dynamics of conflict in the South China Sea from the perspective of Indonesia and the role of the Government of Indonesia in managing the South China Sea conflict. This research using analytical descriptive method where primary data obtained through in-depth interviews and also supported by secondary data includes: books; journals; and documents related to South China Sea conflict. Moreover, this research will be analyzed using role theory, conflict management and preventive diplomacy to see conflict dynamics as well as the active role of the Government of Indonesia in managing the South China Sea conflict. The conclusion of the research show that the South China Sea conflict is already at the polarization stage, while the relationship between Tiongkok-Vietnam and Tiongkok-Philippines is at the stage of segregation so the CoC becomes very important. Keywords: Role of Indonesian Government, management conflict, South China Sea conflict

Modernity is a history changing phenomena that has left an irreplaceable mark particularly in the Western world in the last five hundred years. This is the reason why modernity has been at the centre of the works of philosophers and sociologists. Modernity has denoted various meanings and been defined on different levels. Modernity, therefore, has two faces: one wears make-up while the other does not. The face of modernity in make-up is its fake side with the emphasis it puts on freedom, equality, human rights, democracy, justice, peace, brotherhood, welfare, wealth, and good spirits. The other face of modernity, however, is its real face free of its misleading veil. Despite all the polish applied on the surface of modernity, time has removed its superficial mask and revealed its defects, crises, and problems. In other words, the actual face of modernity entails war, violence, savageness, genocide, xenophobia, colonialism, racism, inequality, slavery, injustice, exploitation and poverty. When one studies modernity under spotlight, it can clearly be seen that the major faults within are barbarism, despotism, totalitarianism, terrorism, colonialism, racism, ethnic cleansing, and holocaust. This paper focuses on colonialism, racism, and holocaust, three of the serious make-up components curtaining the face of modernity. Modernity and these three concepts are closely related. Modernity is based on colonialism and it was colonialism that has triggered tendencies towards racism. It was modernity itself that had led to a world order that casts away, marginalises, and humiliates the other. Colonialism and racism, the two good-old friends of modernity, have prepared the ground for the holocaust. In this article, holocaust is analysed with reference to Zygmunt Bauman's Holocaust (the massacre of the Jews) with the aim of studying modernity in relation to colonialism and racism.Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file. ÖzetModernlik, dünya tarihinin akışını değiştiren, bilhassa Batı dünyasının son beş yüzyılına damgasını vuran bir olgudur. İşte, bu yüzden, gerek geçmişte gerekse de günümüzde filozofların ve sosyologların ilgisini çeken konuların başında modernlik gelmektedir. Modernlik, kendisine farklı anlam yüklemeleri yapılan ve değişik boyutlarıyla tanımlanan bir olgudur. Modernliğin biri makyajlı, diğeri makyajsız olan iki yüzü vardır. Modernliğin makyajlı yüzü, özgürlüğe, eşitliğe, insan haklarına, demokrasiye, adalete, barışa, kardeşliğe, refaha, zenginliğe ve mutluluğa vurgu yapan sahte yüzüdür. Modernliğin diğer yüzü olan makyajsız yüzü ise, aslında onun gerçek yüzüdür. Modernliğin yüzüne yapılan bütün cilalara rağmen zamanla onun defoları, krizleri ve sıkıntıları daha görünür hale gelmiştir. Daha açık bir deyişle, modernliğin savaşı, şiddeti, vahşeti, soykırımı, yabancı düşmanlığını, sömürgeciliği, ırkçılığı, eşitsizliği, köleliği, adaletsizliği, sömürüyü ve yoksulluğu içeren gerçek yüzü vardır. Modernliği yüzeysel değil, derinlemesine analiz ettiğimizde karşımıza modernliğin ana pürüzleri olarak barbarlık, despotizm, totalitarizm, terörizm, sömürgecilik, ırkçılık, etnik temizlik ve soykırım gibi büyük problemler çıkmaktadır. Bu makalede, modernliğin gerçek yüzünü kaplayan ciddi arızalarından olan sömürgecilik, ırkçılık ve soykırım üzerinde durulmuştur. Modernlik ile sömürgecilik, ırkçılık ve soykırım arasında yakın bir ilişki vardır. Modernlik, sömürgeciliğe dayanan bir sistemdir. Sömürgeciliğin yayılmasıyla ırkçılık eğilimleri çoğalmıştır. Modernlik, farklı olanı dışlayan, ötekileştiren ve aşağılayan bir toplum düzeni inşa etmiştir. Modernliğin sadık dostu sömürgecilik ve ırkçılık, aynı zamanda, soykırımlara zemin hazırlamıştır. Makalede, soykırım, Zygmunt Bauman'ın Holocaust, yani "Yahudilerin topluca katledilmesi" örneği üzerinden irdelenmiştir. Bu makalenin ana amacı, modernliği, birbirleriyle bağlantılı olan sömürgecilik, ırkçılık ve soykırım boyutları bağlamında tahlil etmektir.

The United Nations has been faced with a lot of challenges pertaining to different conflicts since its establishment in 1945. In particular, these challenges concern the plethora of intrastate conflicts that emerged after the Cold War ended in the late 1980s, which exposed many countries to conflicts that found their basis in a variety of issues, such as power sharing, ethnicity, and resource control and distribution. Today, most especially in Africa, the United Nations (UN) is facing challenges with many problems, such as conflicts around the world, human rights issues, environmental problems, and terrorism. While the United Nations as an international organization for the maintenance of peace and security around the world has made some positive impact in dealing with these conflicts, like in the cases of Liberia and Cambodia, its failure in Rwanda remains a stain on its peacekeeping record. The Rwandan case was chosen for present purposes to examine certain critical issues related to the conflict in Rwanda as they relate to the role played by the UN. Another major concern of this thesis is to argue that the UN cannot function without the full support of its member states. The Rwandan case was also purposefully chosen in order to reveal some of the main reasons that led to the failure of the United Nations in conflict resolution and how the factors behind the failure of the mission have affected other peacekeeping missions. The objective of this thesis is to explain the Rwanda conflict and the role the UN played in the conflict as well the challenges the United Nation Peacekeeping Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR) faced during intervention. The thesis will employ the Neo-realist theory in order to critically explain the factors behind the failures of the UN"s peacekeeping operation in Rwanda. ; ÖZ: Birleşmiş Milletler, 1945'teki kuruluşundan günümüze çeşitli zorluklarla ve bu zorlukların yarattığı farklı anlaşmazlıklarla karşı karşıya kalmıştır. Özellikle, 1980'li yılların sonlarında, Soğuk Savaş Dönemi sonrasına ait zaman diliminde güç paylaşımı, etnik köken, kaynak kontrolü ve dağıtımı ile alakalı konularda yaşanan anlaşmazlıklardan dolayı çeşitli ülkelerde iç savaşların yaşandığını ifade etmek mümkündür. Günümüzde, özellikle Afrika'da Birleşmiş Milletler (BM), Dünya genelindeki anlaşmazlıklar, insan hakları, çevresel problemler ve terörizm gibi birçok farklı sorunla karşı karşıya kalmaktadır. Dünya barışının ve güvenliğinin korunması amacıyla kurulan uluslararası bir örgüt olan BM, Liberya ve Komboçya "da yaşanan çatışmalara yapmış olduğu müdahelelerle takdir toplarken Ruanda yaşanan çatışmalara müdahalesinin yetersiz kalmasından ötürü bölgede barış ve güvenliği sağlamada etkili olamamıştır. Tezde, Ruanda vakası BM'nin üstlenmiş olduğu role bağlı kalarak, orada çatışmaya yol açan önemli hususları mercek altına almak amacıyla seçilmiştir. Mevcut çalışmanın bir başka önemli noktası ise BM'in üye devletlerin tam desteğini almadan randımanlı olarak çalışamayacağını tartışmaktır. Öte yandan, çalışmada BM"in Ruanda"da yaşanan çatışmalara çözüm üretmedeki başarısızlığının altında yatan önemli nedenler de irdelenmiş olup, bu nedenlerin BM"in üstlendiği barışı koruma misyonunu nasıl etkilediği de ele alınmıştır. Mevcut çalışmanın amacı Ruanda"daki yaşanan çatışmayı ve BM"nin bu çatışmadaki rolünü ele alıp, BM"in Ruanda"da üstlendiği Barış Gücü Misyonu"nun (UNAMIR) yaşanan çatışmaya müdahale ederken yaşamış olduğu güçlükleri açıklamaktır. Çalışma, BM"in Ruanda"da gerçekleştirdiği barış operasyonunun başarısız olmasına yol açan etkenleri Neo- Realist Teori ışığında eleştirel bir dille açıklamıştır. ; Master of Arts in International Relations. Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Business and Economics, Dept. of Political Science and International Relations, 2018. Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Nuray Vasfieva Ibryamova.

