The author aims to show that the forecasts of some theorists, philosophers and sociologists about the secularization and inevitable disappearance and marginalization of religion in the process of modernization of society, did not come true. Religion as a social institution has survived and has indicated its return to society and its importance not only for the individual but also for the collective consciousness and action. Deterministic frameworks of the processes of religious changes toward desecularization of society are the result of important changes in society itself: on the one hand the religious traditions acquire political significance and importance in the society, while on the other side they deprivatize faith and behavior of individuals, which can be considered as representing the crucial elements of the process of desecularization of society. These examples compelled the authors like David Martin and Peter Berger to review their theories about secularization of society during 1960s and 1970s, by presenting new ideas about desecularization of society or by limiting the theory of secularization to Western Europe countries only.
This article focuses on the role of Islam in the life of arabic countries. The consequences of revolutionary explosion of early 2011 for the fates of Egyptians, and specially for Copts who which confess Christianity in Egypt are shown. ; В статье на примере Египта освещается роль ислама в жизни арабских стран. Показаны последствия революционного взрыва в начале 2011 г. в Египте для судеб египтян и, в частности, коптов, исповедующих христианство.
This article reviews the ideas and motives of modern terrorism, discloses the concept of destructive human behavior, the analysis of the socio-cultural situation at the beginning of the XXI century and revealed disturbing factors intensify nationalist and religious terrorism as the most dangerous form of terrorism.
Констатируется, что экстремизм связан с политическими амбициями обретения властных полномочий с помощью насилия. Такие амбиции могут присутствовать и в религии, особенно если она выдвигает универсалистские претензии. Утверждается, что религиозно-мотивированный экстремизм присутствует в движениях, для которых характерно представление о невозможности толерантного отношения к иным религиозным формам и воззрениям. Религиозный экстремизм, показательным примером которого сегодня является исламизм, ориентирован на установление теократии, а не политической диктатуры. Показано, что постоянно готовый к насилию религиозный экстремизм дрейфует в сторону религиозного терроризма, который представляет собой агрессивные насильственные действия против несогласных с экстремистами людей. Насилие служит достижению религиозных, политических или идеологических целей, а терроризм является средством оказания давления. ; Extremism is associated with the political ambitions of gaining power through violence. Such ambitions can also be present in religion, especially if it imposes universalist claims. There is religiously motivated extremism in the movements for which the conception of the impossibility of tolerant attitude to other religious forms and views is typical. Religious extremism, exemplified by Islamism today, is directed toward establishing a theocracy, not a political dictatorship. Constantly ready for violence, religious extremism is drifting towards religious terrorism, which is an aggressive violent act against people who disagree with extremists. Violence serves religious, political or ideological purposes, and terrorism is a mean of putting pressure.
On the basis of the work of S. Kierkegaard «Exercises in Christianity» and V.S. Solovyov's «Readings on God-manhood» the article presents a comparative analysis of the positions of the authors as religious thinkers, formed in line with the problem of limiting the claims of the mind, which in earlier philosophy had become the only and comprehensive explanatory principle. The article outlines the common ground of their positions, which is a criticism of the official religion and the formalism of state churches. It notes that the innovative and original religious philosophies of Kierkegaard and Solovyov have a common mission – the revival of Christianity degenerated into a public religion, but at the same time they differ in character and structure. It concludes that Kierkegaard and Solovyov, critically reinterpreting the Christian religion that is contemporary to them, offer their religious philosophy as a way out of the crises of their time.
