Suchergebnisse

The author analyzes US policy in the Middle East. Discussion focuses on policies addressing the Persian Gulf region, the dangers of Islamic terrorism, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, & the protection of human rights. The development of current strategies, opposition to & resentment of US security policy, & the double standard apparent in many US policies are discussed. The author also addresses the consequences of American militarization, including the influx of billions of dollars in armaments into the region by the US government. J. Harwell

Opens with an overview of US Caspian policy, which began tepidly in the wake of the Soviet collapse but heated up in ensuing years as the Caspian region attained high salience in the US foreign policy hierarchy of concerns. Issues surrounding the transport of oil & natural gas are addressed before considering just what is at stake strategically for the US in the region. It is seen that the US & Russia are better off cooperating than trying to exclude one another from the region. Three key conclusions around which US policy shifts will revolve are the fact that Central Asia & the Caucasus cannot be adjuncts to any Russia policy, conflict resolution is a key facet of any policy, & energy assets are not sufficient to warrant giving the region vital strategic status. It is concluded that US national interests in the Caspian Basin are more derivative than fundamental; thus US commitment should be taken on a case-by-case basis & be part of a wider focus on stability in the People's Republic of China, Russia, Turkey, & the Persian Gulf. J. Zendejas

The institutionalisation of border regions has a long history. Initial forms of cooperation usually emerged in relation to a specific event. The 1970s were decisive for the emergence of cross-border organisations in both the Greater Region and the Upper Rhine region. Over the decades the structures were consolidated, although regionally specific adaptations and developments continue both on a conceptual and practical level. The European INTERREG A programme has played a significant role in improving cross-border cooperation, and INTERREG continues to be an important factor in the implementation of cross-border projects. Efforts to further develop the institutional framework and cooperation structures in recent years demonstrate that there are still many challenges but also unexploited potential in the Greater Region and the Upper Rhine region.

Discusses Turkey's goals & strategies in the Caspian region, particularly the South Caucasus. Turkey's priorities are considered from a regional perspective & in terms of transregional connections impacting Turkish policy. It is contended that Turkey's aspirations in the Caspian region cannot be comprehended apart from its Western leaning & relationship with the US & EU. Turkey has become one the most important potential oil & gas markets for Caspian & Russian product, & its immediate gas shortage lends economic significance to its regional relations. Three pipeline projects are overviewed in this light. While natural gas has required an economic approach, Turkey's policy toward oil transport is imbued with environmental concerns & political considerations. The dominance of geopolitics regarding oil pipeline routes is cited, & Turkey's support of the economically questionable Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, which would cross its territory, is based on its desire to consolidate its role as a critical link between Central Asia, the Caspian region, & Europe. Turkish-Russian cooperation is addressed, stressing that Russia's uncertain future is a major consideration for Turkish policymakers. Turkey's proclivity for multilateralism & Western orientation as seen in its policy toward NATO & EU membership, centers on pursuing regional stability & development, two objectives that a powerful Russia can help meet. The domestic & international constraints confronting Turkish Caspian policy are delineated, eg, limited resources for providing aid & the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. It is concluded that Turkey ought to work with the US & Europe to ameliorate the fallout of power politics, while pursuing sustained cooperation with Russia. J. Zendejas

Discusses the policy elements of Azerbaijan's strategic choice in the Caspian region since independence, asserting that this choice lies in favor of the West. Azerbaijan's resort to the oil card is seen to underpin its attempt to bolster political & economic relations with the West. Azerbaijan's position at the heart of the region's geopolitics motivates it to pursue stable relations with Russia, Turkey, & Iran; key issues influencing each of these bilateral arrangements are addressed. Azerbaijan's support for the delimitation of sea frontiers on the Caspian Sea is then examined, along with its desire to see a diversified system of oil & gas pipelines established. J. Zendejas

Die Studie zum europäischen Integrationsprozess und seinem Einfluss auf die post-kommunistischen Gesellschaften in der Ostseeregion untersucht das soziale Vertrauen der Bevölkerung in zehn Staaten. Die Ausgestaltung des sozialen Vertrauens, verstanden als ein wichtiges politisches Merkmal, gilt als Indikator für die Stärke der Zivilgesellschaft. Nach einer Skizzierung früherer Forschungsergebnisse werden folgende aktuelle Befunde, basierend auf Befragungen, präsentiert: (1) Soziale Netzwerke (Mitgliedschaften in Organisationen und freiwilligen Initiativen), (2) sozialer Status (Haushaltseinkommen), (3) die Vermittlung von Werten bei der Kindererziehung, (4) politische Ideologien, differenziert in Sozialisten und Liberale, (5) Zufriedenheit mit der Demokratie und politische Aktivitäten, (6) Nationalismus und die Einstellung zur pluralistischen Gesellschaft. Die Untersuchung offenbart einen engen Zusammenhang zwischen der Einbettung in das soziale Netzwerk und sozialem Vertrauen sowie einen negativen Bezug zu autoritären Werten. Somit stehen die misstrauischen Menschen außerhalb der aktiven Zivilgesellschaft und verfolgen eine Wertekonformität bei der Kindererziehung. Politisch betrachtet findet man diese Personen sowohl im rechten als auch im linken Lager. Sie zeichnen sich durch politische Passivität, Unzufriedenheit mit der demokratischen Entwicklung und Ablehnung von Migranten aus. (ICG2). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten.