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The aim of the study was an analysis of two the conceptions of relationships between democracy and religion. One of these conceptions was created by Alexis de Tocqueville. He thought that democracy needs religion as an element that enriches it and helps in removing some negative tendencies inherent in this form of government. He understood that democracy was coalesced with the philosophies that were alien to religion, however, he demanded an alliance of democracy and religion. The other object of philosophical analysis is John Rawls. The theories of this author show an important change in the relationship of religion and democracy, which stems from the fact that he equates religion with philosophy. The political liberalism of Rawls helps us understand why democracy as a form of government has no need of religion. The political liberalism of Rawls reveals an important aspect of relationship between democracy and religion. He differs from Tocqueville by thinking that this form of government is not inherently merged with religion. Democratic state aspires to be neutral towards religion. Believers can be honest democrats, but this regime is indifferent in respect of religion. Democrats are on the side of worldly immanence, and believers side with religious transcendence. These two competing attitudes create a tension between religion and democracy. The solution of this tension, proposed by Rawls, consists in the equalization of philosophy and religion; it reveals that democracy is indifferent towards religion. The equalization of the status of philosophy and religion highlights the fact that this form of government is neutral in respect of the conception of God. This negates the Tocquevillian conception of the role of religion in democracy. Democracy can function without the support of traditions of religious thought.

The aim of the study was an analysis of two the conceptions of relationships between democracy and religion. One of these conceptions was created by Alexis de Tocqueville. He thought that democracy needs religion as an element that enriches it and helps in removing some negative tendencies inherent in this form of government. He understood that democracy was coalesced with the philosophies that were alien to religion, however, he demanded an alliance of democracy and religion. The other object of philosophical analysis is John Rawls. The theories of this author show an important change in the relationship of religion and democracy, which stems from the fact that he equates religion with philosophy. The political liberalism of Rawls helps us understand why democracy as a form of government has no need of religion. The political liberalism of Rawls reveals an important aspect of relationship between democracy and religion. He differs from Tocqueville by thinking that this form of government is not inherently merged with religion. Democratic state aspires to be neutral towards religion. Believers can be honest democrats, but this regime is indifferent in respect of religion. Democrats are on the side of worldly immanence, and believers side with religious transcendence. These two competing attitudes create a tension between religion and democracy. The solution of this tension, proposed by Rawls, consists in the equalization of philosophy and religion; it reveals that democracy is indifferent towards religion. The equalization of the status of philosophy and religion highlights the fact that this form of government is neutral in respect of the conception of God. This negates the Tocquevillian conception of the role of religion in democracy. Democracy can function without the support of traditions of religious thought.

The aim of the study was an analysis of two the conceptions of relationships between democracy and religion. One of these conceptions was created by Alexis de Tocqueville. He thought that democracy needs religion as an element that enriches it and helps in removing some negative tendencies inherent in this form of government. He understood that democracy was coalesced with the philosophies that were alien to religion, however, he demanded an alliance of democracy and religion. The other object of philosophical analysis is John Rawls. The theories of this author show an important change in the relationship of religion and democracy, which stems from the fact that he equates religion with philosophy. The political liberalism of Rawls helps us understand why democracy as a form of government has no need of religion. The political liberalism of Rawls reveals an important aspect of relationship between democracy and religion. He differs from Tocqueville by thinking that this form of government is not inherently merged with religion. Democratic state aspires to be neutral towards religion. Believers can be honest democrats, but this regime is indifferent in respect of religion. Democrats are on the side of worldly immanence, and believers side with religious transcendence. These two competing attitudes create a tension between religion and democracy. The solution of this tension, proposed by Rawls, consists in the equalization of philosophy and religion; it reveals that democracy is indifferent towards religion. The equalization of the status of philosophy and religion highlights the fact that this form of government is neutral in respect of the conception of God. This negates the Tocquevillian conception of the role of religion in democracy. Democracy can function without the support of traditions of religious thought.

The aim of the study was an analysis of two the conceptions of relationships between democracy and religion. One of these conceptions was created by Alexis de Tocqueville. He thought that democracy needs religion as an element that enriches it and helps in removing some negative tendencies inherent in this form of government. He understood that democracy was coalesced with the philosophies that were alien to religion, however, he demanded an alliance of democracy and religion. The other object of philosophical analysis is John Rawls. The theories of this author show an important change in the relationship of religion and democracy, which stems from the fact that he equates religion with philosophy. The political liberalism of Rawls helps us understand why democracy as a form of government has no need of religion. The political liberalism of Rawls reveals an important aspect of relationship between democracy and religion. He differs from Tocqueville by thinking that this form of government is not inherently merged with religion. Democratic state aspires to be neutral towards religion. Believers can be honest democrats, but this regime is indifferent in respect of religion. Democrats are on the side of worldly immanence, and believers side with religious transcendence. These two competing attitudes create a tension between religion and democracy. The solution of this tension, proposed by Rawls, consists in the equalization of philosophy and religion; it reveals that democracy is indifferent towards religion. The equalization of the status of philosophy and religion highlights the fact that this form of government is neutral in respect of the conception of God. This negates the Tocquevillian conception of the role of religion in democracy. Democracy can function without the support of traditions of religious thought.

La societè democratique doit assurer la libertė de la religion pour un chaque perssone. Chaque fois existe le risque heurter cette ligne. L' état constitue la limite de pouvoir d' organisation de la religions . Dans les pays se trouve les modeles variés de la separation l'églises entre l'états : religion de l'état, l'état et la religion sont sepparé partiellement, ainsi l'état entre l'eglise sont separé entieterement. Constitution de Lituanie fortifie qu'il n'y a pas religion d'état. On peut a dire, que en Lituanie agire modelle de separation partiellement. Le systeme d'éducations forme la citoyenneté, donne aux élèves une armature intellectuelle et morale. Dans l'école de statalè les élèves doivent choisir entre les classes des religions traditionnellles ou les classes d'éthique. La Cour constitutionnelle est constaté que dans le pays existe trois systemes d'organizations de religion: les religions traditionnelles, les religionsacceptè par l'état et les autres organizations. Les autres religions ont plus moins des droits que celle on assure pour religions traditionnelle. La doctrine constitutionnelle explique que cette situation est donné par la Constitution. Les actes normatives du droit ne fixe pas le clairs fondation, qui détermine les droit pour la commmunautè religieuse Neuf communautès traditionnelles et un organisation religieuse qui a la reconaissance d'ėtat agirent en Lituanie. Les autres communautés religiosses sont enregistré et agire sous un forme de la personne juridique. En République Lituanie trois dèsision de la Cour constitutionnel sont importants, qui formint base lėgal d'église centre l'église et l'état.

La societè democratique doit assurer la libertė de la religion pour un chaque perssone. Chaque fois existe le risque heurter cette ligne. L' état constitue la limite de pouvoir d' organisation de la religions . Dans les pays se trouve les modeles variés de la separation l'églises entre l'états : religion de l'état, l'état et la religion sont sepparé partiellement, ainsi l'état entre l'eglise sont separé entieterement. Constitution de Lituanie fortifie qu'il n'y a pas religion d'état. On peut a dire, que en Lituanie agire modelle de separation partiellement. Le systeme d'éducations forme la citoyenneté, donne aux élèves une armature intellectuelle et morale. Dans l'école de statalè les élèves doivent choisir entre les classes des religions traditionnellles ou les classes d'éthique. La Cour constitutionnelle est constaté que dans le pays existe trois systemes d'organizations de religion: les religions traditionnelles, les religionsacceptè par l'état et les autres organizations. Les autres religions ont plus moins des droits que celle on assure pour religions traditionnelle. La doctrine constitutionnelle explique que cette situation est donné par la Constitution. Les actes normatives du droit ne fixe pas le clairs fondation, qui détermine les droit pour la commmunautè religieuse Neuf communautès traditionnelles et un organisation religieuse qui a la reconaissance d'ėtat agirent en Lituanie. Les autres communautés religiosses sont enregistré et agire sous un forme de la personne juridique. En République Lituanie trois dèsision de la Cour constitutionnel sont importants, qui formint base lėgal d'église centre l'église et l'état.

