Suchergebnisse

Štićene su osobe fizičke osobe zaštićene tjelesnom i tehničkom zaštitom, a osobita se briga pridaje štićenju vodećih političkih dužnosnika, kao i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti. Poslovi tjelohranitelja moraju biti regulirani zakonom gdje će biti izričito navedeno ono bitno za uspješnu provedbu zahtjevnih poslova, a samo iznimni pojedinci mogu zadovoljiti potrebne uvjete posla. Društvo je u današnje vrijeme osobito izloženo političkom sukobljavanju i nasilju, te je potrebno posebnu brigu dati zaštiti vodećih političkih dužnosnika i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti države. Svakako je najosjetljiviji trenutak u sveukupnom procesu nasilja dolazak počinitelja u konkretnu priliku da počini napad iz neposredne udaljenosti pogodnim oružjem. Kada dođe do ugrožavanja njihove sigurnosti postavlja se pitanje o učinkovitosti sustava sigurnosti u cijelosti. Atentati imaju isti učinak kao terorizam, a to znači da je krajnji cilj atentata kompatibilan s krajnjim ciljem i efektima. Primarni učinak izazivaju osjećaj straha, panike i nesigurnosti većeg broja ljudi što snažno utječe na djelovanje vlasti, a što je krajnji cilj političkog nasilja. Kad je riječ o državnicima, atentati su osjetljivi događaji koji mogu imati katastrofalne posljedice. Upravo je stoga kao tema ovog rada odabrana studija slučaja atentata na srbijanskog premijera Zorana Đinđića. Đinđić je pokušao reformirati i modernizirati Srbiju zbog čega je došao u sukob s radikalnim nacionalističkim krugovima. ; Protected persons are natural persons protected by physical and technical protection, and particular care is given to the protection of leading political officials as well as representatives of the highest authorities. Bodyguard jobs must be regulated by law, which will explicitly state what is essential for the successful execution of demanding jobs, and only exceptional individuals can meet the required job requirements. Today, the society is particularly exposed to political conflict and violence, and special care must be taken to protect leading ...

Štićene su osobe fizičke osobe zaštićene tjelesnom i tehničkom zaštitom, a osobita se briga pridaje štićenju vodećih političkih dužnosnika, kao i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti. Poslovi tjelohranitelja moraju biti regulirani zakonom gdje će biti izričito navedeno ono bitno za uspješnu provedbu zahtjevnih poslova, a samo iznimni pojedinci mogu zadovoljiti potrebne uvjete posla. Društvo je u današnje vrijeme osobito izloženo političkom sukobljavanju i nasilju, te je potrebno posebnu brigu dati zaštiti vodećih političkih dužnosnika i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti države. Svakako je najosjetljiviji trenutak u sveukupnom procesu nasilja dolazak počinitelja u konkretnu priliku da počini napad iz neposredne udaljenosti pogodnim oružjem. Kada dođe do ugrožavanja njihove sigurnosti postavlja se pitanje o učinkovitosti sustava sigurnosti u cijelosti. Atentati imaju isti učinak kao terorizam, a to znači da je krajnji cilj atentata kompatibilan s krajnjim ciljem i efektima. Primarni učinak izazivaju osjećaj straha, panike i nesigurnosti većeg broja ljudi što snažno utječe na djelovanje vlasti, a što je krajnji cilj političkog nasilja. Kad je riječ o državnicima, atentati su osjetljivi događaji koji mogu imati katastrofalne posljedice. Upravo je stoga kao tema ovog rada odabrana studija slučaja atentata na srbijanskog premijera Zorana Đinđića. Đinđić je pokušao reformirati i modernizirati Srbiju zbog čega je došao u sukob s radikalnim nacionalističkim krugovima. ; Protected persons are natural persons protected by physical and technical protection, and particular care is given to the protection of leading political officials as well as representatives of the highest authorities. Bodyguard jobs must be regulated by law, which will explicitly state what is essential for the successful execution of demanding jobs, and only exceptional individuals can meet the required job requirements. Today, the society is particularly exposed to political conflict and violence, and special care must be taken to protect leading political officials and representatives of the highest bodies of state power. Certainly the most sensitive moment in the overall process of violence is the arrival of the perpetrator in a concrete opportunity to commit an attack from close range with a suitable weapon. When their security is compromised, the question arises as to the effectiveness of the security system as a whole. Assassinations have the same effect as terrorism, which means that the end goal of the assassination is compatible with the end goal and effects. The primary effect is caused by the feeling of fear, panic and insecurity of a large number of people, which significantly influences the work of the authorities, which is the ultimate goal of political violence. When it comes to statesmen, assassinations are sensitive events that can have catastrophic consequences. That is why the case study of the assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic was chosen as the topic of this paper. Djindjic tried to reform and modernize Serbia, which led him to clash with radical nationalist circles.

U Hrvatskoj se razvoj društveno odgovornog ponašanja odvija vrlo sporo. Stoga je glavni cilj neprofitnih organizacija iznaći rješenja za socijalne probleme koje državne strukture nisu pravovremeno detektirale, dok je njihova misija podrška društvu (uglavnom marginalnim skupinama), jačanju humanosti i volonterstva i podizanju svijesti javnosti o društveno relevantnim pitanjima. Ovaj rad bavi se odnosima s javnošću u neprofitnim organizacijama na primjeru udruga osoba s invaliditetom. Cilj rada je definirati odnose s javnošću, objasniti što su to neprofitne organizacije i udruge osoba s invaliditetom u Hrvatskoj te analizirati odnose s javnošću u hrvatskim udrugama osoba s invaliditetom na temelju ankete. Rad je podijeljen u dva dijela. Prvi dio daje teoretski pregled odnosa s javnošću u neprofitnim organizacijama, definira što su to udruge osoba s invaliditetom u Hrvatskoj te pruža teorijski i pravni okvir. Drugi dio je istraživanje i sastoji se od prikaza stavova i mišljenja zaposlenika o odnosima s javnošću u udrugama osoba s invaliditetom i analize dobivenih podataka putem ankete. ; The development of socially responsible behavior has been very slow in Croatia. The main goal of non-profit organizations is to come up with solutions for social problems that the government organizations have not detected in a timely manner, while their mission is to provide support to society (mainly marginal groups), enhance humanity and volunteerism and raise public awareness of socially relevant issues. This paper deals with public relations in non-profit organizations based on the example of associations of persons with disabilities. The aim of this paper is to define public relations, non-profit organizations and associations of persons with disabilities in Croatia and to analyze public relations in Croatian associations of persons with disabilities based on the survey. The paper is divided into two parts. The first part gives a theoretical overview of public relations in non-profit organizations, defines associations of persons with disabilities in Croatia and provides a theoretical and legal framework. The second part comprises research that consists of employee attitudes to and opinions about public relations in associations of persons with disabilities and the analysis of data obtained through a survey.

U članku se razmatra transformacija procesa implementacije politike prema osobama s invaliditetom (OSI) u Hrvatskoj, koja je posljedica transformacije modela kreiranja politike prema OSI – iz medicinskog u socijalni, s tendencijom prema razvoju modela ljudskih prava. S obzirom na procesnu usmjerenost analize, implementacija se sagledava na temelju koncepta javnog upravljanja te se koristi teorijski okvir višerazinskog upravljanja Michaela Hilla i Petera Hupea, koji implementaciju shvaćaju kao operativno upravljanje. Konceptualiziraju se i analiziraju promjene aktivnosti operativnog upravljanja na razini sustava, organizacije i pojedinca kao posljedica spomenute transformacije modela. Analizom intervjua aktera politike i provedbenih dokumenata, kao dijela interdisciplinarnog istraživačkog projekta, autorice pokazuju da je u hrvatskoj politici prema OSI došlo do neujednačene transformacije na različitim razinama implementacije (sustav/organizacija/pojedinac). Tako je na razini sustava utvrđena prisutnost socijalnog modela s tendencijom daljnjeg razvoja okvira implementacije prema modelu ljudskih prava. Razinu međuorganizacijskih odnosa obilježava socijalni model, a na razini pojedinca tek se događa izlazak iz medicinskog modela. ; The paper studies the transformation of the process of implementation of the policy toward persons with disabilities (OSI) in Croatia, which arises as a consequence of the transformation of the model of policy-making toward persons with disabilities – from a medical to a social one, with a tendency for development of a model of human rights. Considering the process-based orientation of the analysis, the implementation is examined through the concept of public governance, by using the theoretical framework of multiple governance by Michael Hill and Peter Hupe, who understand implementation as operational governance. Changes of activities of operational governance at the systemic, organizational and individual levels as a consequence of the mentioned transformation of the model are conceptualized and analysed. Through an analysis of the interviews of policy actors and implementation documents, as part of an interdisciplinary research project, the authors show that Croatian policy toward persons with disabilities has seen non-uniform transformation at different levels of implementation (the system/organization/individual). At the systemic level, the existence of the social model with a tendency for further development of the implementation framework toward a model of human rights has been established. The level of inter-organizational relations is characterized by the social model, and at the individual level getting out of the medical model is only taking place.

