Suchergebnisse

Within the principality of Morea, founded after the Fourth Crusade by Frankish knights in the territories of the former Byzantine Empire, men and women of the Latin elite ruled for nearly two and a half centuries. Drawing on new research trends, such as the study of individuals in prosopography, the history of representations and of women's power, this monograph highlights the place, role and power of the ladies of Frankish Morea, from the 13th to the 15th century. Going beyond the commonplace, mostly male, perpectives reflected in medieval thinking, it will analyze the involvement of women in family alliances, in the transmission and management of feudal holdings, and in the political, economic and social life of the principality. Presented in three parts, this work first examines the representation of women in the Latin and Byzantine sources, then considers the place of women in the family and marriage strategies, and concludes by studying the role and power of women in Moreote feudal and government structures. ; Au sein de la principauté de Morée, fondée à la suite de la quatrième croisade par quelques chevaliers francs dans les territoires de l'ancien empire byzantin, hommes et femmes de l'élite latine participent au maintien de la domination pendant près de deux siècles et demi. S'inspirant des nouvelles tendances de la recherche telles que l'étude des individus par la prosopographie, l'histoire des représentations et du pouvoir des femmes, cette monographie s'attache tout particulièrement à mettre en évidence la place, le rôle et le pouvoir des dames de la Morée franque, du XIIIe au XVe siècle. Au-delà des lieux communs fournis par la pensée médiévale, essentiellement masculine, il s'agira d'analyser l'implication des dames dans les alliances familiales, dans la transmission et la gestion du patrimoine féodal ou encore dans la vie politique, économique et sociale de la principauté. Organisé en trois parties, ce travail examine d'abord la représentation du féminin dans les sources latines et byzantines, puis il considère la place des dames au sein des familles et des stratégies matrimoniales, enfin il étudie le rôle et le pouvoir de ces femmes dans la féodalité moréote et le gouvernement de la principauté.

Within the principality of Morea, founded after the Fourth Crusade by Frankish knights in the territories of the former Byzantine Empire, men and women of the Latin elite ruled for nearly two and a half centuries. Drawing on new research trends, such as the study of individuals in prosopography, the history of representations and of women's power, this monograph highlights the place, role and power of the ladies of Frankish Morea, from the 13th to the 15th century. Going beyond the commonplace, mostly male, perpectives reflected in medieval thinking, it will analyze the involvement of women in family alliances, in the transmission and management of feudal holdings, and in the political, economic and social life of the principality. Presented in three parts, this work first examines the representation of women in the Latin and Byzantine sources, then considers the place of women in the family and marriage strategies, and concludes by studying the role and power of women in Moreote feudal and government structures. ; Au sein de la principauté de Morée, fondée à la suite de la quatrième croisade par quelques chevaliers francs dans les territoires de l'ancien empire byzantin, hommes et femmes de l'élite latine participent au maintien de la domination pendant près de deux siècles et demi. S'inspirant des nouvelles tendances de la recherche telles que l'étude des individus par la prosopographie, l'histoire des représentations et du pouvoir des femmes, cette monographie s'attache tout particulièrement à mettre en évidence la place, le rôle et le pouvoir des dames de la Morée franque, du XIIIe au XVe siècle. Au-delà des lieux communs fournis par la pensée médiévale, essentiellement masculine, il s'agira d'analyser l'implication des dames dans les alliances familiales, dans la transmission et la gestion du patrimoine féodal ou encore dans la vie politique, économique et sociale de la principauté. Organisé en trois parties, ce travail examine d'abord la représentation du féminin dans les sources latines et byzantines, ...

