Suchergebnisse

Abstract (fr)Les printemps arabes ont partout libéré l'espace public : un espace de liberté que tous les segments de la société ont soudainement occupé, notamment ceux qui, comme les islamistes, en avaient été privés. La rue a arraché une liberté d'expression longtemps confisquée.Même si l'islam n'était pas la première référence dans les slogans criés dans les rues, les militants des mouvements islamistes n'étaient pas absents. Ayant été les cibles de la répression sous les régimes autoritaires, qui les avaient incarcérés et condamnés à la clandestinité, ils ont bénéficié de cette nouvelle donne, récupérant une liberté d'action et une visibilité grandissante, associée ou non à un dessein politique de prise de pouvoir. Ils se sont trouvés engagés, dans certains pays, dans des compétions électorales qui n'étaient pas jouées d'avance et qui ont dicté l'élaboration de nouvelles stratégies où la pratique militante, la présence sur le terrain et le travail de proximité constituaient des avantages. En concurrence avec les autres mouvements et partis présents sur la scène politique, les partis et mouvements islamistes se trouvent actuellement au cœur des polarisations en cours dans les pays du Proche-Orient et du Maghreb, qu'ils soient engagés dans des phases de transition ou, bien plus tragiquement, dans des processus de confrontation armée. Ces polarisations – politiques au début des printemps arabes - ont aussi pris une tournure confessionnelle sans merci, impliquant l'ensemble du monde arabe et posent clairement la question de la viabilité de certains Etats.Les articles du présent ouvrage sont en grande partie issus du colloque sur ces sujets organisé à Paris les 26 et 27 mars 2014 conjointement par le Groupe Sociétés, Religions, Laïcités (GSRL), l'université Roma Tre, l'Institut d'Études de l'Islam et des Sociétés du Monde Musulman (IISMM), l'École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE) et l'École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS). Abstract (en)The Arab Springs have liberated the public arena far and wide: an arena of freedom that all segments of society have suddenly occupied, notably those that, as the Islamists, had been deprived of. The Street extracted a freedom of speech that had long been confiscated. Even if Islam was not the first reference among the slogans shouted in the streets, the militants of the Islamist movements were not absent. Having been the target of repression under authoritarian regimes, which had imprisoned and relegated them to the underground, they have benefited from this new deal, while retrieving a freedom of action and a growing visibility, associated or not with a political purpose of take over of power. They found themselves engaged, in certain countries, in electoral competitions where nothing could be taken for granted and which dictated the development of new strategies where militant practice, presence in the field and outreach work constituted advantages. In competition with the other movements and parties present on the political scene, the Islamist parties and movements find themselves currently in the heart of ongoing polarizations in the countries of the Middle East and the Maghreb, whether they are engaged in phases of transition or, much more tragically, in processes of armed confrontation. These polarisations – political at the beginning of the Arab Springs - also took a merciless denominational turn, implicating the whole Arab world, and clearly question the viability of certain States.The articles in this book issue, for a large part, from the symposium on these topics held in Paris on 26 and March 27, 2014 jointly by the Group Societies, Religions, Secularisms (GSRL), the Roma Tre University, the Institute for Studies of Islam and the Societies of the Muslim world (IISMM), the Practical School of Advanced Studies (EPHE) and the School of Advanced Studies in Social Sciences (EHESS).

Le dossier présenté dans ces pages invite à étudier les phénomènes de production et de reproduction, au Moyen Âge et à l'Époque moderne, d'objets et de lieux en relation avec le souvenir de la Passion. Soulignant la féconde convergence de deux approches – l'une mettant l'accent sur la sensibilité religieuse, l'autre scrutant surtout les usages et significations politiques des processus dévotionnels –, ce propos introductif se concentre d'abord sur la notion de localisation, puis sur celle d'imaginaire collectif. On insiste ensuite sur la distinction entre les complexes monumentaux situés à l'extérieur des villes et ceux qui reliaient les espaces intra-muros et péri-urbain, puisque ces dernières fondations résultaient de l'assimilation du paysage et de la topographie de la ville à ceux de Jérusalem et du drame de la Passion. Les significations et les implications de cette différence de localisation ont été importantes aussi bien dans les pratiques de piété que sur le plan socio-politique, du disciplinamento à la construction d'un espace social.