U ovom se radu promišlja i analizira odnos individualnog i socijalnog/grupnog identiteta na primjeru suvremene Bosne i Hercegovine. Ukazuje se na tjeskobu i nelagodu pojedinaca i grupa koji grade svoj grupni identitet na obilježjima i vrijednostima druge kulture kojoj zapravo ne pripadaju. Na taj način, pojedinac se fzički nalazi u svojoj zemlji/državi, a pod utjecajem politike i obrazovne politike, duhovno živi u nekom drugom okruženju. Takvi pojedinci najčešće postaju apatridi2, a da toga nisu svjesni, niti oni niti kreatori takve obrazovne politike. Oni se obrazovanjem udaljavaju od vlastite zajednice i kulture u kojoj žive i deklariraju pripadnicima neke druge kulture s kojom ih veže najčešće samo jedan od zajedničkih nazivnika, npr. religija. Na drugoj strani, pojedinci u BiH koji sebe svrstavaju u kategoriju ostali, ne grade svoj identitet isključivo na vjerskoj i nacionalnoj osnovi, oni ne teže biti što različitiji niti ekskluzivniji od ostalih svojih sunarodnjaka, oni svoje odnose s drugima utemeljuju na sličnostima i oni ne poimaju svoj identitet utemeljen isključivo na pripadnosti jednom od konstitutivnih naroda, iako im je to na neki način Ustavom zadano. Grupaciju ostali čine deklarirani patrioti BiH, čvrsto utemeljeni na svojoj zemlji, u svojoj domovini i nastoje graditi i oblikovati kompleksni bosansko-hercegovački socijalni identitet. Ova inverzija u kojoj se iz Ustavom defniranih konstitutivnih naroda zbog krize identiteta regrutiraju apatridi, i gdje ostali, iako im Ustav uskraćuje mnoga prava, postaju istinski patrioti, je jedinstven primjer koji, postoji samo u BiH i koji je uz sve druge okolnosti snažno potaknut obrazovnim sustavom. ; Tis paper considers and analyzes the relationship between individual and social / group identity on the example of modern Bosnia and Herzegovina. It points to the anxiety and discomfort of individuals and groups that build on its identity on the characteristics and values of other cultures which does not belong. In this way, the individual is physically located in your country / state, and under the influence of policy and education policy, the spiritual lives in another okruženju.Takvi individuals usually become stateless, without being aware of it, neither they nor the creators of such educational policies. Tey are educated away from their own communities and cultures in which they live, and declare themselves members of another culture that binds them most ofen only one common denominator, for example, Religions. On the other hand, individuals in BiH who himself into the category of others, do not build your identity solely on religious and national basis, they do not tend to be as diverse or more exclusive than the rest of their countrymen, they do their relationships with others founded on the similarities and they do not perceive their identity is based solely on the origin of these peoples, although it is in some way the Constitution default. Other group consists of BiH patriots declared, frmly established on their land, in their home country and seek to build and shape the complex Bosnian-Herzegovinian social identity. Te inversion in which the Constitution defned the constituent peoples due to identity crisis recruited stateless, and where else, if their constitution denied many rights, they become true patriots, is a unique example of that, there is only in BiH and that is with all the other circumstances strongly driven by educational system. ; Dieses Papier ist der Auffassung, und analysiert die Beziehung zwischen individuellen und sozialen / Gruppenidentität auf dem Beispiel der modernen Bosnien und Herzegowina. Es weist auf