AbstrakUpacara Larungan merupakan salah satu tradisi peninggalan leluhur yang diwujudkan dengan melarungkan sesaji ke Telaga Ngebel. Tradisi ini dilaksanakan setiap satu tahun sekali pada tanggal 1 Suro atau 1 Muharram. Tujuan dilaksanakannya larungan ini adalah sebagai ungkapan rasa syukur kepada Tuhan Yang Maha Kuasa atas berkah yang telah diberikan. Upacara larungan tersebut memiliki makna mendalam bagi masyarakat Ngebel, karena masyarakat percaya akan datangnya malapetaka apabila tidak melaksanakannya.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan: (1) partisipasi masyarakat dalam upacara larungan, (2) kearifan lokal upacara larungan dapat mewujudkan harmonisasi sosial masyarakat, (3) peran pemerintah desa dalam mencegah konflik dengan memanfaatkan kearifan lokal upacara larungan.Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif. Sumber data yang digunakan adalah Pemerintah Desa Ngebel, tokoh masyarakat Desa Ngebel dan masyarakat Desa Ngebel. Pengumpulan data dikumpulkan dengan teknik wawancara, dokumentasi dan observasi. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan adalah data reduction, data display, dan conclusion drawing/verification. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan (1) partisipasi masyarakat Desa Ngebel dalam upacara larungan tergolong aktif dibuktikan dengan keikutsertaan masyarakat dalam rangkain kegiatan yang sudah disusun oleh panitia pelaksana; (2) nilai-nilai kearifan lokal yang terkandung dalam upacara larungan antara lain: nilai religi, nilai hiburan, nilai kekerabatan, nilai keindahan dan nilai simbolik. Kearifan lokal dalam upacara larungan memiliki kekuatan untuk menumbuhkan rasa persatuan sehingga membuat persaudaraan masyarakat semakin kuat yang menjadikan masyarakat dapat hidup damai dan harmonis; (3) nilai kearifan lokal dalam upacara larungan yang menjunjung semangat persatuan dimanfaatkan pemerintah desa dan stakeholders dalam menyelesaikan konflik yang timbul di masyarakat. Kata Kunci: Kearifan Lokal, Upacara Larungan, dan Harmonisasi AbstractUpacara Larungan is one of the ancestral heritage that is realized by washed away the offerings to Telaga Ngebel. this tradition is carried out once every year on the 1st of Suro or 1st Muharram. The purpose of doing this ban is as an expression of gratitude to the all-powerful God for the blessings that have been given. The upacara larungan has deep meaning for Ngebel society, because people believe it will come disastrous if not implement it.This study aims to describe: (1) community participation in upacara larungan, (2) local wisdom of upacara larungan can realize social harmonization of society, (3) role of village government in preventing conflict by exploiting local wisdom of upacara larungan.This research uses qualitative research with descriptive method. The data sources used are Ngebel Village Government, Ngebel village community leaders and Ngebel Village community. Data collection was collected by interview, documentation and observation techniques. Data analysis techniques used are data reduction, display data, and conclusion drawing/verification.The results of the study showed (1) the participation of Ngebel Village communities in the upacara larungan is classified as actively evidenced by the participation of the community in the series of activities that have been prepared by the organizing committe; (2) the values of local wisdom contained in the upacara larungan include: religious value, entertainmen value, kinship value, beauty value and siymbolic value. Local wisdom in the upacara larungan has the power to foster a sense of unity that makes the community fraternity stronger that makes the people can live in peace and harmony; (3) the value of local wisdom in the upacara larungan that upholds the spirit of unity utilized by the village government and stakeholders in resolving conflicts arising in the community. Keywords:Local Wisdom, Upacara Larungan, and Harmonization