Attraverso la crisi del sistema politico comunitario post-2003 in Iraq, questo articolo mostra come le strategie degli attori iracheni si dispiegano prima di tutto in rapporto allo Stato e per la sua intermediazione, utilizzando largamente il suo apparato istituzionale e amministrativo per operare nel conflitto. Anche se la banalizzazione della violenza ridefinisce il rapporto allo Stato, quest'ultimo resta la principale posta in gioco del conflitto, il che finisce per smentire una analisi unicamente weberiana del funzionamento delle sue istituzioni. ; À travers la crise du système politique communautaire post-2003, cet article montre comment les stratégies des acteurs irakiens se déploient avant tout par rapport et au travers de l'État, utilisant largement son appareil institutionnel et administratif pour opérer dans le conflit. Bien que la banalisation de la violence redéfinisse le rapport à l'État, ce dernier reste le principal enjeu du conflit, battant en brèche une analyse uniquement wébérienne du fonctionnement de ses institutions.

FRANÇAIS: Dans "Costantino il vincitore", Alessandro Barbero passe au crible les sources et l'historiographie constantiniennes de manière très critique et souvent profitable. À partir de l'ouvrage de Barbero, cet article discute de quatre points touchant à la politique ou au parcours religieux de Constantin: tout d'abord, la question des récits de visions, réfutées par Barbero, et de leur influence historiographique; puis celle de la conversion et des permanences païennes dans l'iconographie et sur les monnaies. Enfin, après avoir discuté du traitement réservé aux documents constantiniens et de la querelle donatiste, nous reviendrons sur la tolérance plus ou moins grande manifestée par l'empereur envers les païens et les juifs, et sur la manière dont Eusèbe présente les activités et le parcours religieux du prince dans la Vita Constantini, en nous écartant parfois sensiblement de l'analyse proposée par Barbero. / ENGLISH: In his book "Costantino il vincitore", Alessandro Barbero carefully examines the Constantinian sources and historiography, in a critical and often profitable manner. This article discusses 4 issues concerning the religious path and policy of Constantine, sometimes significantly departing from Barbero's positions: first, the Constantinian visions (dismissed by Barbero) and their influence in some ancient historiographical debates; then, the conversion of Constantine and the question of pagan permanences in iconography and coins issues. Afterwards, it discusses Barbero's treatment of the Constantinian constitutions and letters, especially those pertaining to the Donatist controversy. Finally, it examines the lesser or greater religious toleration of Constantine for pagans and Jews, and the description of the emperor's religious path and activities given by Eusebius of Caesarea.

In letter 56, Spinoza does not recognize ancient philosophers' authority and urges Hugo Boxel to follow only his reason in order to acquire knowledge. Notwithstanding this radical stance, Spinoza quotes, makes references and gives examples which are mostly excerpted from Roman historians; he takes Tacitus', Sallut's , Quintus Curtius Rufus' words and histories seriously to the point that he says, in the TP, that "no one that knows Histories" – the Histories by Tacitus – "can ignore" the rightness of his argumentation. In this work, my aim is to address this apparent contradiction. Articulated in four sections, my dissertation shows how Spinoza uses his sources and which role they play in formulating his political philosophy.Each section focuses on a different aspect of this relationship: the first one is devoted to Spinoza's education, to his cultural background and to Early modern's forms of quoting. In the second one, I highlight the existence of a monarchist political current, Tacitism, which makes a consistent use of ancient historian's quotes; Spinoza confronts this tradition, giving to the ancient writers' words and maximes a completely different sense. Nevertheless, Spinoza quotes not only for a polemical purpose. In contrast, the references and the exemples seem to fulfil four functions: rhetoric, argumentative, polemic and anthropologic. The last one indicates that thr Roman historians' words and stories are an integral part of Spinoza's political philosophy. Finally, in section four, I identify the roles that narrations and stories play in a political philosophy whose aim is to be, at the same time, scientific as well as pragmatic. ; Dans la lettre 56 Spinoza ne reconnait pas l'autorité des anciens, incitant son interlocuteur à raisonner par soi-même, ne suivant que sa raison. Toutefois, face à cette prise de position radicale, Spinoza cite, fait référence et propose des exemples, dont la plupart sont extraits des historiens latins; il semble prendre au sérieux les mots de Tacite, Quinte-Curce, ...