die Angst und Beschwerden von Einzelpersonen und Gruppen, die auf ihrer Identität auf die Eigenschafen und Werte anderer Kulturen, die nicht gehört zu bauen. Auf diese Weise wird die individuelle körperlich in Ihrem Land / Staat befndet, und unter dem Einfluss von Politik und Bildungspolitik, die spirituellen Leben in einem anderen okruženju.Takvi Individuen in der Regel werden Staatenlose, ohne es zu wissen, weder sie noch die Schöpfer solcher Bildungspolitik. Sie sind weg von ihren eigenen Gemeinschafen und Kulturen, in denen sie leben, erzogen und erklären sich Angehörige einer anderen Kultur, die sie bindet meist nur einen gemeinsamen Nenner, zum Beispiel. Die Religionen. Auf der anderen Seite, Menschen in Bosnien und Herzegowina, der sich in die Kategorie der anderen, nicht Ihre Identität zu bauen ausschließlich auf religiöse und nationale Basis, sie nicht dazu neigen, so vielfältig und exklusiver als der Rest ihrer Landsleute zu sein, haben sie ihre Beziehungen mit anderen auf die Ähnlichkeiten gegründet und sie nicht wahrnehmen ihre Identität beruht ausschließlich auf den Ursprung dieser Völker basiert, auch wenn es in irgendeiner Weise die Verfassung Standard. Andere Gruppe besteht aus BiH Patrioten erklärt, auf ihrem Land fest etabliert, in ihrem Heimatland und zu versuchen, zu bauen und gestalten die komplexen bosnisch-herzegowinischen soziale Identität. Die Umkehrung, in der die Verfassung defniert die Volksgruppen aufgrund von Identitätskrise rekrutiert Staatenlose, und wo sonst, wenn ihre Verfassung verweigert viele Rechte, wahre Patrioten werden sie, ist ein einzigartiges Beispiel dafür gibt es nur in Bosnien und Herzegowina, und das ist mit all den anderen Umständen stark vom Bildungs angetrieben Systems.

The paper analyses Art. 12 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its implications for the position of persons with mental disabilities. The new concept of legal capacity contained in Art. 12 should ensure that fundamental human rights of these persons are no longer "a dead letter on paper". However, once the Convention came into force, the implementation of this provision has proved to be problematic for States Parties. Diane Kingston, former Vice-Chairperson of the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, best expressed the scale of the problem in October 2015 when she emphasized that no country had until that point fully met the requirements contained in Art. 12. Given that the Convention is a document that prescribes the fundamental human rights, the statement that no national legislation is consistent with its key provision is confusing and worrying. Therefore, a special attention should be paid to Art. 12 and its implementation in practice ; U radu se analizira odredba čl. 12. Konvencije o pravima osoba s invaliditetom te njezin utje- caj na položaj osoba s duševnim smetnjama. Nova koncepcija poslovne sposobnosti sadržana u čl. 12. trebala bi osigurati da temeljna ljudska prava osoba s duševnim smetnjama više ne budu mrtvo slovo na papiru. No, nakon što je Konvencija stupila na snagu, implementacija ove odredbe pokazala se problematičnom za države stranke. O razmjerima problema najbolje govori izjava Diane Kingston, bivše potpredsjednice Odbora za prava osoba s invaliditetom, iz listopada 2015., kako dotad nijedna zemlja nije u potpunosti udovoljila zahtjevima sadržani- ma u čl. 12. S obzirom na to da je Konvencija dokument koji propisuje temeljna ljudska prava, izjava kako nijedno nacionalno zakonodavstvo nije usklađeno s njegovom ključnom odredbom zbunjujuća je i zabrinjavajuća te zahtijeva da se odredbi čl. 12. posveti posebna pozornost.