This paper deals with various philosophical aspects of the notion of listening correlated with forming and disabling of totalitarian communities. Traditional philosophy is mainly critical towards sensual knowledge, whereas contemporary thought is concentrated on listening as a significant and complex phenomenon that can be observed as a cognitive category and through various philosophical perspectives (politics, ethics). For Heidegger, listening has existential status and represents one of Dasein's characteristics. According to him, listening is understanding the one who is close to us (whom we bear in ourselves) – a friend. In Heidegger's philosophy of listening, Derrida recognises the possibility of forming a community of same and close. It alludes to homogenisation and enmity. Abandoning Heidegger's thesis about listening to a friend, Derrida writes about the possibility of listening to the spectre representing an affirmation of the existence of absolute otherness. Listening to the spectre is the only correct ethics by which distance is made and totalitarian community avoided. Like Derrida, Nancy sees the danger of forming a totalitarian community in the sameness and closeness of society's members. The way of avoiding the possibility of forming such a community Nancy sees in immediate (sensual) contact with the world. For Nancy, listening is a contact with the world not mediated by significations and understandings. Listening represents a metaphor of resistance towards aspirations of representative political systems in forming complete and closed communities. By presenting several contemporary philosophical concepts, this paper tries to demonstrate that listening, apart from creating closeness, can maintain an impossible community characterised by irrepresentability and heterogeneity and, more importantly, can function as the resistance toward totalitarian systems. ; Rad se bavi različitim filozofijskim aspektima pojma slušanja u svezi s oblikovanjem i obustavljanjem totalitarnih zajednica. Tradicionalna filozofija uglavnom je kritički nastrojena prema čulnom znanju, dok se suvremena misao usmjerava na slušanje kao značajan i kompleksan fenomen koji može biti promatran kao kognitivna kategorija i kroz različite filozofijske perspektive (politika, etika). Za Heideggera, slušanje ima egzistencijalni status i predstavlja jedno od Daseinovih obilježja. Po njegovu mišljenju, slušanje je razumijevanje onoga tko nam je blizak (koga nosimo u sebi) – prijatelja. U Heideggerovoj filozofiji slušanja, Derrida prepoznaje mogućnost oblikovanja zajednice istih i bliskih. Aludira na homogenizaciju i neprijateljstvo. Napuštajući Heideggerovu tezu o slušanju prijatelja, Derrida piše o mogućnosti slušanja sablasti koja predstavlja afirmaciju egzistencije apsolutne drugosti. Slušanje sablasti jedina je ispravna etika putem koje se uspostavlja udaljenost i izbjegava totalitarnu zajednicu. Poput Derridaa, Nancy vidi opasnost u oblikovanju totalitarne zajednice u istosti i bliskosti članova društva. Način izbjegavanja mogućnosti oblikovanja takve zajednice Nancy vidi u izravnom (čulnom) dodiru sa svijetom. Za Nancyja, slušanje je dodir sa svijetom neposredovan označavanjima i razumijevanjima. Slušanje predstavlja metaforu otpora prema aspiracijama predstavničkih političkih sustava u oblikovanju potpunih i zatvorenih zajednica. Predstavljajući nekoliko suvremenih filozofijskih pojmova, ovaj rad pokušava demonstrirati da slušanje, osim stvaranja bliskosti, može održavati nemoguću zajednicu karakteriziranu nepredstavništvom i heterogenošću te, što je važnije, može funkcionirati kao otpor prema totalitarnim sustavima. ; Die Arbeit behandelt verschiedenartige philosophische Aspekte des Begriffs des Hörens bezüglich der Schaffung und Auflösung totalitärer Gemeinschaften. Die traditionelle Philosophie steht dem sinnlichen Wissen zumeist kritisch gegenüber, während der zeitgenössische Gedanke auf das Hören als ein belangvolles und komplexes Phänomen ausgerichtet ist, welches sich als kognitive Kategorie und aus differenten philosophischen Perspektiven (Politik, Ethik) betrachten lässt. Das Hören hat für Heidegger einen existenziellen Status und repräsentiert eine der Eigenschaften des Daseins. Seines Erachtens ist Hören das Verständnis desjenigen, der uns nahesteht (den wir bei uns tragen) – des Freundes. In Heideggers Philosophie des Hörens erkennt Derrida die Möglichkeit, eine Gemeinschaft der Selben und Nahen zu formen. Er macht Anspielungen auf Homogenisierung und Feindseligkeit. Indem er Heideggers These vom Hören des Freundes verwirft, schreibt Derrida über die Möglichkeit, einem Gespenst zuzuhören, welches die Affirmation der Existenz absoluter Andersheit abbildet. Dem Gespenst zuzuhören ist die einzig richtige Ethik, durch die Distanz hergestellt und eine totalitäre Gemeinschaft vermieden wird. Ebenso wie Derrida sieht Nancy die Gefahr in der Schaffung einer totalitären Gemeinschaft aufgrund von Selbigkeit und Nahekommen der Gesellschaftsmitglieder. Einen Weg, der Eventualität der Formung einer solchen Gemeinschaft auszuweichen, sieht Nancy in direktem (sinnlichem) Kontakt mit der Welt. Für Nancy bedeutet das Hören eine nicht durch Signifikationen und Verständnisse vermittelte Berührung mit der Welt. Das Hören stellt eine Metapher für den Widerstand gegen die Aspirationen der repräsentativen politischen Systeme dar, vollkommene und geschlossene Gemeinschaften zu gestalten. Indem es mehrere zeitgenössische philosophische Begriffe vorstellt, versucht dieses Paper zu demonstrieren, dass das Hören, abgesehen von der Schaffung einer Nähe, auch eine unmögliche Gemeinschaft aufrechtzuerhalten vermag, die durch Nichtrepräsentativität und Heterogenität gekennzeichnet ist, und nicht zuletzt als Widerstand gegen totalitäre Systeme fungieren kann. ; Ce travail aborde divers aspects philosophiques du concept de l'écoute lié à la formation et au renversement des communautés totalitaires. La tradition philosophique relève principalement d'une critique envers la connaissance sensorielle, alors que la pensée contemporaine