In letter 56, Spinoza does not recognize ancient philosophers' authority and urges Hugo Boxel to follow only his reason in order to acquire knowledge. Notwithstanding this radical stance, Spinoza quotes, makes references and gives examples which are mostly excerpted from Roman historians; he takes Tacitus', Sallut's , Quintus Curtius Rufus' words and histories seriously to the point that he says, in the TP, that "no one that knows Histories" – the Histories by Tacitus – "can ignore" the rightness of his argumentation. In this work, my aim is to address this apparent contradiction. Articulated in four sections, my dissertation shows how Spinoza uses his sources and which role they play in formulating his political philosophy.Each section focuses on a different aspect of this relationship: the first one is devoted to Spinoza's education, to his cultural background and to Early modern's forms of quoting. In the second one, I highlight the existence of a monarchist political current, Tacitism, which makes a consistent use of ancient historian's quotes; Spinoza confronts this tradition, giving to the ancient writers' words and maximes a completely different sense. Nevertheless, Spinoza quotes not only for a polemical purpose. In contrast, the references and the exemples seem to fulfil four functions: rhetoric, argumentative, polemic and anthropologic. The last one indicates that thr Roman historians' words and stories are an integral part of Spinoza's political philosophy. Finally, in section four, I identify the roles that narrations and stories play in a political philosophy whose aim is to be, at the same time, scientific as well as pragmatic. ; Dans la lettre 56 Spinoza ne reconnait pas l'autorité des anciens, incitant son interlocuteur à raisonner par soi-même, ne suivant que sa raison. Toutefois, face à cette prise de position radicale, Spinoza cite, fait référence et propose des exemples, dont la plupart sont extraits des historiens latins; il semble prendre au sérieux les mots de Tacite, Quinte-Curce, ...

In letter 56, Spinoza does not recognize ancient philosophers' authority and urges Hugo Boxel to follow only his reason in order to acquire knowledge. Notwithstanding this radical stance, Spinoza quotes, makes references and gives examples which are mostly excerpted from Roman historians; he takes Tacitus', Sallut's , Quintus Curtius Rufus' words and histories seriously to the point that he says, in the TP, that "no one that knows Histories" – the Histories by Tacitus – "can ignore" the rightness of his argumentation. In this work, my aim is to address this apparent contradiction. Articulated in four sections, my dissertation shows how Spinoza uses his sources and which role they play in formulating his political philosophy.Each section focuses on a different aspect of this relationship: the first one is devoted to Spinoza's education, to his cultural background and to Early modern's forms of quoting. In the second one, I highlight the existence of a monarchist political current, Tacitism, which makes a consistent use of ancient historian's quotes; Spinoza confronts this tradition, giving to the ancient writers' words and maximes a completely different sense. Nevertheless, Spinoza quotes not only for a polemical purpose. In contrast, the references and the exemples seem to fulfil four functions: rhetoric, argumentative, polemic and anthropologic. The last one indicates that thr Roman historians' words and stories are an integral part of Spinoza's political philosophy. Finally, in section four, I identify the roles that narrations and stories play in a political philosophy whose aim is to be, at the same time, scientific as well as pragmatic. ; Dans la lettre 56 Spinoza ne reconnait pas l'autorité des anciens, incitant son interlocuteur à raisonner par soi-même, ne suivant que sa raison. Toutefois, face à cette prise de position radicale, Spinoza cite, fait référence et propose des exemples, dont la plupart sont extraits des historiens latins; il semble prendre au sérieux les mots de Tacite, Quinte-Curce, ...