Within the principality of Morea, founded after the Fourth Crusade by Frankish knights in the territories of the former Byzantine Empire, men and women of the Latin elite ruled for nearly two and a half centuries. Drawing on new research trends, such as the study of individuals in prosopography, the history of representations and of women's power, this monograph highlights the place, role and power of the ladies of Frankish Morea, from the 13th to the 15th century. Going beyond the commonplace, mostly male, perpectives reflected in medieval thinking, it will analyze the involvement of women in family alliances, in the transmission and management of feudal holdings, and in the political, economic and social life of the principality. Presented in three parts, this work first examines the representation of women in the Latin and Byzantine sources, then considers the place of women in the family and marriage strategies, and concludes by studying the role and power of women in Moreote feudal and government structures. ; Au sein de la principauté de Morée, fondée à la suite de la quatrième croisade par quelques chevaliers francs dans les territoires de l'ancien empire byzantin, hommes et femmes de l'élite latine participent au maintien de la domination pendant près de deux siècles et demi. S'inspirant des nouvelles tendances de la recherche telles que l'étude des individus par la prosopographie, l'histoire des représentations et du pouvoir des femmes, cette monographie s'attache tout particulièrement à mettre en évidence la place, le rôle et le pouvoir des dames de la Morée franque, du XIIIe au XVe siècle. Au-delà des lieux communs fournis par la pensée médiévale, essentiellement masculine, il s'agira d'analyser l'implication des dames dans les alliances familiales, dans la transmission et la gestion du patrimoine féodal ou encore dans la vie politique, économique et sociale de la principauté. Organisé en trois parties, ce travail examine d'abord la représentation du féminin dans les sources latines et byzantines, puis il considère la place des dames au sein des familles et des stratégies matrimoniales, enfin il étudie le rôle et le pouvoir de ces femmes dans la féodalité moréote et le gouvernement de la principauté.

Within the principality of Morea, founded after the Fourth Crusade by Frankish knights in the territories of the former Byzantine Empire, men and women of the Latin elite ruled for nearly two and a half centuries. Drawing on new research trends, such as the study of individuals in prosopography, the history of representations and of women's power, this monograph highlights the place, role and power of the ladies of Frankish Morea, from the 13th to the 15th century. Going beyond the commonplace, mostly male, perpectives reflected in medieval thinking, it will analyze the involvement of women in family alliances, in the transmission and management of feudal holdings, and in the political, economic and social life of the principality. Presented in three parts, this work first examines the representation of women in the Latin and Byzantine sources, then considers the place of women in the family and marriage strategies, and concludes by studying the role and power of women in Moreote feudal and government structures. ; Au sein de la principauté de Morée, fondée à la suite de la quatrième croisade par quelques chevaliers francs dans les territoires de l'ancien empire byzantin, hommes et femmes de l'élite latine participent au maintien de la domination pendant près de deux siècles et demi. S'inspirant des nouvelles tendances de la recherche telles que l'étude des individus par la prosopographie, l'histoire des représentations et du pouvoir des femmes, cette monographie s'attache tout particulièrement à mettre en évidence la place, le rôle et le pouvoir des dames de la Morée franque, du XIIIe au XVe siècle. Au-delà des lieux communs fournis par la pensée médiévale, essentiellement masculine, il s'agira d'analyser l'implication des dames dans les alliances familiales, dans la transmission et la gestion du patrimoine féodal ou encore dans la vie politique, économique et sociale de la principauté. Organisé en trois parties, ce travail examine d'abord la représentation du féminin dans les sources latines et byzantines, ...

Within the principality of Morea, founded after the Fourth Crusade by Frankish knights in the territories of the former Byzantine Empire, men and women of the Latin elite ruled for nearly two and a half centuries. Drawing on new research trends, such as the study of individuals in prosopography, the history of representations and of women's power, this monograph highlights the place, role and power of the ladies of Frankish Morea, from the 13th to the 15th century. Going beyond the commonplace, mostly male, perpectives reflected in medieval thinking, it will analyze the involvement of women in family alliances, in the transmission and management of feudal holdings, and in the political, economic and social life of the principality. Presented in three parts, this work first examines the representation of women in the Latin and Byzantine sources, then considers the place of women in the family and marriage strategies, and concludes by studying the role and power of women in Moreote feudal and government structures. ; Au sein de la principauté de Morée, fondée à la suite de la quatrième croisade par quelques chevaliers francs dans les territoires de l'ancien empire byzantin, hommes et femmes de l'élite latine participent au maintien de la domination pendant près de deux siècles et demi. S'inspirant des nouvelles tendances de la recherche telles que l'étude des individus par la prosopographie, l'histoire des représentations et du pouvoir des femmes, cette monographie s'attache tout particulièrement à mettre en évidence la place, le rôle et le pouvoir des dames de la Morée franque, du XIIIe au XVe siècle. Au-delà des lieux communs fournis par la pensée médiévale, essentiellement masculine, il s'agira d'analyser l'implication des dames dans les alliances familiales, dans la transmission et la gestion du patrimoine féodal ou encore dans la vie politique, économique et sociale de la principauté. Organisé en trois parties, ce travail examine d'abord la représentation du féminin dans les sources latines et byzantines, puis il considère la place des dames au sein des familles et des stratégies matrimoniales, enfin il étudie le rôle et le pouvoir de ces femmes dans la féodalité moréote et le gouvernement de la principauté.

