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The European Union pursues an active foreign policy both in a form of bilateral ties with sovereign states and while interacting with regional associations. The article considers the strategic attractiveness of the Persian Gulf region for the European Union as well as EU's external regional policy (European interregionalism) towards the Gulf Cooperation Council. The paper analyzes the methodological basis of the European interregionalism, the goals and specific directions of the EU's policy in the region, the mechanisms for its implementation, strategic changes in the EU's policy while taking into account the Arab Spring. The authors conclude that the cooperation initially planned in Brussels on the basis of exporting the liberal values could not stand the test of the Arab Spring. In the Global Strategy of 2016 the EU introduced changes that envisage a differentiated approach in the policy of European interregionalism. In the final part, the authors draw the conclusion about the effectiveness of the new EU Global strategy towards the GCC. © 2019 Institute of Europe Russian Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

The author studies the influence of the "Shia factor" on the relations between Iran and the Gulf Arab countries. In most countries of the Persian Gulf, there are Shia communities that constitute a significant part of the population. After the Islamic revolution of 1979 relations between Iran and most Arab countries have become particularly tense. In the 1980s, the Gulf monarchies also became wary of exporting the Islamic revolution in their countries. This was due to the fact that, being inspired by the success of the co-religionists in Iran, the Arab Shiites became more involved in politics. It should be noted that the way the Arab Gulf countries treat the Shiites in the region is influenced by the fact that Iran and the Arab Gulf countries compete for political and economic predominance in the region. Often the Shia Muslims are discriminated by the authorities of the Arab countries, and are regarded as the so-called "fifth column" of Iran. In the author's opinion, the policy of oppression of the Shia Muslims in the Persian Gulf monarchies not only worsens the political situation in these countries, but also complicates relations with neighboring Iran. This policy is not constructive. Moreover, the mythical "Iranian threat" does not go to any comparison with the threat posed by the Islamic State. According to the author, although after the execution of the Shia cleric Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr in Saudi Arabia at the beginning of 2016 Iran's relations with Arab countries became even more strained, the further escalation of the conflict is not in the interests of Iran. Especially now, at the initial stage of removing sanctions against Iran's nuclear program, the military operations against the Shiites in the Arab countries may slow down the process. As for Saudi Arabia, in the event of the outbreak of hostilities Riyadh may seriously damage relations with the United States. This is because Washington sees no benefits in involving Saudi Arabia, its biggest ally in the region, into another armed conflict in the region.

Basic issues of trade and economic cooperation between Russia and countries of the Persian Gulf Arab States Cooperation Council (GCC) are discussed. Despite mutual interest, relations between GCC states and Russia could not have reached sufficiently high level, specifically owing tothe influence of political factors. At the same time, in spite of rather small trade volumes and poor economic relations between Russia and GCC states, their cooperation prospects may be considered as sufficiently optimistic. ; Статья посвящена рассмотрению основных вопросов торгово-экономического сотрудничества России и стран Совета содружества арабских государств Персидского залива (ССАГПЗ). Отмечается, что, несмотря на взаимный интерес, отношения между государствами ССАГПЗ и Россией на текущий момент не смогли достичь высокого уровня, в том числе по причине влияния политического фактора. Вместе с тем, несмотря на относительно небольшие объёмы торгово-экономических связей России с государствами ССАГПЗ, перспективы взаимодействия между ними представляются в достаточной степени оптимистичными.