Social and territorial boundaries have been fundamental to the approaches and practices of policing bodies in South Africa for centuries, from the mounted colonial paramilitary forces of the 1800s to the 21st century professional police. Boundaries have not only been a central mechanism that the police have consistently used to control and regulate the general population, but have also been catalysts for change in terms of operational policing strategies and tactics. This has typically been the case when a threat has been ascribed to a bounded area and/or populations that reside within the confines of the boundary, or on the other side of the boundary. The nature of the such a threat is considered to be even more severe when communities within the bounded space, or on the other side of the boundary, acquire significant quantities of firearms and ammunition, as this provides such populations with the lethal technology to defy and contest the police's coercive authority and ability to conserve boundaries relating to the maintenance of order and the enforcement of laws. South Africa is a distinctly relevant case study for an examination of the relationship between boundaries and the police as for the past three and a half centuries South Africa's diverse policing history has been profoundly framed by territorial, social and political boundaries. The police and the proto-police have been at the sharp edge of the application of authority by assorted forms of government, and have often acted to safeguard the interests of economic and political elites. That is, the police and formal policing bodies have been required to subdue and suppress groups and individuals that resisted or threatened the process of state building and resource extraction. The police were also regularly deployed to protect the territorial borders of South Africa from menacing others. By means of this historical analysis of South Africa, this thesis introduces a new concept, 'police frontierism', which illuminates the nature of the relationships between the police, policing and boundaries, and can potentially be used for future case study research. It is an alternative way of conceptualising policing, one in which police work is fundamentally framed by social and territorial boundaries. Such boundaries delineate perceived safe or 'civilised' spaces from dangerous or 'uncivilised' ones. The police tend to concentrate their resources in the frontier zone immediately adjacent to the boundary in order to preserve or extend the boundary of safety and 'civilisation', and restrict, subdue or eliminate those individuals, groups or circumstances from the 'uncivilised' spaces that a government authority or elites have deemed to be a threat to order and peace. An essential dynamic of this policing approach is that the boundary and the adjoining frontier zone strongly influence police practices and behaviour in this context. In particular, territorial and social delineations amplify and distort existing police prejudices against those communities on the other side of the boundary. The police often engage in othering, where the communities of interest are viewed negatively, and are predominantly seen as agents of disorder and law breaking. This othering may lead to an intensification of aggressive police behaviour towards the targeted communities.