La societè democratique doit assurer la libertė de la religion pour un chaque perssone. Chaque fois existe le risque heurter cette ligne. L' état constitue la limite de pouvoir d' organisation de la religions . Dans les pays se trouve les modeles variés de la separation l'églises entre l'états : religion de l'état, l'état et la religion sont sepparé partiellement, ainsi l'état entre l'eglise sont separé entieterement. Constitution de Lituanie fortifie qu'il n'y a pas religion d'état. On peut a dire, que en Lituanie agire modelle de separation partiellement. Le systeme d'éducations forme la citoyenneté, donne aux élèves une armature intellectuelle et morale. Dans l'école de statalè les élèves doivent choisir entre les classes des religions traditionnellles ou les classes d'éthique. La Cour constitutionnelle est constaté que dans le pays existe trois systemes d'organizations de religion: les religions traditionnelles, les religionsacceptè par l'état et les autres organizations. Les autres religions ont plus moins des droits que celle on assure pour religions traditionnelle. La doctrine constitutionnelle explique que cette situation est donné par la Constitution. Les actes normatives du droit ne fixe pas le clairs fondation, qui détermine les droit pour la commmunautè religieuse Neuf communautès traditionnelles et un organisation religieuse qui a la reconaissance d'ėtat agirent en Lituanie. Les autres communautés religiosses sont enregistré et agire sous un forme de la personne juridique. En République Lituanie trois dèsision de la Cour constitutionnel sont importants, qui formint base lėgal d'église centre l'église et l'état.

La societè democratique doit assurer la libertė de la religion pour un chaque perssone. Chaque fois existe le risque heurter cette ligne. L' état constitue la limite de pouvoir d' organisation de la religions . Dans les pays se trouve les modeles variés de la separation l'églises entre l'états : religion de l'état, l'état et la religion sont sepparé partiellement, ainsi l'état entre l'eglise sont separé entieterement. Constitution de Lituanie fortifie qu'il n'y a pas religion d'état. On peut a dire, que en Lituanie agire modelle de separation partiellement. Le systeme d'éducations forme la citoyenneté, donne aux élèves une armature intellectuelle et morale. Dans l'école de statalè les élèves doivent choisir entre les classes des religions traditionnellles ou les classes d'éthique. La Cour constitutionnelle est constaté que dans le pays existe trois systemes d'organizations de religion: les religions traditionnelles, les religionsacceptè par l'état et les autres organizations. Les autres religions ont plus moins des droits que celle on assure pour religions traditionnelle. La doctrine constitutionnelle explique que cette situation est donné par la Constitution. Les actes normatives du droit ne fixe pas le clairs fondation, qui détermine les droit pour la commmunautè religieuse Neuf communautès traditionnelles et un organisation religieuse qui a la reconaissance d'ėtat agirent en Lituanie. Les autres communautés religiosses sont enregistré et agire sous un forme de la personne juridique. En République Lituanie trois dèsision de la Cour constitutionnel sont importants, qui formint base lėgal d'église centre l'église et l'état.

Religion, ethics and philosophies of life represent a delicate area where people can be oriented in a particular direction, without the possibility to react in a critic way. Today, people in democratic societies are extremely sensitive as regards the influence of churches, religions, life visions. Many adults, particularly young adults, recognize the conditioning rituals and indoctrinations strategies easily as contradictory to the intentions proclaimed officially. Many questions of personal values and ethics inevitability arise for individuals in the academic community. The Church on campus facilitates the formation of Christian conscience in its members so that they could make decisions based on gospel values and, thereby, resist moral relativism. Campus ministry is an expression of Church's special desire to be present to all who are involved in higher education. The Church on campus is challenged to be a sign of unity and living reminder of the essential interdependence and solidarity of all people.

Religion, ethics and philosophies of life represent a delicate area where people can be oriented in a particular direction, without the possibility to react in a critic way. Today, people in democratic societies are extremely sensitive as regards the influence of churches, religions, life visions. Many adults, particularly young adults, recognize the conditioning rituals and indoctrinations strategies easily as contradictory to the intentions proclaimed officially. Many questions of personal values and ethics inevitability arise for individuals in the academic community. The Church on campus facilitates the formation of Christian conscience in its members so that they could make decisions based on gospel values and, thereby, resist moral relativism. Campus ministry is an expression of Church's special desire to be present to all who are involved in higher education. The Church on campus is challenged to be a sign of unity and living reminder of the essential interdependence and solidarity of all people.

