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The present article discusses the differences between the Islam debate in the Netherlands and its European neighboring countries and whether the Dutch perception of Muslims, Islam and themes related to fundamentalism and terrorism differ from those in other countries. The article explains that the decrease in tolerance as experienced over the last years is only partly similar with developments in other West-European societies and structures the discussion around 4 subjects: essentialist monists (rejecting the presence of Islam and Muslims in Western societies); evolutionary monists (rejecting the integration of the Muslim culture in a western society, but not the Muslims); essentialist pluralists (multicultural aspirations, rejecting western superiority and welcoming Islam and Muslims without far stretching adaptation by the cultures involved); and evolutionary pluralists (integration of the autochthonous and foreign culture). The article concludes by stating the Dutch multiculturalism will remain through a rapid cultural modernization of the country on the one hand, and an only partly assumed World War II trauma on the other. O. van Zijl

Dit deel in de Coornhert-reeks bevat twee nog niet eerder verschenen achttiendeeeuwse teksten. Ze behandelen burgerlijke en godsdienstige vrijheid en verdraagzaamheid. De auteurs, Boudewijn van Rees en Cornelius Rogge, waren beiden remonstranten. Ze voerden gezamenlijk actie voor de scheiding van kerk en staat in het kader van de Bataafse Republiek en later sloegen ze de handen ineen bij een poging tot een verenigde protestantse kerk van Nederland te komen. Deze geschriften vormen de grondslag voor dat streven. In de inleiding behandelt Simon Vuyk het debat over tolerantie in de achttiende eeu

A review of the literature indicates that only a minority of youth shift to a more extreme (leftist or rightist) political position because of their experience with unemployment. Rather, unemployment deepens the political apathy of youth because it serves to isolate youth. The learned-helplessness experience of unemployment also contributes to their political apathy. Analysis of 1985 survey data from 536 employed & 220 unemployed youth regarding their political, socioeconomic, & religious attitudes, & their voting behavior, reveals that the unemployed described themselves as "center left," & were more radical on socioeconomic issues & favored a more leftist vote than the employed. The unemployed were also more skeptical about religion & more permissive in sexual ethics. 3 Tables. Modified HA

Hans Schippers assesses the position of the Islamic AK Party led by Prime Minister Erdogan in the light of the relationship between religion and the state in Turkey. Although the AK Party won the general elections in 2002, Erdogan has the Damocletian sword of a military coup hanging above his head ever since. The military consider themselves to be the guardians of Kemal Atatürk's legacy of Turkey as a secular state. In the past decades they intervened four times in politics, the most recent one the 1998 'post modern' coup to oust the Islamic Prime Minister Erbakan, whose approach to Iran, critical opinions on the EU and NATO and favourisation of religious education had gone too far in the eyes of the military. Erdogan cleverly avoided the mistakes of his predecessor. He declared the AKP to be a conservative, pro-EU and pro-NATO party that would seek adherence to the mostly christian-democratic European Peoples Party. His government would be liberal and respect people with different opinions on religion. Erdogan did well in regional elections of 2004. However, he met with growing criticism in the following two years. The organisational structure of the AKP is undemocratic and the number of women active in the party is far too limited, his critics remarked. The party is accused of conducting a campaign of 'creeping islamisation' of Turkish society. The military closely monitor every decision of the government near two-thirds majority in parliament and he could They have the support of the secular president have a party member elected. This would increase Sezer who has amended or rejected a large number the chances of military intervention. Erdogan will of Erdogans proposals. A crucial moment for the probably opt for a compromise candidate. However, AKP-government will be the election by parliament until the arliamentary elections of November, the of a new president, coming May. Erdogan has a political.

An alternative approach to studying the relationship between the working class & authoritarianism is presented to overcome the difficulties found in the debate between C. P. Middendorp's & J. D. Meloen's "Over het autoritarisme van de arbeidersklasse" ([Working-Class Authoritarianism] Acta Politica, 1989, 24, 83-96) & P. Dekker's & P. Ester's "Klassepositie als determinant van autoritarisme; een reactie op Meloen en Middendorp" ([Class Position as a Determinant of Authoritarianism; A Response to Meloen and Middendorp] Acta Politica, 1989, 24, 97-104). Analysis of statistical data compiled in A. Felling, et al (Religion in Dutch Society 1985. Documentation of a National Survey on Religious and Secular Attitudes in 1985, Amsterdam: Steinmetz Archive, 1987), shows that it is not the working class, but rather small independent businessmen & farmers, who are the most authoritarian segments of the Dutch population. 4 Tables, 21 References. M. Meeks

Sociological research concerning three Catholic "pillar" organizations (the Catholic school system, the Christian hospitals, & the Catholic U) indicates that secularization is not followed by "depillarization" or weakening of the Catholic pillars. It is suggested that there is a process of secularization within the Catholic organizations, with as main components the development of a sociocultural Christianity (a secular surrogate for church religion) & professionalization by which Christian organizations ensure job security & social advancement for its loyal members. Thanks to its informal ties with the Christian pillar organizations, the Parti Social Chretien (Christian Democrat Party) acts on both components by stressing the specific identity & defining the interests of the pillar organizations. This explanation reveals some major aspects of the ties between Catholics (in the sociological sense) & their party, a bond that is certainly not affected by the secularization process. Modified HA.