Skrbništvo kao institut obiteljskog prava je desetljećima bilo važno, ali ipak neriješeno pitanje. Posljednja reforma obiteljskog prava iz 2014. i 2015. godine donijela je određene promjene koje su objašnjene i zagovarane kao novi doprinos poboljšanju pravnog položaja odraslih osoba s invaliditetom s jedne, te doprinos pravnoj sigurnosti te vladavini prava s druge strane. Obiteljski zakon propisuje da se osoba ne može potpuno lišiti poslovne sposobnosti, već samo djelomice. Možemo se samo zapitati kako se ova odredba može primijeniti, primjerice, u slučajevima kad je ta osoba u komi? Mudar zakonodavac dopušta da suci budu daleko više od samih izvršitelja njegovih namjera. Međutim, čini se da bi mudar sudac pri donošenju odluke o tom pitanju u određenim slučajevima djelovao contra legem, ako bi pokušao dosljedno i sveobuhvatno zaštititi osobu s invaliditetom, što ne može biti prihvatljivo. Stoga je cilj ovog rada dodatno osvijetliti novousvojene odredbe Obiteljskog zakona u odnosu na lišenje poslovne sposobnosti, s općom pretpostavkom da se takva zakonodavna intervencija ne može smatrati ni razmjernom niti učinkovitom. ; Guardianship as a family-law institute has been an important, yet unsolved issue for decades now. The latest family law reform of 2014 and 2015 brought certain changes, which have been explained and advocated for as a new contribution to the improvement of the legal position of adults with disabilities on one hand as well as the legal certainty and the rule of law on the other. The Croatian Family Act proclaims that a person cannot be deprived of legal capacity completely, but only partially. One can only wonder - how can this provision be implemented in cases of a coma for instance? A wise legislator allows judges to be far more than the pure executors of a person with disabilites´ intentions. However, it seems that a wise judge when deciding upon this issue would in certain cases be acting contra legem if attempting to coherently protect the person with disabilities, which cannot be acceptable. Therefore, it is the aim of this paper to shed additional light on the newly adopted provisions of the Family Act as regards the deprivation of legal capacity, with the general premise that such a legislative intervention is neither proportional nor efficient.

Pitanje odnosa između osobe i prirode je modernoga porijekla, no ima svoje korijene u problemu (autentičnog) bitka (Sein), naročito ljudskog bitka (Dasein), što je ustvari jedno antropološ- ko pitanje. Osoba kao biće s logosom vlada sobom kao i drugima te prirodom. Kao simboličko biće osoba je suočena s teškim zadatkom pronalaska ravnoteže između nje i prirode. Ovo pitanje veze eskaliralo je u modernome dobu zbog isključive brige društva za znanost i tehniku, politički i ideološki vođenu prvenstveno kroz medijsko-tehnološki ovladan svijet, pri čemu nedostaju uvjeti za autentičan dijalog između osoba. No logos sâm mora održavati ravnotežu s obzirom na njegovu pravu prirodu a to je moguće jedino ako je osoba otvorena prema (svim) drugim osobama te dijaloški otvorena rješenjima svjetskih problema u kontekstu šire ljudske prirode. Ovaj tip odgovornosti ukorijenjen je u odgovoru: odgovaranje uključuje slušanje, a čuti znači ne samo slušati glasove drugih, nego i čuti njihova srca te osjetiti ih u punini vlastitoga bića. Ova simbolička zadaća duboko je duhovna. ; The issue of the relationship between person and nature is a modern one, but it has its roots in the problem of (genuine) Being (Sein), particularly the problem of the human being (Dasein), which is actually an anthropological question. Person as a being with logos governs herself as well as others and nature. As a symbolic being, she is confronted with the difficult task of finding a balance between herself and nature. The issue of this relationship escalated in the modern era because of society's exclusive concern with science and technology, which is primarily guided both politically and ideologically by a world ruled by media and technology. This world lacks the conditions for a genuine dialogue among persons. Yet logos itself has to maintain balance regarding its own true nature and this is possible only if a person is open to (all) other persons and dialogically open to solutions about the issues of the world in the context of a broader human nature. This type of responsibility is rooted in response. Responding includes hearing, and to hear means not only to listen to the voices of others, but also to hear their hearts and to feel them with one's entire being. This symbolic task is also deeply spiritual. ; Bien qu'elle ait ses racines dans le problème de l'(authentique) Être (Sein) et plus précisément dans celui de l'être humain (Dasein), la question de la relation entre la personne et la nature est un problème contemporain qui, à vrai dire, relève