El artículo propone sustituir el concepto de poli­tica regional por el de política económica territo­rial. Mientras la primera se preocupa por la regu­lación de las brechas de desarrollo subnacional, teniendo al Estado central como actor principal, la segunda conjuga lo primero con la política de desarrollo local, surgida desde abajo y construi­da a partir de las regiones y localidades con base en sus propios recursos. Tradicionalmente se han combinado dos estrategias de política regional, el desplazamiento de las actividades económicas más dinámicas y el mejoramiento de la oferta de factores en las regiones menos desarrolladas. Mirada en este ámbito general, la experiencia co­lombiana muestra varias particularidades. Por una parte, los esfuerzos por redistribuir territorial­mente los recursos públicos de inversión y gasto social han combinado la norma, expresada en las fórmulas fiscales de la descentralización, con la tradición, manifiesta en la participación regional en la burocracia nacional. La insuficiencia de es­tas fórmulas se manifiesta en la proliferación de medidas regionales específicas y dispersas, relacio­nadas con temas precisos como la paz, los culti­vos ilícitos, la prevención y atención de desastres, el manejo de recursos naturales, y el desarrollo rural, conformando un verdadero rompecabezas de medidas de intervención económica territo­rial. La crisis social, política y económica del país tiene tan nítidas expresiones territoriales que su superación parece estar exigiendo la formulación de una política económica territorial coordinada y consistente. Enfrentar este reto implica no sólo innovar en el campo de los instrumentos utiliza­dos, sino también desarrollar nuevos abordajes en el campo de la investigación económica regional. ; The article attempts to replace the concept of re­gional policy with that of territorial economic policy. The first concerns itself with the regula­tion of the gaps of nacional development having as the main actor the central State. The second combines the first with local development poli­cy. It is bottom-up based, constructed from the localities and regions, and uses its own resourc­es. Traditionally two strategies of regional policy have been combined: the transference of more dynamic economic activities, and the improve­ ment of the supply of factors to less developed areas. Viewed in this general scope, the Colom­bian experience has various peculiarities. On one hand, the efforts to territorially redistribute the public resources of investrnent and social expense have combined the norm, expressed in the fiscal formulas of decentralization together with tradi­tion, and are manifest in the participation of the regions in the national bureaucracy. The inade­ quacy of these formulas is expressed in the pro­liferation of specific and disperse regional measures, related to precise themes such as the peace pro­cess, the eradication of illegal crops, the preven­ tion and attention todisasters, the management of natural resources and rulral development. To­ gether they compase a jigsaw puzzle of measures of regional economic intervention. The social, political, and economic crisis of the country has such clear territorial expressions that to overcome them seems to demand the formulation of a well­ coordinated and consistent territorial economic policy. To take on this challenge not only implies changes to the instruments currently used, but also the development of new approaches in the field of regional economic research.

RESUMEN: Los conflictos son hechos inherentes al ser humano y a la vida social de cada persona, están presentes en la cotidianidad de múltiples formas, por esto son diversos los resultados y en consecuencia su tratamiento. Como proceso, los conflictos son cambiantes y se transforman dependiendo de las estrategias que se implementen, estos pueden desaparecer y disolverse o por el contrario permanecer y generar actos de violencia irreparables. La tarea de educar nos invita a enseñar a "aprender a vivir" a "vivir con otros y para otros" entendiendo que el conflicto se trata de una incompatibilidad entre comportamientos, diferencias, pensamientos y acciones para los que se requiere el uso de una multiplicidad de herramientas y estrategias que posibiliten identificar, caracterizar y señalar las causas y manifestaciones de estos, a partir de las necesidades y realidades de los estudiantes desde una perspectiva de cambio que asegure la convivencia pacífica al interior de las aulas de clase y, por tanto, de nuestras instituciones. En este sentido cabe resaltar que la convivencia es tarea de todos los miembros de la comunidad educativa y que esta se fortalece con prácticas pedagógicas, educativas y de gestión, pensadas, planeadas y articuladas bajo lecturas oportunas del contexto social, cultural, político, económico, familiar y educativo donde se desenvuelven, en este caso, los estudiantes. Por esto se hace necesario generar una ruta de atención integral que fomente prácticas de convivencia escolar como estrategia perdurable y de seguimiento a partir de preguntas y acciones que permitan a unos y otros, estudiantes y agentes educativos, construir posibilidades de relación que apunten al logro de una cultura de paz y que en esa tarea se den la oportunidad de vivir con otros. ; ABSTRACT: Conflict is an inherent reality to the human being and to the social life of each person. It is present in daily life in multiple ways, so the outcomes are diverse and consequently their handling. Conflicts change and are transformed depending on the strategies implemented. These can disappear and dissolve or otherwise remain and generate irreparable acts of violence. Estrategias para abordar los conflictos en el aula de clase 7 The task of educating invites us to go from teaching "learn to live" to "live with others and for others" in order to understand that conflict is about the incompatibility among behaviors, differences, thoughts and actions that require the use of multiple tools and strategies that allow the identifying, characterizing and pointing out the causes and manifestations of the conflicts, based on the needs and realities of learners from a transformation perspective that ensures a peaceful coexistence within the classroom and, therefore, our institutions. In this sense, it is important to emphasize that coexistence is the task of all members of the educational community and that it is strengthened by pedagogical, educational and management practices designed, planned and articulated under appropriate readings of the social, cultural, political, economic, domestic and educational context where students perform. This is why it is necessary to generate a plan of integrated support that promotes school coexistence practices as a long-lasting strategy monitored through questions and actions that allow each other, students and educational agents, to build connections to achieve a culture of peace and in that undertaking give the opportunity to live with others.

