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Sudan experienced a long standing armed conflict in the south between the rebels and the central government. This 22 years old armed conflict resulted in mass displacement of people of southern Sudan to the north making Sudan to have the largest numbers of internally displaced people (IDPs) mounting to 4 million and half a million refugees in the neighbouring countries. Signing of the comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) on January 9/2005 brought the conflict to an end. However, there is a long way to go to resolve all problems which created the conflict. CPA is a major challenge to the civil society especially institutions of higher education in both south and northern Sudan for peace building and democratic transformation. Self determination referendum of the southern people which will take place at the end of the interim period in 2011 is both an opportunity and challenge to our country. Another armed conflict suddenly erupted in Darfur region in 2003. This time all the leaders of the conflict are newer graduates of the Sudanese higher education system. The leaders of the recent conflict unlike the southern one are young, inexperienced, and fierce. A peace agreement has been forced in by the international community in Abuja in July 2005 called Darfur peace agreement (DPA). This peace agreement has recognized the need for affirmative action to upgrade the communities in Darfur with fair share in political and economic revenues. However, only one faction of the rebels signed and a large number of the fighting groups did not sign and continued hostilities. Another round of negotiations is underway but those negotiators of the rebels do not follow any reasoning during process, on the contrary stick onto very controversial points. Another peace agreement has been signed between the government and rebels of Eastern Sudan in May 2006. The peace agreement of eastern Sudan focused onto solving political, social, cultural and economic divide between the different regions of the Sudan. The latter two agreements recognize the unity and sovereignty of the country and have no mention for self determination or referendum. ; Peer Reviewed

Sudan experienced a long standing armed conflict in the south between the rebels and the central government. This 22 years old armed conflict resulted in mass displacement of people of southern Sudan to the north making Sudan to have the largest numbers of internally displaced people (IDPs) mounting to 4 million and half a million refugees in the neighbouring countries. Signing of the comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) on January 9/2005 brought the conflict to an end. However, there is a long way to go to resolve all problems which created the conflict. CPA is a major challenge to the civil society especially institutions of higher education in both south and northern Sudan for peace building and democratic transformation. Self determination referendum of the southern people which will take place at the end of the interim period in 2011 is both an opportunity and challenge to our country. Another armed conflict suddenly erupted in Darfur region in 2003. This time all the leaders of the conflict are newer graduates of the Sudanese higher education system. The leaders of the recent conflict unlike the southern one are young, inexperienced, and fierce. A peace agreement has been forced in by the international community in Abuja in July 2005 called Darfur peace agreement (DPA). This peace agreement has recognized the need for affirmative action to upgrade the communities in Darfur with fair share in political and economic revenues. However, only one faction of the rebels signed and a large number of the fighting groups did not sign and continued hostilities. Another round of negotiations is underway but those negotiators of the rebels do not follow any reasoning during process, on the contrary stick onto very controversial points. Another peace agreement has been signed between the government and rebels of Eastern Sudan in May 2006. The peace agreement of eastern Sudan focused onto solving political, social, cultural and economic divide between the different regions of the Sudan. The latter two agreements recognize the unity and sovereignty of the country and have no mention for self determination or referendum. ; Peer Reviewed

In post-revolution Libya, the proliferation and trafficking of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) became pervasive due to the ongoing political and armed conflict that succeeded the fall of Qaddafi. The continuing state of insecurity and weakness of central state authorities has led local and community-based actors to develop their own peacebuilding initiatives, some of which included homegrown measures to control or reduce the proliferation of SALW. Drawing on insights collected in the cities of Az-Zāwiyah, Bayda, and Tobruk, this policy commentary discusses the mechanisms leading to the emergence of such initiatives, the methods of their implementation, and their strengths and weaknesses. Although these local initiatives did not result in building lasting and comprehensive peace at the national level, they offer a preliminary set of lessons learned that can help inform prospective peacebuilding and SALW control efforts in Libya. Arabic version: The Arabic version of this article is available and can be downloaded at https://doi.org/10.31389/jied.57.s1