The article covers the features of West Germany's foreign policy in the Middle East during the German reunification period. In particular, the attention is paid to the fact of Germany's participation in the Persian Gulf War. In conditions of domestic policy changing, in spite of difficulties connected with them, West Germany aspired to play a significant role on the international stage. Maneuvering between the USA and the major European partners, cares for domestic economic settlement and development, the unstable economic relations with Middle East partners reduced the efficiency of German policy. However, according to the author of the article, the Persian Gulf War allowed Germany to declare itself a significant political power. West Germany assumed the solution of important strategic tasks, provided the USA a platform for military formations, made an essential contribution to the solution of humanitarian problems in the region and became financial center of this military operation. In the article concepts and main strategies of the state and also the main steps taken within described events are analyzed. Features of the formation of the new foreign policy doctrine in correlation with the USA foreign course and the USSR expectations are revealed ; Рассматриваются особенности внешней политики ФРГ на Ближнем Востоке в период германского объединения. В частности, уделяется внимание факту участия ФРГ в войне в Персидском заливе. В меняющихся внутриполитических условиях, несмотря на трудности, с этим связанные, ФРГ стремилась играть значительную роль на международной арене. Лавирование между США и важнейшими европейскими партнерами, заботы о внутреннем экономическом урегулировании и развитии, нестабильные экономические отношения с ближневосточными партнерами снижали эффективность политики Германии. Однако, как доказывает автор статьи, война в Персидском заливе позволила ФРГ заявить о себе как о значимой политической силе. ФРГ взяла на себя решение важных стратегических задач, предоставила США площадку для военных формирований, внесла существенный вклад в решение гуманитарных проблем в регионе и стала финансовым центром этой военной операции. В статье анализируются концепции и основные стратегии, на базе которых действовало государство, а также основные шаги, предпринятые в рамках описываемых событий. Выявляются особенности формирования новой внешнеполитической доктрины ФРГ в соотнесении с внешним курсом США и ожиданиями СССР

В статье определены место и роль региона Персидского залива во внешней и военной политике Соединенных Штатов. Проблематика отношений США — регион Персидского залива впервые проанализирована через призму концепции «регионального комплекса безопасности». В предложенном ракурсе выявлены основные проблемные поля архитектуры безопасности региона Персидского залива и особенности парадигмы взаимодействия акторов на разных исторических этапах, особенно в период президентства Б. Обамы. Освещены малоизученные аспекты эволюции военного присутствия США в регионе в контексте изменения геополитических реалий Персидского залива, а также внешнеполитических и военно-стратегических приоритетов Соединенных Штатов. = The article defi nes the place and the role of the Gulf region in the United States foreign and military policy framework. The U.S. and the Persian Gulf relations are analysed for the fi rst time through the prism of «regional security complex». The article identifi es the main challenges of the Persian Gulf security architecture and the peculiarities of the interaction paradigm of the relevant actors at different historical stages, with an emphasis on the policy of the Obama administration. The article highlights some understudied aspects of the evolution of the U.S. military presence in the region within the context of both the changing geopolitical realities in the Persian Gulf, and the transformations in the U.S. foreign policy and strategic priorities. ; Раздел "Международные отношения"

The article examines the energy cooperation of the South Korea and Persian Gulf oil exporters in the context of development of the military-political situation in the Middle East. The authors reveal the reasons why Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the UAE and Kuwait are the most important oil suppliers for the Republic of Korea since 2011 till present. ; В статье рассматриваются внешнеполитические факторы, влияющие на сотрудничество в энергетической сфере Республики Корея и ряда арабских стран - экспортеров нефти Персидского залива (Саудовская Аравия, Катар, ОАЭ и Кувейт), которые являются крупнейшими поставщиками нефти в Южную Корею с 2011 г. по настоящее время.

In this article, the foreign policy consequences of events associated with American invasion in Iraq in 2003 are analyzed. Meanwhile two levels of geopolitics - world and regional - are viewed, in connection with which the influence of mentioned facts on the change of situation in the Middle East region is shown, the change of these results related with changing political geography at regional and international levels, which had a considerable influence on the Middle East region, and changing foreign policy priorities of the leading countries in the Persian Gulf (the Islamic Republic of Iran). In the end, we have reached conclusions about negative consequences of the U.S. occupation of Iraq . ; В статье проанализированы внешнеполитические последствия событий, связанные с американским вторжением в Ирак в 2003 г. При этом рассмотрены два уровня геополитики - мировой и региональный, в связи с чем показано влияние этих событий на изменение обстановки в ближневосточном регионе, смену внешнеполитических приоритетов ведущей страны Персидского залива - Исламской республики Иран. В статье сделаны выводы о негативных последствиях действий США.