Η διεύρυνση είναι ένα από χα πιο ισχυρά εργαλεία πολιτικής της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και η κινητήρια δύναμη που έχει βοηθήσει στη μεταμόρφωση της Κεντρικής και Ανατολικής Ευρώπης. Από τη στιγμή κατά την οποία δημιουργήθηκε το 195 0συνεχώς διευρύνεται και πρόσφατα ενέπνευσε μεγαλεπήβολες μεταρρυθμίσεις και στην Τουρκία, την Κροατία και τα Δυτικά Βαλκάνια. Τα ιδρυτικά της μέλη συγκάλεσαν τους λαούς της Ευρώπης,οι οποίοι έβαλαν τις ιδέες τους και ένωσαν τις προσπάθειες τους. Από τότε και συμφωνά με το άρθρο 49 της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης,αυτή μεγάλωσε από τα 6 αρχικά κράτη σε 9, 10, 12, 15 και πρόσφατασε 25. Η διαδικασία συνεχίζεται και σήμερα με νέα υποψήφια κράτη, όπως τη Βουλγαρία και τη Ρουμανία και με διαπραγματεύσεις για ένταξη της Τουρκίας μόλις το κράτος αυτό θαπληροί τα πολιτικά κριτήρια εισδοχής και το σεβασμό των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. Με την ολοκλήρωση της φάσης αυτής οι ευρωπαίοι πολίτες θα μπορούν να ζουν και να εργάζονται σε μια έκταση η οποία θα εκτείνεται από τη Βαλτική Θάλασσα μέχρι τη Μαύρη Θάλασσα και από τη Λευκωσία μέχρι την Κιρουνα και να εργάζονται με πρότυπες διαδικασίες στη μεγαλύτερη και χωρίς σύνορα αγορά του κόσμου. Επίσης, θα ωφελούνται από τους γείτονες, οι οποίοι διαθέτουν σταθερές δημοκρατίες και ευημερούσες οικονομίες αγοράς. Είναι μια προσεκτική διαδικασία η οποία βοηθά στη μεταμόρφωση των χωρών που εμπλέκονται, εξαπλώνοντας την ειρήνη, τη σταθερότητα, την ευημερία, τη δημοκρατία, τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα και το κράτος δικαίου σε όλη την Ευρώπη.Ακόμα, όταν τα σημερινά παιδιά γίνουν ενήλικες, θα ζουν σε μια Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αποτελούμενη μάλλον από τριάντα ή και περισσότερα κράτη και με περισσότερες από είκοσι γλώσσες, μια μοναδική πολύμορφη κουλτούρα αγκαλιάζοντας περισσότερους από 500.000.000 ανθρώπους. ; Enlargement is one of the most powerful political tools of the European Union and the driving force which has helped in the transformation of the Central and East Europe. From the moment it was created in 1950 is continuously enlarging and has recendy inspired ambitious reformations for Turkey, Croatia and West Balkans. Its founder members call the people of Europe which put their ideas and unified their efforts. Since that time and according to the article 49 of the European Union, it has been grown up from the 6 initial states to 9, 10, 12, 15 and recently to 25. The process still goes on today with new candidate countries, such as Bulgaria and Romania and with accession negotiations with Turkey just as this country could meet the political criteria for accession and the respect of human rights. On completion of this phase the European citizens could live and work in an extended area beyond the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea and from Nicosia to Kiruna and could work under standard procedures in the biggest and without borders market of the world. Also, they will benefit from their neighbours, who have stable democracies and good market economies. It is a careful procedure for the transition of the countries involved, dispersing peace, stability, well being, democracy, human rights and a state of justice in the whole Europe. Further, when our children will become grownup, they will live in a European Union consisted of thirty or more states and with more than twenty languages, a unique polymorphic culture embracing more than 500.000.000 people.