Violent conflicts have haunted northern Kenya – a semi-arid region inhabited by pastoral communities – since some decades. The enormous increase of violence in recent years has several pertinent causes. Instability in neighbouring countries and a far flung network of small-arms trade has brought thousands of semi-automatic guns to the region. Political change in Kenya has created a lee-way for competing politicians to engage vigilantes on their behalf. Beyond these causes which are rather to be sought for at a macro-level there are a number of factors located at the micro-level. Rampant food insecurity linked to population increase coupled with a stagnant economic system, changes from a pastoral mode of production to more sedentary lifestyles and a continued focus on a heroic warrior ideal contribute to the situation. While there have been a number of efforts to manage and suppress violence through army, police or other state actors, non-state actors have become important during the past few years. It is here that Okumu's thesis has its focus. During a two months stay in northern Kenya he studied the "Laikipia Peace Caravan" (LPC). The LPC is constituted by about 70 professionals, highly educated members of pastoral communities like the Pokot, Samburu and Turkana. The members of LPC generally live in Nairobi or in other urban centres of Kenya. All of them still have strong linkages to their pastoral communities. They are engaged in well-paid jobs, have good links to the press or other media and have also ties to the political establishment. They have formed an NGO which has as its aim to step in immediately once violence is threatening or has happened in order to prevent an escalation of conflicts. In an ethnographic effort Okumu sheds light at the origins, principles and practices of the peace caravan and analyzes its potential to foster peace.

Il s'agit de rendre compte de l'originalité de la politique suisse en matière de négociation de la paix. L'exemple ici retenu est le règlement du conflit algérien qui donne lieu à un fort investissement de la Suisse dans le double registre de la diplomatie privée et de la diplomatie publique. Cet article rend compte des forces de cette logique d'action diplomatique que lui confère le statut d'Etat neutre dans un des conflits les plus meurtriers de la décolonisation française

In this paper, the metaphoric conceptualization of the International Criminal Court (ICC) indictment discourse in Kenya is examined through a data-driven analysis. Much scholarly writing on the ICC intervention in Kenya has concentrated on the functionality of the Court as a transitional justice mechanism. Little has been said though about the role of language in the advancement the ICC objectives in the transitional justice debates in Kenya. This article adopts an approach that integrates linguistic analysis and social theory in understanding how the ICC is conceptualized metaphorically in the discourses of justice and reconciliation. The main aim is to provide a comprehensive analysis of how Kiswahili metaphors have been used in the general debates about the ICC in Kenya, and how issues of reconciliation and transitional justice have been addressed in such debates. Focus is put on the representation of the ICC indictment discourse in three genres of use: prayer meetings, victim narrations and campaign rallies sourced from media libraries in Kenya. Guided by the Conceptual Metaphor Theory and Critical Metaphor Theory, the major metaphoric themes discerned include the depiction of the ICC as RELIGIOUS WAR, as POLITICAL WAR, as JUSTICE, as A DEMON and as an ANIMATE BEING. By ascribing these conceptualisations to the ICC, such representations reinforce the dualism in the discourses towards justice and reconciliation. The article then examines implications of those metaphors inspired by Habermas' Communicative Action Theory and, finally, considers the role of metaphor and language in the conception and construction of peace and reconciliation in Kenya. The salient social and cultural contexts of the discourse point to a need for exploring other forms of transitional justice in ensuring sustainable peace and stability in Kenya as inspired by the Habermasean approach to rationality.

This paper proposes to assume peace building as a process that is intrinsically related to the constitution of a political subject and the civic strengthening of its actors. The methodologies used are social cartographies, in-depth interviews and focus groups. One finding is the necessity to discuss peace building in relation with the public virtues and citizenship participation through citizens' rights. It concludes that peace building is related with the transformation of social imaginaries, the development of capabilities and the implementation of pedagogies for humanization, from which the political training proposal Humanizarte is designed for its application and validation.

The paper examines the strategic approaches adopted by women and the socio-cultural obstacles that impede women"s active participation in conflict resolution and peace building process as seen in the play understudy. African nations have been ravaged by conflict, resulting in destabilization, displacement, and infrastructural destruction, all of which have gender-specific consequences. Women are often portrayed as victims of conflict; and in large part, they are. Yet they are largely neglected once peace occurs. Despite active role in war, women are often neglected in the post-conflict situation and in peace negotiations. Studies have shown that despite the fact that women play active roles in developing coalitions across fighting groups within and outside Nigeria, women are neither represented nor consulted in peace negotiations. Often discrimination against women in post-conflict land settlement buttresses this fact. This is essential for sustaining peace.