What is it that really binds Dutch people together? That's the central question of many public debates.This study focuses on the the role of victimhood on our concept of society. Drawing on the works of the American philosopher Richard Rorty, the author discusses morality, criminality, religion, sexual abuse and legalisation of prostituiton. - Wat bindt ons Nederlanders eigenlijk nog? Dat is de centrale vraag waar veel maatschappelijke debatten op uitlopen. In een ontzuilde tijd lijkt publieke moraal een individuele aangelegenheid te zijn. We vinden eerder overeenstemming in wat we afwijzen: wreeedheid, vernedering of discriminatie: slachtofferschap. Dat verklaart de belanstelling voor het slachtoffer in het strafrecht of de aandacht voor misbruikte kinderen. Dit spraakmakende boek is inmiddels jaren uitverkocht en wordt nu opnieuw uitgegeven. Paul Schnabel schreef destijds in NRC Handelsblad over 'een lichtgevend proefschrift [...] een fysieke ervaring om te lezen'. Het'Amsterdam Academic Archive is een initiatief van Amsterdam University Press. In de serie verschijnen (populair-)wetenschappelijke publicaties die niet meer leverbaar zijn, maar waarnaar nog wel vraag is in binnen- en buitenland.

Le suprême hommage studies the handling of dying, burial and commemoration of royal and political elites in Belgium in the 19th and first half of the 20th century. This innovative historical research takes place at the interface of cultural history and political history. The reader not only gains insight into the impact of social class, status and religion on funerary culture, but also into the influence of media culture on the perception of death, mourning and memory. Within a selection of 170 cases, the author discusses in words and images the mediatised deaths and no less than imposing funerals of Belgium's first kings and queens and their families. The evolving practices surrounding the deaths of (former) heads of government, (former) presidents of parliament and mayors of major cities are also discussed in detail. Finally, the genesis of Belgium's most famous urban (park) cemeteries, and the funerary heritage in these cities of death, is also brought to life through the analysis of eye-catching funeral monuments. This book is a richly illustrated survey work on the social, political and cultural dimensions of the death of high-ranking figures in 19th- and 20th-century Belgian society.

This book (A Conclave on the Freedom of Conscience) is an account of a fictitious dialogue on religion. Coornhert depicts representatives from the various religious camps whom he sometimes cites literally (including Beza, Calvin, Du Plessis-Mornay and Bullinger). Gamaliel (a pseudonym for Coornhert) is the impartial and knowledgeable referee. This book is not only an important work of its era. Its scope, aim, promotion of religious tolerance, and its wealth of arguments can be of great added value to the current debate on tolerance. Dirk Volkertzoon Coornhert (1522-1590) was a renowned publicist and supporter of Willem van Oranje. The Bibliotheca Dissidentium Neerlandicorum publishes works on the non-coformist history of the Netherlands (religious, philosophical and artistic) of approximately 1350 until the present day. These works of various non-conformist authors are published by Amsterdam University Press, under the Coornhert Stichting imprint. - Synode over de gewetensvrijheid is het verslag van een fictief 'godsdienstgesprek'. Coornhert voert vertegenwoordigers uit de verschillende kampen ten tonele die hij soms letterlijk citeert (o.a. Beza, Calvijn, Du Plessis-Mornay en Bullinger). Gamaliel (pseudoniem voor Coornhert) is de onpartijdige, wijze scheidsrechter. Synode over de gewetensvrijheid is niet alleen een belangrijk tijdsdocument: door zijn doelstelling, bevordering van de religievrede, en zijn rijkdom aan argumenten kunnen we in het huidige tolerantiedebat zeker ons voordeel doen met de lessen van déze Hollandse meester. Dirk Volkertzoon Coornhert (1522-1590) was een vooraanstaand medestander van Willem van Oranje. In zijn sterk anti-dogmatische benadering van vraagstukken van religie (-politiek) nam hij motieven op die vóór hem leefden (Erasmus) en na hem (de remonstranten, Grotius, Spinoza) werkzaam zouden blijven. In de Bibliotheca Dissidentium Neerlandicorum verschijnen publicaties op het gebied van de geschiedenis van het Nederlandse (religieuze, filosofische en artistieke) non-conformisme van circa 1350 tot onze tijd. De DBN omvat een reeks tekstedities en een reeks studies over belangrijke non-conformistische auteurs. De publicaties van de DBN verschijnen bij Amsterdam University Press als uitgaven van de Coornhert Stichting, onder redactionele verantwoordelijkheid van het Coornhert Centrum. Synode over de gewetensvrijheid verschijnt in de "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_booklist&b=series&series=53">Gouden Eeuw Reeks.