1. Chapter 1: A historian's introduction to paleoclimatology -- Chapter 2: A hard row to hoe. Climate change from the crop perspective -- Chapter 3: Who follows the elephant will have problems. Thought on modelling Roman responses to climate (changes) -- Chapter 4: Famines, demographic crises and climate in Italy, 1650-1913 -- Chapter 5: Collapse and resilience in prehistoric archaeology: Questioning concepts and causalities in models of climate-induced societal transformations -- Chapter 6: Climate, state building and political change in Egypt during the Early Bronze Age: a direct relation? -- Chapter 7: Vulnerability to climate change in Late Bronze Age Peloponnese (Greece) -- Chapter 8: Saving up for a rainy day? Climate events, human-induced processes, and their potential effects on people's coping strategies in the Mycenaean Argive Plain, Greece -- Chapter 9: Peloponnesian land-use dynamics and climate variability in the first millennium BCE -- Chapter 10: Volcanic eruptions, veiled Suns, and Nile failure in Egyptian history: Integrating hydroclimate into understandings of historical change -- Chapter 11: The environmental imperialism of the Roman Empire in northwestern Europe -- Chapter 12: Seasonal drought on Roman rivers: transport vs. irrigation -- Chapter 13: The Antonine crisis: Climate change as a potential trigger for epidemiological and economic turmoil -- Chapter 14: Climate change and the productive landscape in the Mediterranean region in the Roman period -- Chapter 15: Viticulture as a climate proxy for the Roman world? Global warming as a comparative framework for interpreting the ancient source material in Italy and the West (ca. 200 BC–AD 200) -- Chapter 16: Risks for farming families in the Roman World -- Chapter 17: Figures in an imperial landscape. Ecological and societal factors on settlement patterns and agriculture in Roman Italy -- Chapter 18: Hydrological changes in Late Antiquity: spatio-temporal characteristics and socio-economic impacts in the Eastern Mediterranean -- Chapter 19: Resilience and adaptation at the end of Antiquity. An evaluation of the impact of climate change in Late Roman western-central Anatolia -- Chapter 20: The social metabolism of past societies. A new approach to environmental changes and societal responses in the territory of Sagalassos (Turkey).

El reinado de Cleómenes I ha sido tradicionalmente considerado como el punto de partida de la política expansionista de Esparta más allá de las fronteras del Peloponeso. Para llevar a cabo sus objetivos, el diarca utilizó audazmente el recurso a la religión, sirviéndose especialmente de las profecías emitidas por el oráculo de Delfos. Sus fallidas campañas contra Atenas, el ataque que ejecutó contra Argos o las intrigas políticas que fomentó fueron aspectos convenientemente respaldados por justificaciones de índole mística. Admirado y denostado por diferentes sectores de la historiografía moderna, Cleómenes constituye una turbulenta figura de la historia de Esparta cuya muerte está rodeada de un halo de misterio. A través de las fuentes antiguas, entre las que destaca el halicarnasio Heródoto, este artículo analizará hasta qué punto este polémico personaje se sirvió de la religión y las posibles razones que subyacían bajo la agresiva política espartana de finales del siglo VI e inicios del V a. C., así como las maniobras del rey en el seno de la clase dirigente espartiata para imponerse sobre sus adversarios políticos. ; The reign of Cleomenes I has traditionally been considered as the starting point of Sparta's expansionist policy beyond the borders of the Peloponnese. To accomplish his objectives, the dyarch made a boldly use of religion, exploiting especially the prophecies issued by the Delphic oracle. Events like the failed campaigns against Athens, the attack on Argos, or the political intrigues Cleomenes I promoted were all conveniently supported by mystical justifications. Equally admired and reviled by modern historiography, Cleomenes I is a turbulent figure in the history of Sparta whose death is surrounded by mystery. Using a number of ancient sources, among which Herodotus of Halicarnassus stands out, this paper will analyse to what extent this controversial figure made use of religion, the reasons that motivated the aggressive Spartan policy (noticeable since late VI to early V century BC), as well as the tactics employed by the king in order to prevail over political adversaries within the Spartan ruling class.