This paper analyses the challenges confronting local governance institutions on peace building strategies using Southwestern Nigeria as a reference point. It puts the challenges of peace building strageies in institutional perspectives and intervening tendencies of foreign agencies in Africa. It examines Lederach's structural framework under the theoretical discourse as an underlying assumption for peace building challenges. However, primary data were collected and analysed for the empirical insight using Relative Impact Index and content analysis methods. This paper reveals that lack of shared vision (RII = 3.49), finances (RII = 3.34), poor information communication network (RII = 3.26), and deficiency of institutional arrangement (RII = 3.24) are the foremost challenges facing local governance institutions on peace building in South western Nigeria; with greater emphasis on poor value system and non-compliance with traditional customs. It therefore concludes that the peace building strategies are susceptible to unfavourable conditions by activities of governance institutions at the local level. It thus recommends that formal and informal institutions at the local level should share a common vision which will serve as a driving force for the pursuit of peace building agenda in Africa.Keywords: Local Governance, Conflict Resolution, Peace Building, Local Institutions, Peace building Strategies, and Local Governance Institutions

This article analyses community participation in peace-building in the Mt Elgon area between 2007 and 2017. The article assesses the use of indigenous methods of conflict resolution embedded in restorative practices, as well as seeking to establish the role that Mount Elgon's Residents Association (MERA) played in peace-building. The study adopts the theoretical work of Johan Galtung's conflict analysis model and John Paul Lederach's conflict transformation work on peace-building. The study reveals a yawning need for younger community members to be more involved in peace-building activities in the Mt Elgon area. It further reveals that community members aged between 35 and 54 years strongly believe that their traditional culture and indigenous practices are central to their peace-building efforts in their locality. The study found a majority of community members felt that their involvement has played an important role in disarming local militia groups and in peace-building. Overall, the community strongly pointed at land and "dirty politics" as issues being at the forefront of community conflict in Mt. Elgon.

This study focuses on the efforts of an NGO known as West African Network for Peace building (WANEP), towards enhancing women participation in peace and security issues in Nigeria, through one of its programs known as Women in Peace building Network (WIPNET). It specifically, examines the capacity building training scheme carried out through WIPNET among the Ogoni women group in Niger-Delta region of Nigerian, as well as how the women are making use of their newly acquired skills in their everyday life. The objective of this study is to provide an insight into the transformation processes taking place in the Niger-Delta region of Nigeria. To meet this objective, the study utilizes qualitative method, employing primary and secondary sources. The term empowerment was used as the analytical lens through which the data were analyzed. The findings from the study indicate that WIPNET is working towards changing gender relations in Ogoni, with hope of domesticating the UNSCR1325 therein. Furthermore, the finding indicates that the women have gained basic knowledge and skills for community peace-building, and are making use of their new skill, to prevent conflict within their communities from escalating. They have also gained self-confidence, and are influencing changes in their communities.

AbstractThis article compares the asymmetric form of decentralization model in the Aceh, Indonesia, and in the Northern Ireland, the United Kingdom, towards the process of peacemaking. In general, the decentralization models in the two regions have almost similar backgrounds due to prolonged religious conflicts. However, the devolution model in Northern Ireland is far more complex than Aceh's, and closely related to other countries, that affect the constitutional status of Northern Ireland in the future. This is different from the Aceh government, which since the Helsinki MoU has remained a part of the Indonesia's unitary form. On the other hand, in terms of governmental matters, decentralization in Aceh reflects a reduction in their special authority, with a pattern of division of government functions that is almost similar to the division of functions in the ordinary regional government. It is in contrast to the affairs of Northern Ireland's government concerning matters that are categorized traditionally as the exclusive affairs of the central government in a unitary state, such as security matters. This provides a lesson for Indonesia that the issue of federalism in Aceh is indisputable and the Northern Ireland case reinforces the insight that federal state and unitary state have some degrees of similarity.Desentralisasi Asimetris dan Penciptaan Perdamaian: Membandingkan Aceh dengan Irlandia UtaraAbstrakArtikel ini membandingkan model desentralisasi dengan otonomi khusus Aceh, Indonesia dan devolusi di Irlandia Utara, Kerajaan Inggris sebagai bentuk desentralisasi asimetris yang berkorelasi pada penciptaan perdamaian. Secara umum, model desentralisasi di kedua daerah tersebut memiliki kesamaan latar belakang yaitu akibat konflik berkepanjangan. Namun, devolusi di Irlandia Utara jauh lebih kompleks dibandingkan di Aceh karena disebabkan oleh konflik keagamaan yang telah berakar secara historis dan berhubungan erat dengan negara lain yang mempengaruhi status konstitusional Irlandia Utara di kemudian hari. Hal ini berbeda dengan dengan pemerintahan Aceh yang sejak MoU Helsinki tetap menjadi bagian dari Indonesia dalam bentuk negara kesatuan. Di sisi lain, dari segi urusan pemerintahan, desentralisasi di Aceh justru mencerminkan berkurangnya kekhususan Pemerintahan Aceh, dengan pola pembagian urusan pemerintahan yang hampir sama dengan pembagian urusan pemerintahan daerah pada umumnya, berbeda dengan urusan pemerintahan Irlandia Utara yang sangat luas, menyangkut urusan yang secara tradisional dikategorikan sebagai urusan eksklusif pemerintah pusat di negara kesatuan, seperti keamanan. Hal ini memberikan pelajaran bagi Indonesia bahwa antara negara federal dan negara kasatuan memiliki persamaan-persaman dalam derajat tertentu.DOI: https://doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n2.a3