In letter 56, Spinoza does not recognize ancient philosophers' authority and urges Hugo Boxel to follow only his reason in order to acquire knowledge. Notwithstanding this radical stance, Spinoza quotes, makes references and gives examples which are mostly excerpted from Roman historians; he takes Tacitus', Sallut's , Quintus Curtius Rufus' words and histories seriously to the point that he says, in the TP, that "no one that knows Histories" – the Histories by Tacitus – "can ignore" the rightness of his argumentation. In this work, my aim is to address this apparent contradiction. Articulated in four sections, my dissertation shows how Spinoza uses his sources and which role they play in formulating his political philosophy.Each section focuses on a different aspect of this relationship: the first one is devoted to Spinoza's education, to his cultural background and to Early modern's forms of quoting. In the second one, I highlight the existence of a monarchist political current, Tacitism, which makes a consistent use of ancient historian's quotes; Spinoza confronts this tradition, giving to the ancient writers' words and maximes a completely different sense. Nevertheless, Spinoza quotes not only for a polemical purpose. In contrast, the references and the exemples seem to fulfil four functions: rhetoric, argumentative, polemic and anthropologic. The last one indicates that thr Roman historians' words and stories are an integral part of Spinoza's political philosophy. Finally, in section four, I identify the roles that narrations and stories play in a political philosophy whose aim is to be, at the same time, scientific as well as pragmatic. ; Dans la lettre 56 Spinoza ne reconnait pas l'autorité des anciens, incitant son interlocuteur à raisonner par soi-même, ne suivant que sa raison. Toutefois, face à cette prise de position radicale, Spinoza cite, fait référence et propose des exemples, dont la plupart sont extraits des historiens latins; il semble prendre au sérieux les mots de Tacite, Quinte-Curce, ...

In letter 56, Spinoza does not recognize ancient philosophers' authority and urges Hugo Boxel to follow only his reason in order to acquire knowledge. Notwithstanding this radical stance, Spinoza quotes, makes references and gives examples which are mostly excerpted from Roman historians; he takes Tacitus', Sallut's , Quintus Curtius Rufus' words and histories seriously to the point that he says, in the TP, that "no one that knows Histories" – the Histories by Tacitus – "can ignore" the rightness of his argumentation. In this work, my aim is to address this apparent contradiction. Articulated in four sections, my dissertation shows how Spinoza uses his sources and which role they play in formulating his political philosophy.Each section focuses on a different aspect of this relationship: the first one is devoted to Spinoza's education, to his cultural background and to Early modern's forms of quoting. In the second one, I highlight the existence of a monarchist political current, Tacitism, which makes a consistent use of ancient historian's quotes; Spinoza confronts this tradition, giving to the ancient writers' words and maximes a completely different sense. Nevertheless, Spinoza quotes not only for a polemical purpose. In contrast, the references and the exemples seem to fulfil four functions: rhetoric, argumentative, polemic and anthropologic. The last one indicates that thr Roman historians' words and stories are an integral part of Spinoza's political philosophy. Finally, in section four, I identify the roles that narrations and stories play in a political philosophy whose aim is to be, at the same time, scientific as well as pragmatic. ; Dans la lettre 56 Spinoza ne reconnait pas l'autorité des anciens, incitant son interlocuteur à raisonner par soi-même, ne suivant que sa raison. Toutefois, face à cette prise de position radicale, Spinoza cite, fait référence et propose des exemples, dont la plupart sont extraits des historiens latins; il semble prendre au sérieux les mots de Tacite, Quinte-Curce, ...

In letter 56, Spinoza does not recognize ancient philosophers' authority and urges Hugo Boxel to follow only his reason in order to acquire knowledge. Notwithstanding this radical stance, Spinoza quotes, makes references and gives examples which are mostly excerpted from Roman historians; he takes Tacitus', Sallut's , Quintus Curtius Rufus' words and histories seriously to the point that he says, in the TP, that "no one that knows Histories" – the Histories by Tacitus – "can ignore" the rightness of his argumentation. In this work, my aim is to address this apparent contradiction. Articulated in four sections, my dissertation shows how Spinoza uses his sources and which role they play in formulating his political philosophy.Each section focuses on a different aspect of this relationship: the first one is devoted to Spinoza's education, to his cultural background and to Early modern's forms of quoting. In the second one, I highlight the existence of a monarchist political current, Tacitism, which makes a consistent use of ancient historian's quotes; Spinoza confronts this tradition, giving to the ancient writers' words and maximes a completely different sense. Nevertheless, Spinoza quotes not only for a polemical purpose. In contrast, the references and the exemples seem to fulfil four functions: rhetoric, argumentative, polemic and anthropologic. The last one indicates that thr Roman historians' words and stories are an integral part of Spinoza's political philosophy. Finally, in section four, I identify the roles that narrations and stories play in a political philosophy whose aim is to be, at the same time, scientific as well as pragmatic. ; Dans la lettre 56 Spinoza ne reconnait pas l'autorité des anciens, incitant son interlocuteur à raisonner par soi-même, ne suivant que sa raison. Toutefois, face à cette prise de position radicale, Spinoza cite, fait référence et propose des exemples, dont la plupart sont extraits des historiens latins; il semble prendre au sérieux les mots de Tacite, Quinte-Curce, ...