El presente artículo pretende analizarel primer código penal y procesal de laEuropa latina con un carácter completo,sistemático, abstracto y estructuradodogmáticamente, llamado en latín porel Sacro Emperador Romano CarlosV —Carolus— Constitutio CriminalisCarolina o, en breve, la Carolina1. Sedescubrirá, por una parte, algunos rasgosde modernización significativos, característicosdel período del Renacimientoy, por otra parte, una enorme diferenciacultural por la bestialidad e irracionalidaddel derecho penal de la Modernidadtemprana.Se iniciará con la introducción teóricametodológica.El segundo subcapítulose dedicará a la relación entre el derechopenal y la consolidación del Estadojudicial de la paz interna, en el tercerose profundizarán los inicios del Estadolegislador que trasladó el derecho celestialinmodificable a la esfera humana enla tierra. En cuarto lugar, se discutirán los delitos tipificados y el sistema de laspenas de la Carolina. Sigue la quintasección dedicada al proceso penal inquisitorio,entre el pensamiento mágico ylas garantías procesales protegidas porla demanda de nulidad. Sexto, se trataráel alcance de los tres siglos de la Carolina.En séptimo lugar, se contextualizará laCarolina en perspectiva comparada. Enel octavo subcapítulo, se analizará lapráctica no tan sangrienta de los señoríosjurisdiccionales en los juicios entrevecinos, mientras el noveno mirará allado oscuro de los procesos de brujeríay el erranticidio. Sigue el décimo apartadosobre los orígenes de una especiede justicia constitucional con base en laCarolina. Undécimo, se preguntará porla reedición de la lógica de la Carolinaen forma de la Constitutio CriminalisTeresiana de 1768. En duodécimo lugar,se debatirán los inicios de la reformailustrada del derecho penal a finales delsiglo XVIII, para terminar con algunasconsideraciones conclusivas. ; This article aims to analyze the first criminal and procedural code of Latin Europe with a complete, systematic, abstract and dogmatically structured, Latin name by the Holy Roman Emperor Carlos V —Carolus— Constitutio Criminalis Carolina or, in short, Carolina. Some significant features of modernization, characteristic of the age of rebirth and, on the other hand, an enormous cultural difference due to the bestiality and irrationality of the penal law of early modernity will be discovered. It will begin with the theoreticalmethodological introduction. The second subchapter will focus on the relationship between criminal law and the consolidation of the judicial state of internal peace, in the third will deepen the beginnings of the state legislator who transferred the unchangeable celestial law to the human sphere on earth. Fourth, it will discuss the typified crimes and the system of penalties of the Carolina. The fifth section is devoted to the criminal inquisitorial process between magical thinking and procedural safeguards protected by the nullity claim. Sixth, the scope of the three centuries of Carolina will be discussed. In the seventh place, the Carolina will be contextualized in comparative perspective. In the eighth subchapter, we will analyze the not-so-bloody practice of jurisdictional lordships in neighbors' trials, while the ninth will look at the dark side of witchcraft and erranticide processes. It follows the tenth paragraph on the origins of a kind of constitutional justice based on Carolina. Eleventh, we will ask for the reissue of the logic of the Carolina in the form of the Constitutio Criminalis Teresiana of 1768. Twelfth, the beginnings of the enlightened reform of criminal law at the end of the eighteenth century will be debated, to conclude with some conclusive considerations.