El reinado de Cleómenes I ha sido tradicionalmente considerado como el punto de partida de la política expansionista de Esparta más allá de las fronteras del Peloponeso. Para llevar a cabo sus objetivos, el diarca utilizó audazmente el recurso a la religión, sirviéndose especialmente de las profecías emitidas por el oráculo de Delfos. Sus fallidas campañas contra Atenas, el ataque que ejecutó contra Argos o las intrigas políticas que fomentó fueron aspectos convenientemente respaldados por justificaciones de índole mística. Admirado y denostado por diferentes sectores de la historiografía moderna, Cleómenes constituye una turbulenta figura de la historia de Esparta cuya muerte está rodeada de un halo de misterio. A través de las fuentes antiguas, entre las que destaca el halicarnasio Heródoto, este artículo analizará hasta qué punto este polémico personaje se sirvió de la religión y las posibles razones que subyacían bajo la agresiva política espartana de finales del siglo VI e inicios del V a. C., así como las maniobras del rey en el seno de la clase dirigente espartiata para imponerse sobre sus adversarios políticos. ; The reign of Cleomenes I has traditionally been considered as the starting point of Sparta's expansionist policy beyond the borders of the Peloponnese. To accomplish his objectives, the dyarch made a boldly use of religion, exploiting especially the prophecies issued by the Delphic oracle. Events like the failed campaigns against Athens, the attack on Argos, or the political intrigues Cleomenes I promoted were all conveniently supported by mystical justifications. Equally admired and reviled by modern historiography, Cleomenes I is a turbulent figure in the history of Sparta whose death is surrounded by mystery. Using a number of ancient sources, among which Herodotus of Halicarnassus stands out, this paper will analyse to what extent this controversial figure made use of religion, the reasons that motivated the aggressive Spartan policy (noticeable since late VI to early V century BC), as well as the tactics employed by the king in order to prevail over political adversaries within the Spartan ruling class.

This dissertation examines the form and use of space within Byzantine villages in the Mani peninsula, the southernmost point of the Greek Peloponnese. Because of the use of stone in the construction of houses, churches, threshing floors, cisterns and other agricultural features, the preservation of settlements is excellent despite centuries of abandonment. Focusing on the domestic and secular features of settlements, I document and map the built features of villages to preserve their history, even as the buildings deteriorate. I interpret the built elements through spatial analysis, social history and information provided by local residents about the histories of each settlement. I selected the two primary villages in this dissertation, Marathos and Sarania, to provide examples of settlements from the same region located in different physical settings. Central to my study is the examination of how topography affects village development. I also study the fortified settlement at Tigani, the center of government control in the region. I examined the domestic architecture from this site in order to see how it relates and differentiates itself from that of the surrounding countryside. I aggregated and examined data on house design and size as well as settlement layout in order to provide conclusions about the form of domestic architecture and the use of space within the village. I identify the importance of topography and regional characteristics as critical factors in the form and appearance of buildings. Using two well-preserved, abandoned villages in the Mani as a foundation, and including the study of the administrative center at Tigani, my dissertation examines the relationship of villages to the landscape, to each other, and to proximate urban centers, placing a micro study within a much broader context. I use the data obtained from mapping to test multiple hypotheses about use, access, and function. My project aims not only to gain an understanding of the villages of the medieval Mani, but also to construct a model for future studies on the built environment of rural settlements.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Spyridon Ploumidis, The notion of 'death' in the Greek Revolution (1821-1832): Ideological perceptions and political practice The evolution of Greek nationalist ideas signified the passage from patria to the nation. The eruption of the revolution influenced the way the Greeks perceived the notion of 'death'. Since, the struggle for independence was massive, death also became collective. The Greek revolutionaries claimed that the Sultan was intent on slaughtering the entirety of the Greek nation. This was not true, yet the death toll of the Greek Revolution exceeded the traditional limits of earlier Christian rebellions, and the number of dead is estimated between 230,000 and 600,000. Massacres occurred beyond the limits of the Peloponnese (in Constantinople, Smyrna, Chios at el.), and every Greek-speaking Orthodox individual became a potential victim of the revengeful Ottomans. The Ottoman atrocities drew the imaginary geographical boundaries of the Greek 'national' space. Nevertheless, Greeks were not the only victims of the War of Independence. By 1833, around 63.000 Muslims ('Turks') were either killed or expelled from the territory of the Greek state. Vengeance and hatred against the 'Turks' was a tenet of the Greek revolutionary agenda. In addition to its new collective nature, the notion of 'death' acquired during the Greek Revolution a new, political meaning. Koraes and Rigas had already prepared the ground for the grounding of their fellow-Greeks in this new perception. 