La funzione di controllo di assenza di pericolo (Safety Check), attivata da Facebook in occasione degli attentati terroristici di Parigi, ci ha fatto accedere ad un ulteriore livello d'intimità che ci stringe ancora una volta di più al social network di cui facciamo parte, e che fa parte di noi. Il ruolo assunto dalla piattaforma di Zuckerberg in questa notte di terrore, pone delle riflessioni filosofiche sulla relazione tra dimensione individuale e dimensione collettiva e una serie di problemi politici a proposito dell'istituzionalizzazione di un'azienda privata, forte di una infrastruttura trasversale ai limiti dell'appartenenza nazionale ciascuno e che, oggi, al di fuori da web non ha avversari in una capacità sempre più cruciale : quella di configurare ognuno di noi in quanto parte di una rete.

Joppolo's anti-fascist political stance is paradoxical to say the least. His "provocative irony" is a systematic political stance attitude that led him to stay clear of any radical positions and to argue in favor of artists' and intellectuals' detachment from the political life. Joppolo's work, especially his plays, defends the necessity of simple action, carried out in the "everyday life humility". As the writer develops his reflection, mathematical and artistic creativity eclipses the socio-political axis. These reflections climax into two concepts: the social fantastic, already theorized by Mac Orlan, and the abhumanism, imagined by both J. and Audiberti, promoted as an overarching principle, both the essence and substrate of Joppolo's ethics. In the end, the complex evolution of his thinking crystallizes in abhumanism understood as the synthetic blend of communism, ecumenical Christianity and existentialism. ; Joppolo's anti-fascist political stance is paradoxical to say the least. His "provocative irony" is a systematic political stance attitude that led him to stay clear of any radical positions and to argue in favor of artists' and intellectuals' detachment from the political life. Joppolo's work, especially his plays, defends the necessity of simple action, carried out in the "everyday life humility". As the writer develops his reflection, mathematical and artistic creativity eclipses the socio-political axis. These reflections climax into two concepts: the social fantastic, already theorized by Mac Orlan, and the abhumanism, imagined by both J. and Audiberti, promoted as an overarching principle, both the essence and substrate of Joppolo's ethics. In the end, the complex evolution of his thinking crystallizes in abhumanism understood as the synthetic blend of communism, ecumenical Christianity and existentialism.