de l'anthropologie. En effet, une personne en tant qu'être doué de logos qui se gouverne, se gouverne aussi bien elle-même que les autres et la nature. En tant qu'être symbolique, la personne est confrontée à la difficile tâche de trouver un équilibre entre elle et la nature. Le problème de cette relation s'est intensifié dans l'ère moderne en raison de l'intérêt exclusif accordé par la société à la science et à la technologie, guidées toutes deux par une politique et une idéologie appartenant à un monde dirigé par une technologie médiatique qui néglige les conditions favorables pour un dialogue authentique entre les personnes. Or le logos lui-même doit maintenir cet équilibre en regard de sa véritable nature et cela est possible uniquement dans la mesure où la personne est ouverte aux autres personnes (dans leur totalité) et au dialogue, afin de trouver des solutions aux problèmes du monde dans un contexte plus large de nature humaine. Ce genre de responsabilité s'enracine dans une réponse : le répondre inclut l'écouter ; écouter ne signifie pas seulement entendre la voix des autres, mais aussi leur cœur en les ressentant dans la totalité de leur être. Cette tâche symbolique est profondément spirituelle. ; Die Frage der Beziehung zwischen einer Person und der Natur ist eine zeitgenössische Frage, jedoch schlägt sie ihre Wurzeln im Problem des ((eigentlichen) Seins), insbesondere des menschen (Dasein), was eigentlich eine anthropologische Frage ist. Eine Person als ein Wesen mit Logos regiert sich selbst ebenso wie die anderen und die Natur. Als ein symbolisches Wesen ist sie mit der diffizilen Aufgabe konfrontiert, ein Gleichgewicht zwischen sich selbst und der Natur zu finden. Dieses Beziehungsproblem eskalierte in der modernen Ära infolge des exklusiven Interesses der Gesellschaft an der Wissenschaft und Technologie, die politisch und ideologisch in erster Linie von einer medientechnologisch geregelten Welt gelenkt werden, wobei es an Voraussetzungen für einen echten Dialog zwischen den Personen mangelt. Jedoch muss der Logos selbst in Bezug auf dessen eigene wahre Natur das Gleichgewicht aufrechterhalten und dies ist nur möglich, wenn eine Person für (alle) andere(n) Personen und dialogisch für Lösungen der Weltprobleme in einem breiteren Kontext der menschlichen Natur offen ist. Diese Art von Verantwortung ist in einer Antwort verwurzelt: Eine Beantwortung umfasst das Zuhören, und zuhören heißt nicht nur, auf die Stimmen der anderen zu hören, sondern auch auf deren Herzen zu hören und sie mit dem ganzen eigenen Wesen zu fühlen. Diese symbolische Aufgabe ist zutiefst spirituell.

Although our talk about human rights is part of the ethical awareness of contemporary politics, it still has not received adequate theoretical justification & foundation. Serious philosophical problems arose in the very beginning of the history of the "human rights" concept, with Locke's liberal natural right & Kant's reasonable right. According to the author, the difficulty stems from the concept of person, for in every liberal legal theory the person is perceived as bearer of human & fundamental rights. Meanwhile, the dominant constitutional theory of human & fundamental rights starts from the identical meanings of "person" as an individual, in its uniqueness, & of "man" as a general definition. It is, however, necessary to start from the fundamental difference between the two key concepts. While the "man" concept is defined universalistically, there is no universal concept for persons & no possibility of breaking them down into subcategories. While every individual, as instance of the concept, must be defined in the same way as everyone else, persons are defined individualistically; each person is a unique individual which can be neither duplicated nor multiplied. The author proposes a solution of the fundamental rights problem-matter within the framework of constitutional law. Personal rights are brought to existence as follows: organs of the state, in accordance with positive law, give to the individual the title of state-citizen as an individualistically unique legal person. Everyone receives it, in the same way, as a unique & irreplaceable person. In the normal conditions, the state has the obligation to make sure, via courts & the police, that everyone's personal right is untouchable. On the basis of this logic, a demarcation line can be drawn between the personal fundamental rights & the collective rights of citizens (such as political rights, which the individual can practice only together with others). Only such an interpretation would provide our libertarian fundamental rights with a consistently secular character, with no concession to the internal attachment, in whichever way it may be concealed, to metaphysical or religious presuppositions. Adapted from the source document.