'Death' came to describe 'slavery', 'tyranny', 'oligarchy' and submission to the 'Turks'. Natural death came to be seen as preferable to a meaningless life without Koraes' 'natural rights' (equality, rule of law, etc.). To this end, the Third National Assembly of the Greeks pronounced in 1827 the notion of 'political death'. The term 'death' in the revolutionary motto 'Freedom or Death' (Ελευθερία ή Θάνατος), which drew on the French maxim La Liberté ou la Mort, had by and large this political significance. The determination of the Greek revolutionaries to achieve freedoms and rights at the cost of their life is found in several official declarations and statements. General Spyromilios clarified that (life or) 'death' was hence forward a matter of 'national existence' and not of 'personal existence', i.e. it was primarily a collective and political issue. This ideological development was an outcome of secularization. Secular freedom was deemed to be hierarchically a superior value to the religious tolerance, which the Orthodox enjoyed within the Ottoman millet system. For that matter, the attainment of independence in 1830 was hailed by the protagonists as the 'resurrection' of the Greek nation.

Can we criticize democracy? Above all, can we criticize democracy objectively, that is to say, criticize the democratic regime without supporting dictatorships and tyrannies. Furthermore, it is the prejudice that Platonic political philosophy has endured. We have often seen Platonic hatred towards the democracy as a love of political elites and a contempt for the people who are not able to understand philosophical and metaphysical subtleties, leaning towards the control of life privacy and a will to subdue the city to the authority, almost natural to philosopher king. The problem that interests us in this work is precisely to attempt to overcome this prejudice by inquiring the political and philosophical reasons for the hatred of democracy. To respond appropriately to this problem and to understand the Platonic's definition of democracy (and the political art in general), we have analyzed Platonic political philosophy in the light of Athens political history by focusing on crisis and reforms to give a better appreciation of the originality of Plato's philosophy. This historical analysis will allow us to understand the distance that the Founder of the Academy took as regards to tyranny but also to democracy. The disagreement that Plato expresses against the politicians, the sophists and against the presocratics is not merely a critical attitude towards the scholars of his time, but it is about returning to the concepts, definitions that they must have in order to come closer as possible to the truth. ; Peut-on critiquer la démocratie ? Surtout, peut-on critiquer la démocratie de manière objective, c'est-à-dire critiquer le régime démocratique sans pour autant soutenir les dictatures et et les tyrannies ? C'est d'ailleurs le préjugé dont a souffert la philosophie politique platonicienne. On a souvent vu la haine platonicienne vis-à-vis de la démocratie comme un amour des élites politiques et un mépris du peuple qui n'est pas apte à saisir les subtilités philosophiques et métaphysique, un penchant pour le contrôle de la vie privée et une volonté de soumettre la cité à l'autorité quasi naturelle du philosophe-roi. La problématique qui nous intéresse dans ce travail est justement de tenter de dépasser ce préjugé en posant les raisons politiques et philosophiques de la haine de la démocratie. Pour répondre adéquatement à cette problématique et pour comprendre la définition platonicienne de la démocratie (et de l'art politique en général), nous avons analysé la philosophie politique platonicienne à l'aune de l'histoire politique d'Athènes, en se focalisant sur les crises et les réformes pour mieux apprécier l'originalité de la philosophie de Platon. Cette analyse historique va nous permettre alors de comprendre la distance que prend le Fondateur de l'Académie quant à la tyrannie mais également en ce qui concerne la démocratie. L'opposition que manifeste Platon contre les politiques et les sophistes et contre les présocratiques n'est pas uniquement une marque d'attitude critique envers les savants de son temps, mais il s'agit de redonner aux concepts les définitions qu'ils doivent avoir afin de se rapprocher autant que faire se peut de la vérité.