The global discourse on 'winning hearts and minds', engages the USA, local governments, and international actors in liberal peace building in conflictaffected settings. In north-western Pakistan, the Pakistani government supports this discourse by claiming to pursue a 3-pronged strategy based on dialogue, development, and deterrence. This paper examines how peace-building activities have been practiced in north-western Pakistan in relation to development and humanitarian interventions that support community needs. Field data were gathered in Swat and Peshawar valleys between September 2010 and February 2011, through semi-structured interviews that covered peace-building efforts in the form of local perceptions of development and humanitarian interventions, perspectives on development schemes, aid priorities, and the relationship between aid and security. Furthermore, the paper relies on secondary data sources such as development and humanitarian response plans, research briefs, and news events. The paper closely examines the dynamics of liberal peace building in terms of humanitarian aid operations and development activities in north-western Pakistan. Empirical evidence from the region highlights the conflations in liberal peace concerning the imbalances in policies, plans, and activities in north-western Pakistan. The large disconnect between liberal peace building and effective development policies and practices in north-western Pakistan reflects the diverse interests of different actors, states, development and humanitarian response actors and elites, in problematizing issues. The paper concludes that the liberal peace agenda has contributed to securitization of development assistance in the region, which in turn has significantly limited the impact of development assistance to crisis-affected communities. ; acceptedVersion

The rapid mushrooming of civil society organizations (CSOs) globally and their engagement in the social, economic and political endeavors both at national and international levels has attracted unprecedented support which, to some international relations theorists, threatens and deprivileges states. In developing countries, the relationships between states and civil society organizations is generally full of tension as a result of popular belief that the state is not, or is no longer the main organizing principle of politics, governance, and development. The dynamics of the relationships between states and civil society organizations challenge contemporary theory of global governance. The insidious nature of some civil society organizations not only calls for a thorough understanding of their core values but also the realignment of state-civil society politics in the current global political dynamism. This article aims to examine the discourses of power relationships between unstable states; states that have embraced multi-party democracy yet struggle to live by its ideals, and the new wave of civil society organisations. Using Malawi as a case study, the article critically examines the role civil society has played in stabilizing, nurturing and exacerbating tensions that have the potential to trigger violence.

Nigeria has played host to different types of conflict, especially since the beginning of the Fourth Republic. Critical amongst these, is ethno-religious conflict, whose centrifugal tendencies potent dangerous vortex for the corporate existence of the country. The conflict in Jos, which has become interactable, is generally characterized as ethno-religious (mainly between majority Christian indigenes and minority Muslims settlers). The continual manipulations of these socially constructed categories trigger and drive violence in the city. Consequently, efforts at peace building within the ethno-religiously divided city have defied real and apparent solutions so far. One the one hand, government responses to the recurring conflicts have been widely perceived as ineffective, while on the other, the non-committal stance of the warring factions has given momentum to the collective destruction going on in the city. This study is an attempt to interrogate the intervening variables in the Jos crises. Aside its reliance on recorded data, the paper draws heavily on current reports of the crises in the city. After a carefully analysis of the available data, the paper recommends amongst others; a review of the 1999 constitutional provisions on citizenship, the strengthening of the security architecture not only in Jos but throughout the country, the prioritization of minority rights, the calvarisation of education in the country and the promotion of good governance. DOI:10.5901/ajis.2013.v2n1p349