Religion, ethics and philosophies of life represent a delicate area where people can be oriented in a particular direction, without the possibility to react in a critic way. Today, people in democratic societies are extremely sensitive as regards the influence of churches, religions, life visions. Many adults, particularly young adults, recognize the conditioning rituals and indoctrinations strategies easily as contradictory to the intentions proclaimed officially. Many questions of personal values and ethics inevitability arise for individuals in the academic community. The Church on campus facilitates the formation of Christian conscience in its members so that they could make decisions based on gospel values and, thereby, resist moral relativism. Campus ministry is an expression of Church's special desire to be present to all who are involved in higher education. The Church on campus is challenged to be a sign of unity and living reminder of the essential interdependence and solidarity of all people.

The word "mysticism" is known to be a term that is now being used and associated with something which is negative – a mockery. It can be said that this perception of the term is based on certain historical events, when, in the central philosophies of particular religions (in this work, focus will be drawn only on Christian mysticism), a unique shift took place – during the early modernity in most of the Christian Churches, there occurred a split between theology and spirituality. Therefore, everything that had even a slight implication of mysticism was seen as irrelevant and unimportant. In addition to this, it is possible to say that our contemporary era has lost all belief in any reality that surpasses peoples daily tasks. Because of this, the vast majority of postmodernists tend to argue that mysticism can not be part of any philosophy, including a political one. This article concentrates on the thought of Simone Weil, a unique French philosopher and mystic, in order to prove through her work that mysticism can potentially enrich political philosophy. This is being done by analyzing her work and attempting to underline the supernatural element between the human and society. This supernatural element will yield a further investigation of how Simone Weil's mysticism can affect political philosophy. In order to find this element, the concepts of the human and the society that occur in Simone Weil's philosophy will be analyzed separately. In the first part, it is analyzed how Simone Weil perceived humans. She drastically separates the human, who, in her thought, possesses a transcendent core that can be violated, from the person, who is illusionary. Meanwhile, the second part concentrates on Weil's perception of the relation between society and the human. Society is seen by Weil as the Platonic Great Beast, but it may also be a source of pure fulfillment – roots – for the human being. In this part of the study, the roots of a human being in society and the tragedy of uprootedness are discussed further. The third part develops an idea of why mysticism can be seen as an important part of political philosophy and why it should not be neglected: it provides a different angle – a divine one – for viewing people's daily lives and their culture. Mysticism always comes from a certain culture, and it is important, since a mystic communicates their thought through that culture; however, a mystic also is able to critically address the surrounding culture because of the divine point of view. That is why mysticism is essential for political philosophy.

The word "mysticism" is known to be a term that is now being used and associated with something which is negative – a mockery. It can be said that this perception of the term is based on certain historical events, when, in the central philosophies of particular religions (in this work, focus will be drawn only on Christian mysticism), a unique shift took place – during the early modernity in most of the Christian Churches, there occurred a split between theology and spirituality. Therefore, everything that had even a slight implication of mysticism was seen as irrelevant and unimportant. In addition to this, it is possible to say that our contemporary era has lost all belief in any reality that surpasses peoples daily tasks. Because of this, the vast majority of postmodernists tend to argue that mysticism can not be part of any philosophy, including a political one. This article concentrates on the thought of Simone Weil, a unique French philosopher and mystic, in order to prove through her work that mysticism can potentially enrich political philosophy. This is being done by analyzing her work and attempting to underline the supernatural element between the human and society. This supernatural element will yield a further investigation of how Simone Weil's mysticism can affect political philosophy. In order to find this element, the concepts of the human and the society that occur in Simone Weil's philosophy will be analyzed separately. In the first part, it is analyzed how Simone Weil perceived humans. She drastically separates the human, who, in her thought, possesses a transcendent core that can be violated, from the person, who is illusionary. Meanwhile, the second part concentrates on Weil's perception of the relation between society and the human. Society is seen by Weil as the Platonic Great Beast, but it may also be a source of pure fulfillment – roots – for the human being. In this part of the study, the roots of a human being in society and the tragedy of uprootedness are discussed further. The third part develops an idea of why mysticism can be seen as an important part of political philosophy and why it should not be neglected: it provides a different angle – a divine one – for viewing people's daily lives and their culture. Mysticism always comes from a certain culture, and it is important, since a mystic communicates their thought through that culture; however, a mystic also is able to critically address the surrounding culture because of the divine point of view. That is why mysticism is essential for political philosophy.