Can we criticize democracy? Above all, can we criticize democracy objectively, that is to say, criticize the democratic regime without supporting dictatorships and tyrannies. Furthermore, it is the prejudice that Platonic political philosophy has endured. We have often seen Platonic hatred towards the democracy as a love of political elites and a contempt for the people who are not able to understand philosophical and metaphysical subtleties, leaning towards the control of life privacy and a will to subdue the city to the authority, almost natural to philosopher king. The problem that interests us in this work is precisely to attempt to overcome this prejudice by inquiring the political and philosophical reasons for the hatred of democracy. To respond appropriately to this problem and to understand the Platonic's definition of democracy (and the political art in general), we have analyzed Platonic political philosophy in the light of Athens political history by focusing on crisis and reforms to give a better appreciation of the originality of Plato's philosophy. This historical analysis will allow us to understand the distance that the Founder of the Academy took as regards to tyranny but also to democracy. The disagreement that Plato expresses against the politicians, the sophists and against the presocratics is not merely a critical attitude towards the scholars of his time, but it is about returning to the concepts, definitions that they must have in order to come closer as possible to the truth. ; Peut-on critiquer la démocratie ? Surtout, peut-on critiquer la démocratie de manière objective, c'est-à-dire critiquer le régime démocratique sans pour autant soutenir les dictatures et et les tyrannies ? C'est d'ailleurs le préjugé dont a souffert la philosophie politique platonicienne. On a souvent vu la haine platonicienne vis-à-vis de la démocratie comme un amour des élites politiques et un mépris du peuple qui n'est pas apte à saisir les subtilités philosophiques et métaphysique, un penchant pour le contrôle de la vie privée et une volonté de soumettre la cité à l'autorité quasi naturelle du philosophe-roi. La problématique qui nous intéresse dans ce travail est justement de tenter de dépasser ce préjugé en posant les raisons politiques et philosophiques de la haine de la démocratie. Pour répondre adéquatement à cette problématique et pour comprendre la définition platonicienne de la démocratie (et de l'art politique en général), nous avons analysé la philosophie politique platonicienne à l'aune de l'histoire politique d'Athènes, en se focalisant sur les crises et les réformes pour mieux apprécier l'originalité de la philosophie de Platon. Cette analyse historique va nous permettre alors de comprendre la distance que prend le Fondateur de l'Académie quant à la tyrannie mais également en ce qui concerne la démocratie. L'opposition que manifeste Platon contre les politiques et les sophistes et contre les présocratiques n'est pas uniquement une marque d'attitude critique envers les savants de son temps, mais il s'agit de redonner aux concepts les définitions qu'ils doivent avoir afin de se rapprocher autant que faire se peut de la vérité.