In contrast with earlier formulations of Hobbes' science of politics, the theory of sovereignty in Leviathan is expounded on a completely new legal basis. It is the theory of authorization, whereby the fundamental political relation between sovereign & subject is conceived as a representative relation. This work shows that, up to Leviathan & within the conceptual framework of state theory, sovereignty was defined as might & authority, but not as power. The missing element was legal substance, without which both might & authority are insufficient to make possible permanent abandonment of the natural condition. The theory of authorization is precisely the solution to the problem of constituting the state as a single legal person interconnecting the sovereign & the subjects. At the core of the theory lies the concept of person, which covers various modalities of the representative-represented relation. It is through the concept of artificial person that Hobbes shows in what way the disconnected multitude of individuals can be transformed into an operative political unity. This comes about as a result of the sovereign being given authorization by future subjects, who pledge to accept his will as their own in matters related to preservation of peace. Thus they can be legally treated as a single legal person, to which the will of the sovereign is ascribed as its own will. By accepting the will of the sovereign -- the artificial person of their representative -- as their own, the subjects themselves become an artificial person: the state. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines the chief features of the constructivist moral conception in its Kantian variant & argues that such a moral conception had been unjustifiably looked over in relation to the traditional moral conceptions such as utilitariarism, intuitionism & perfectionism. The central idea of Kantian constructivism is linking certain notions of the person & principles of justice that should regulate basic social institutions by means of the constructivist procedure. The author's starting point is the conception of moral persons as free & equal. He claims that an appropriate connection among thus perceived persons & the first principles of justice is established in such a way that the first principles are chosen under reasonable conditions in which individuals possess solely such qualities. The reasonable conditions consist of the symmetrical situatedness of the "choosers," the veil of ignorance (which obscures the morally irrelevant features of persons' attributes) & the publicity condition. The author's goal is to reach a proper viewpoint on the basis of which citizens are to judge their fundamental social institutions & in that way achieve consensus on the need for & the direction of their reform. Adapted from the source document.

Nakana je ovog rada predstaviti etički pogled na demokraciju Karola Wojtyle - pape Ivana Pavla II. kao aktualan i značajan doprinos obrani demokracije na njenim izvorima. Budući da govor o demokraciji pretpostavlja govor o čovjeku ponajprije se osvjetljuje Wojtylin personalizam kao ishodište za promišljanje smisla demokracije. Wojtylin filozofijski prinos promišljanju smisla demokracije prepoznaje se već u odlučnoj kritici antipersonalistickih koncepcija koje leže u temelju individualizma i kolektivizma, u njegovoj razradi načela "sudjelovanja" kao autentičnog temelja ljudske zajednice, u personalističkoj i teleološkoj koncepciji "zajedničkog dobra", a posebice u isticanju temeljnih načela i fundamentalnih vrijednosti (istine o čovjeku, ispravno shvaćene slobode), bez kojih nije moguće izgraditi autentičnu demokraciju. ; The purpose of this article is to present the ethical view of democracy held by Karol Wojtyle – pope John Paul II, as a relevant and significant contribution to the defense of democracy at its sources. Since the discourse of democracy presupposes a discourse on man, the first step the article takes is to illuminate Wojtyl's personalism as the point of departure for reflecting upon the sense of democracy. Woytyl's philosophical contribution to reflecting upon the sense of democracy canalready be recognized in his decisive critique of the anti-personalist conceptions which are at the base of individualism and collectivism, in his elaboration of the principle of "participation" as an authentic foundation of the human community, in his personalist and theological conception of the "common good" and especially in the emphasis he places on the fundamental principles and fundamental values (the truth concerning man, properly conceived freedom) without which it is impossible to build an authentic democracy.