In dem Beitrag wird die gegenwärtige Rolle Rußlands im geostrategischen und geoökonomischen Interessengeflecht in der Schwarzmeerregion analysiert. In diesem Zusammenhang werden insbesondere der Interessenkonflikt mit der Türkei und der Ukraine beleuchtet. Dabei wird auch auf historische Parallelen zur Entwicklung in dieser Region in den Jahren 1914 und 1989 eingegangen. Rußland hat sich - im Gegensatz zur Türkei - nach Ansicht des Autors bislang nur unzureichend auf die neuen geostrategischen Gegebenheiten in der Schwarzmeerregion eingestellt. (BIOst-Mrk)

Eines der prioritären Ziele der deutschen Außenpolitik scheint in der Schaffung einer allseitigen internationalen Zusammenarbeit im Ostseeraum zu bestehen. Anhand der deutschen Aktivitäten in den in dieser Region bestehenden Euregios und sonstigen regionalen Organisationen und Institutionen wird jeweils detailliert aufgezeigt, in welchem Maße sich Deutschland hier politisch und wirtschaftlich engagiert. (BIOst-Mrk)

The given research paper presents an attempt to analyze the Caspian region from the point of view of its cross-border specifics. In contrast to the traditional understanding of the Caspian region as the region of heightened geopolitical significance the authors analyze its peculiarities and potential in the context of the cross-border cooperation dynamics. It is especially emphasized that the Caspian region may be considered as a cross-border region which, despite the substantial similarities is different from international transnational regions. The authors focus attention on a key contradiction of the Caspian region. On the one hand, national interests and foreign policy of the states-members of the Caspian region (Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan) have a national country and regional importance, since their implementation will form an effective regional security system. On the other hand, the Caspian region attracts the attention of the world powers, becoming a subject of their interest, as it is of great importance for world energy markets and has status of a transit zone between Europe and Asia. For Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia, Turkmenistan the Caspian status is combined with their most important characteristic of post-Soviet states - shared long historical stage of development within the Soviet Union. The article distinguished and analyzed four main periods of establishment of cross-border cooperation in the Caspian region. The national specificity of modernization reforms in all the countries of the Caspian region have interrelations with further development of cross-border cooperation, the priority of that performs convergence of Caspian states on a number of strategic issues, including economic cooperation and security. (author's abstract)

Introduction. The article is devoted to Persians who served in the Early Byzantine armed forces. Even during the Principate period, alae and cohortes which were originally recruited from Parthians were part of the Roman imperial army. Units from Persian defectors and prisoners were also created from the 4th to the 6th century. Methods. Using tools of the positivist methodology makes it possible to provide a critical analysis of information from the sources. At the same time, the prosopographical method allows to study mechanisms of integration of immigrants from neighboring realms into the Early Byzantine society using examples of individual fates. Analysis. According to "Notitia Dignitatum", a significant part of military units of Persian origin served in eastern provinces of the empire. It is also known that cavalry vexillationes which consisted of immigrants from Iran were included in mobile armies. Some numeri with Persian prisoners were transferred to Italy in the 6th century. These units consisted mainly of heavily armed horsemen who were famous for eastern neighbors of Rome and Byzantium. In the framework of the presented article, the author refers to individual personalities who held commanding posts in the imperial armed forces. It is important to note that among them there were representatives of the Sasanian family. Ormizdas, the son of Hormizd II, Kavad, the grandson of Kavad I, and Khosrow II sought to find salvation from Iranian strifes at the court of the emperors. These individuals were considered as completely loyal to Byzantium candidates for the Shahanshah's throne. However, only Khosrow II managed to return victorious to Iran in 591 with the support of the eastern Roman emperor Maurice. Results. The author concludes that military service was the main channel of integration into the society of the empire for Persian immigrants as well as other foreigners in the Late Antique period. © 2020 Volgograd State University. All rights reserved.