The epic of Digenis Akritas is one that captivates the audience's mind as the story of a frontiersman defending the borders of the Byzantine Empire is intertwined with romance and moral virtues. The tale, in both written and oral versions, was spread for centuries throughout the empire. Remnants of the tale exist from mainland Greece, southern Italy and the Peloponnese where this paper is centered. My thesis focuses on a singular depiction of the epic in the church of the Panagia Chrysaphitissa near modern-day Chrysapha, Lakonia: the image of a battle between Digenis Akritas and his foe and lover, Maximou. The presence of a literary figure within the context of a painted church in the rural Morea may at first appear uncomfortable and jarring. How does the faithful viewer interpret the intersection of secular folklore imagery and the religious context within an ecclesiastical context. When considered in relationship to the moment in which it was created, the image begins to convey a story of interconnections with the greater world as political unease reshaped the region. Set against a backdrop of turmoil, shifting geo-political boundaries and centers of power, and an overall sense of unease, it is logical that one of the greatest folk heroes of the period would be a frontiersman protecting the empire. In the direct area of this church, nearby Mystras would serve as the capital of the Despotate within a century, the Byzantines and Frankish forces battled for power continually, and the Angevins made their presence in the region known. The scene of Digenis and Maximou represents the moment of a heroic Christian male overcoming his worldly foe in defense of the empire. Constructed in 1289/1290 by a sebastos, an official responsible for controlling ethnic groups, in Chrysapha we see a depiction of a protector painted within a church located in an unsettled environment. To my knowledge, this is the single labeled image of Digenis Akritas in existence. It is thus not only significant in relationship to the space in which it was painted but also plays a significant part in the realm of image making during the period overall since it can be used as a standard marker with which to identify other images of the subject. Painted in the dado zone of the church, the image exemplifies the elasticity of the lower register of the church walls which contains imagery that extends beyond the boundaries of traditional church decoration. In the churches of Hagia Theodora in Arta and the Peribleptos at Mystras, which were both painted within one hundred years of the dedication of the Chrysaphitissa, the Late Byzantine dado zone was one of play and innovation. Though seemingly disparate and secular, each church presents a contemporary way of looking at Christian themes and values. It is as though the religious imagery of the greater program is being "translated" into the worldly.

The clothing of the gods, widely treated from different points of view in the ancient studies, can be analyzed in terms of its ideological, social or political connotations. Such connotations are often propagandistic and have been consciously reflected in the real attire itself or in garments represented on artistic works and elaborate narratives. In this paper I am proposing to approach the issue from a "political" and ideological perspective, discussing two cases of dresses of arkadian goddesses: the garment of the goddess Despoina, as it can be seen in a fragment of the acrolithic cultic group of her sanctuary at Lycosoura, on the one hand, and the peplos offered to Athena Alea at Tegea by Laodice, a woman resident in Cyprus, on the other. Bearing in mind the extraordinary religious background of Arkadia, together with its ability to bring together innovative elements of worship, but also its religious versatility in changing political and social contexts, as well as the leading role of this region in the Peloponnese during the Hellenistic period (especially as part of the Achaean League), the two cases chosen serve to the present study as a platform to deepen what is the message that garments, by their characteristics, intend to convey. The analysis leads us to glimpse the possible triumphalist and propagandistic exaltation of some reality not strictly religious, perhaps a military victory of the Achaean League, in the case of Lycosoura and an act possibly to place in an international diplomacy context, aimed at creating networks of kinship between Cyprus and Tegea, in an attempt to enhance relations between the parties for mutual benefit. ; La indumentaria divina, ampliamente tratada desde múltiples puntos de vista en los estudios de la Antigüedad, también se presta a análisis que ponen de manifiesto connotaciones ideológicas, de tipo social o político, a menudo propagandístico, conscientemente reflejadas bien en las propias prendas reales, bien en las obras artísticas que las representan o en elaboradas narrativas. En la presente contribución me propongo llevar a cabo una aproximación a la cuestión desde esta perspectiva "política" e ideológica, discutiendo dos casos de vestidos destinados a sendas diosas arcadias: el vestido de la diosa Despoina, parcialmente conocido por un fragmento marmóreo del grupo escultórico de culto del santuario de Licosura, por un lado, y el peplos enviado a Atenea Alea de Tegea por parte de una mujer residente en Chipre, llamada Laodice, por otro. Teniendo en cuenta el extraordinario bagaje religioso de la región, junto con su capacidad de aglutinar elementos de culto innovadores, pero también su versatilidad religiosa ante los imperativos políticos y sociales, así como su papel protagonista en el Peloponeso durante la época helenística (especialmente en el marco de la Liga aquea), estos dos casos sirven para profundizar en lo que se percibe detrás de las telas, es decir el mensaje que las prendas, por sus características, pretenden transmitir. El análisis nos conduce a vislumbrar la posible exaltación triunfalista y propagandística de alguna realidad no estrictamente religiosa, quizás una victoria militar de la Liga aquea, en el caso de Licosura y un acto posiblemente adscribible a un contexto de diplomacia internacional, orientada a crear redes de parentesco entre Chipre y Tegea, en un intento de potenciar las relaciones entre las partes para beneficio mutuo.