Questo articolo è consacrato all'evoluzione del Partito siriano nazionale sociale (PSNS), un partito nazionalista «siriano» fondato da Antoune Saadé en 1932 – nel senso di una Grande Siria, concepita su una base regionale e non in riferimento al solo nazionalismo arabo, poiché include l'isola di Cipro. Questo partito rifiuta dunque per principio la divisione del territorio della Grande Siria in diversi Stati-nazione. Tuttavia, per il fatto del suo insediamento a cavallo tra Libano e Siria, si è trovato implicato dentro giochi politici interni a ciascuno di questi Stati e si è scisso in più tendenze rivali, con, per esempio, un PSNS «centrale», diventato con il tempo un partito libanese, e una branca «Intifada», la cui storia è soprattutto legata a quella della Siria.L'articolo esplora le tensioni e le contraddizioni tra questa ideologia unitaria e la sua implicazione nei modi di essere e nelle logiche dello Stato-nazione, e si interroga se l'attuale crisi siriana, per il fatto che ripropone la questione delle frontiere nazionali, non è suscettibile di restituire uno spazio politico ad un partito e ad una ideologia che respingono tanto le attuali logiche comunitariste e stato-nazionaliste, che le utopie a base religiosa. ; Cet article est consacré à l'évolution du Parti syrien national social (PSNS), un parti nationaliste «syrien» fondé par Antoune Saadé en 1932 – au sens d'une Grande Syrie conçue sur une base régionale et non en référence au seul nationalisme arabe, puisqu'elle inclut l'île de Chypre. Ce parti récuse donc par principe la division du territoire grand-syrien en différents États-nations. Néanmoins, du fait de son implantation à cheval entre le Liban et la Syrie, il s'est trouvé impliqué dans des jeux politiques internes à chacun de ces États et s'est scindé en plusieurs tendances rivales avec, notamment, un PSNS «central», devenu au fil du temps un parti libanais, et une branche «Intifada» dont l'histoire est surtout liée à celle de la Syrie.L'article explore les tensions et les contradictions entre cette idéologie unitaire et l'implication dans les enjeux et les logiques de l'État-nation et se demande si l'actuelle crise syrienne, en ce qu'elle repose la question des frontières nationales, n'est pas susceptible de redonner un nouvel espace politique à un parti et à une idéologie qui récusent tant les logiques communautaristes et stato-nationales actuelles, que les utopies à base religieuse.

At head of title: Université de Poitiers. Faculté de droit. ; "Bibliographie," pp. [vii]-viii. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Five years after the beginning of the Libyan conflict, the political situation is swinging between the efforts for a diplomatic solution under the auspices of the United Nations and the possibility of a new international military intervention. The migratory dimension of the crisis and its increasing dynamics in connection with the Libyan civil war have now become one of the main argument in order to support the plan for a new military intervention in the country. Beyond the conflict, the chapter argues that Libya has continued to be mainly a country of destination despite any recurrent representation of Libya as a country of transit on the route toward Europe. In a context of crisis and state fragmentation, the policies for migrants' containment that Italy and the European Union have implemented in collaboration with the Libyan authorities unexpectedly reveal a process of institutional re-building from 2012 up to the resumption of the civil war in 2014. ; À cinq ans de distance du début du conflit en Libye, la situation oscille aujourd'hui entre les tentatives de médiation sous l'égide des Nations Unies et la menace d'une nouvelle intervention internationale. Précisément, la dimension migratoire de la crise, c'est-à-dire celle des flux liés de différente manière et en différentes directions au cycle de la guerre civile en Libye a fini par accéder au statut d'argument par excellence pour justifier l'hypothèse d'une nouvelle intervention dans le pays. Au-delà des logiques de guerre, le texte montre comment la Libye avait continué à être un pays de destination avant tout, contrairement aux représentations habituelles de ce pays comme simple terre de passage vers l'Europe. En ce sens, les différentes politiques italiennes et européennes mises en oeuvre en collaboration avec les autorités libyennes révèlent que, dans un contexte de crise et de fragmentation de l'État, les politiques migratoires et les intérêts stratégiques européens sont à la base d'un processus de reconstruction institutionnelle entre 2012 et 2014, avant l'escalade du conflit dans le pays. ; À cinq ans de distance du début du conflit en Libye, la situation oscille aujourd'hui entre les tentatives de médiation sous l'égide des Nations Unies et la menace d'une nouvelle intervention internationale. Précisément, la dimension migratoire de la crise, c'est-à-dire celle des flux liés de différente manière et en différentes directions au cycle de la guerre civile en Libye a fini par accéder au statut d'argument par excellence pour justifier l'hypothèse d'une nouvelle intervention dans le pays. Au-delà des logiques de guerre, le texte montre comment la Libye avait continué à être un pays de destination avant tout, contrairement aux représentations habituelles de ce pays comme simple terre de passage vers l'Europe. En ce sens, les différentes politiques italiennes et européennes mises en oeuvre en collaboration avec les autorités libyennes révèlent que, dans un contexte de crise et de fragmentation de l'État, les politiques migratoires et les intérêts stratégiques européens sont à la base d'un processus de reconstruction institutionnelle entre 2012 et 2014, avant l'escalade du conflit dans le pays.