The word "mysticism" is known to be a term that is now being used and associated with something which is negative – a mockery. It can be said that this perception of the term is based on certain historical events, when, in the central philosophies of particular religions (in this work, focus will be drawn only on Christian mysticism), a unique shift took place – during the early modernity in most of the Christian Churches, there occurred a split between theology and spirituality. Therefore, everything that had even a slight implication of mysticism was seen as irrelevant and unimportant. In addition to this, it is possible to say that our contemporary era has lost all belief in any reality that surpasses peoples daily tasks. Because of this, the vast majority of postmodernists tend to argue that mysticism can not be part of any philosophy, including a political one. This article concentrates on the thought of Simone Weil, a unique French philosopher and mystic, in order to prove through her work that mysticism can potentially enrich political philosophy. This is being done by analyzing her work and attempting to underline the supernatural element between the human and society. This supernatural element will yield a further investigation of how Simone Weil's mysticism can affect political philosophy. In order to find this element, the concepts of the human and the society that occur in Simone Weil's philosophy will be analyzed separately. In the first part, it is analyzed how Simone Weil perceived humans. She drastically separates the human, who, in her thought, possesses a transcendent core that can be violated, from the person, who is illusionary. Meanwhile, the second part concentrates on Weil's perception of the relation between society and the human. Society is seen by Weil as the Platonic Great Beast, but it may also be a source of pure fulfillment – roots – for the human being. In this part of the study, the roots of a human being in society and the tragedy of uprootedness are discussed further. The third part develops an idea of why mysticism can be seen as an important part of political philosophy and why it should not be neglected: it provides a different angle – a divine one – for viewing people's daily lives and their culture. Mysticism always comes from a certain culture, and it is important, since a mystic communicates their thought through that culture; however, a mystic also is able to critically address the surrounding culture because of the divine point of view. That is why mysticism is essential for political philosophy.

The word "mysticism" is known to be a term that is now being used and associated with something which is negative – a mockery. It can be said that this perception of the term is based on certain historical events, when, in the central philosophies of particular religions (in this work, focus will be drawn only on Christian mysticism), a unique shift took place – during the early modernity in most of the Christian Churches, there occurred a split between theology and spirituality. Therefore, everything that had even a slight implication of mysticism was seen as irrelevant and unimportant. In addition to this, it is possible to say that our contemporary era has lost all belief in any reality that surpasses peoples daily tasks. Because of this, the vast majority of postmodernists tend to argue that mysticism can not be part of any philosophy, including a political one. This article concentrates on the thought of Simone Weil, a unique French philosopher and mystic, in order to prove through her work that mysticism can potentially enrich political philosophy. This is being done by analyzing her work and attempting to underline the supernatural element between the human and society. This supernatural element will yield a further investigation of how Simone Weil's mysticism can affect political philosophy. In order to find this element, the concepts of the human and the society that occur in Simone Weil's philosophy will be analyzed separately. In the first part, it is analyzed how Simone Weil perceived humans. She drastically separates the human, who, in her thought, possesses a transcendent core that can be violated, from the person, who is illusionary. Meanwhile, the second part concentrates on Weil's perception of the relation between society and the human. Society is seen by Weil as the Platonic Great Beast, but it may also be a source of pure fulfillment – roots – for the human being. In this part of the study, the roots of a human being in society and the tragedy of uprootedness are discussed further. The third part develops an idea of why mysticism can be seen as an important part of political philosophy and why it should not be neglected: it provides a different angle – a divine one – for viewing people's daily lives and their culture. Mysticism always comes from a certain culture, and it is important, since a mystic communicates their thought through that culture; however, a mystic also is able to critically address the surrounding culture because of the divine point of view. That is why mysticism is essential for political philosophy.