This paper explores the heroic Greek name Nestor (Νέστωρ) and its distribution as a personal name in the Hellenic world.The name Nestor, as a personal name, is almost equally common in the Ionian areas of the Hellenic World (Attica, the islands in the Cyclades, Ionia in Asia Minor), as it is in the predominantly Doric areas (Peloponnese, the islands of Rhodes and Kos), but also in Epirus, Macedonia and in the Hellenic settlements beyond the mainland Greece. It is indisputable that this distribution of the name must have been influenced by the fact that Nestor was one of the most notable heroes of ancient Hellenic epics with a significant role in the two most important Homeric epics. As in the case of some other Neleid names, the heroic name Nestor could have seemed attractive and desirable for naming male children, in particular from the point of view of Nestor's glorious offspring with whom several aristocratic families from different parts of the Greek world wanted to be identified. Additionally, in the subsequent periods (Hellenistic and Roman), the names taken from the mythological repertoire were very popular among the educated members of the local elites. They perceived Nestor as a model of a wise teacher and counselor. It seems that the name Nestor might have sound to contemporaries primarily as a good name for a wise and educated Hellene. In this way, the reasons for giving the name Nestor to newborn Hellenic children gradually moved from the sphere of politics to the sphere of culture, as had been the case with some other heroic names, but also with some which were not associated with heroes.The anthroponym Nestor at the time often occurred in combination with other heroic names. ; Овај рад се бави грчким херојским именом Нестор (Νέστωρ) и истражује његову дистрибуцију као личног имена у старогрчком свету, од архајског до римског царског периода. Анализира се главни разлог за одабир овог херојског имена за смртнике почевши од најранијег забележеног случаја, натписа на славном скифосу из VIII века из Питекуса познатом као "Несторов пехар" чији је власник могао бити Нестор. Име Нестор, или једна од његових верзија (Нестијанор) је већ пронађено на плочама са Линеарним Б писмом из Пила и Тебе, повремено се јавља и у различитим подручјима старогрчког света у древном периоду. Оно припада посебној категорији митолошких и херојских имена која су постала нарочито популарна међу савеменим Грцима из различитих области. Разлози за појаву имена Нестор као личног имена у грчком свету могу да буду бројни. Како митолошка традиција представља Нестора као некога ко је оличење дугог живота, срећног и здравог старог доба, али и мудрости, речитости и личне храбрости, он би такође могао да дâ добар пример за будуће генерације. Стога је, попут других имена из херојског репортоара, и ово име постало пожељно у избору имена која су се давала деци, уз очекивање да ће носилац имена проживети свој живот као што је Нестор проживео свој.Међутим, херојско име Нестор јавља се као лично име и у оним породицама које су тврдиле да су потекле од великог хероја. Слично томе, лично име Νεστορίδης, које је настало додавањем патронимског наставка –ides/idas на име Нестор можда је било повезано са наводним пореклом genos-a или породице. Као и у слчају неких других нелеидских имена, херојско име Нестор је могло да делује привлачно и пожељно у именовању деце са посебним освртом на Несторово славно потомство. С друге стране, имена митолошке инспирације била су веома популарна међу образовним члановима локалне елите у хеленистичком и римском царском периоду. Херој Нестор је био парадигма мудрог учитеља и саветника. Изгледа да је у то време име Нестор можда савременицима звучало као добро име за мудрог и образованог Грка. У том смилу разлози за давање имена Нестор новорођеној деци, као и у случају неких других херојских и не само херојских имена, постепено се међу Грцима померало из домена политике у сферу културе. Лично име Нестор је потврђено у комбинацији са другим херојским именима, а ни комбинације имена отац-син великих митолошких и херојских имена нису ретке (нпр. Νέστωρ Διομήδου, Νέστωρ Μελανίππου, и Ἄδραστος Νέστορος). С друге стране, у неким деловима Римског царства антропоним Нестор се, као и многа друга херојска имена, најчешће јавља као име за робове и ослобођене људе. Такође, у складу са римском праксом именовања, ово име се често бележило и као cognomen.