a trait à l'écoute, en tant que phénomène significatif et complexe, qui peut être considérée comme une catégorie cognitive, et peut également être analysée à travers diverses perspectives philosophiques (politique, éthique). Pour Heidegger, l'écoute a un statut existentiel et présente l'une des caractéristiques du Dasein. Selon lui, écouter c'est comprendre celui qui nous est proche (celui que nous portons en nous) – l'ami. Dans la philosophie heideggérienne de l'écoute, Derrida voit la possibilité de former une communauté des mêmes et des proches. Il fait allusion à l'homogénéisation et à l'hostilité. En rupture avec la thèse heideggérienne sur l'écoute de l'ami, Derrida écrit sur la possibilité de l'écoute du spectre qui présente l'affirmation d'une existence de l'altérité absolu. L'écoute du spectre est l'unique éthique juste au travers laquelle se constitue la distance et s'évite la communauté totalitaire. À l'instar de Derrida, Nancy voit un danger dans la formation de communautés totalitaires dans l'identité et la familiarité. La manière d'éviter toute possibilité de formation d'une telle communauté, Nancy la voit dans le contact direct (sensoriel) avec le monde. Pour Nancy, écouter c'est être en contact avec le monde sans l'entremise de significations et de compréhensions. Écouter présente une métaphore de résistance envers les aspirations des systèmes politiques représentatifs à former des communautés entières et fermées. En présentant quelques concepts philosophiques contemporains, ce travail s'applique à démontrer que l'écoute, hormis créer des affinités, peut préserver une communauté invraisemblable caractérisée par le non-représentationnel et l'hétérogénéité, mais aussi, et ce qui est bien plus important, peut fonctionner comme une force de résistance envers les systèmes totalitaires.
The article reveals the essence of the problem of the origin of man from the point of view of science and religion. We consider a variety of theories to explain the religious idea of the creation of man by God, the philosophical concepts that attempt to rationally, without the help of God, the absolute mind or alien, to explain the origin of man.
This paper aims at reflecting on Vl. Solovyev's Three Conversations as a philosophical and religious fable. The stress is put on studying each of the protagonists: the Lady, the General, the Politician, Mr. Z, the Prince, as well as the Antichrist and the heads of the three main Christian denominations: the pope, the starets John and prof. Pauli. Each of them is presented both as a real type with his own idiosyncrasies (which is very important) and as an illustration of the truths and deficiencies of his time and milieu, keeping in mind the idea (so dear to Solovyev) that the people who actually promote and contribute to the good can only be those who have maintained a sense of humour and are the bearers of an honest, simple and authentic cultural and spiritual tradition, even if it is incomplete. The Antichrist seduces people by encouraging muddle-headedness, libido dominandi, intellectual pride and the taste for the sublime. Through those means he conquers, before being ultimately defeated by his own nothingness.
Рассмотрены особенности политической институционализации религии обусловленные образованием и функционированием религиозных политических партий и общественных религиозно-националистических организаций. ; Розглянуто особливості політичної інституціоналізації релігії, що обумовлені утворенням та функціонуванням релігійних політичних партій і громадських релігійно-націоналістичних організацій. ; Peculiarities of political institutionalization of religion is due to the formation and functioning of the religious political parties and public religious-nationalist organizations.
The paper analyzes the regulatory protection of the rights of religious Russians. According to the results of the comparative historical and legal study, the author proves the redundancy of legal regulation of religion in the current legislation of the Russian Federation
The study of the relationship between politics and religion is important to understand the current society of Bangladesh. It is believed that the reason for the separation of the Indian subcontinent into two parts: India and Pakistan was a religious factor. East Bengal became part of Pakistan, called East Pakistan. In Pakistan Islam was the state religion, which was reflected in the entire social life of Bengalis. In East Pakistan, most of the people are Bengalis and speak in Bangla, culture, traditions and way of life were historically connected with the peoples of India. In Pakistan, the state language was Urdu. The authorities of west Pakistan pressed the people of East Pakistan to study Urdu in educational institutions, tried to ignore the Bangla language, limiting the activities of newspapers and radio, which caused discontent among the population. A considerable time in educational institutions was devoted to the study of religion. Many decisions of local authorities were adopted and executed on the behalf of Islam. The authorities of Pakistan suppressed the people with this policy by mass repressions. Particularly bloody repressions against the Bengali people were held in 1971. As a result of a popular uprising, armed struggle and the expulsion of troops, this part of Pakistan has become an independent country. In 1972, after the establishment of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, secularism became one of the fundamental principles of the Constitution of Bangladesh. The article analyzes the political process through which religion becomes part of politics, using the historical method of research. Although the Constitution says that religion is separated from the state, but until now religion is considered a very important factor in the politics of Bangladesh. ; Исследование отношений между политикой и религией представляется важным для понимания современного состояния общества в Бангладеш. Считается, что причиной разделения индийского субконтинента на две части - Индию и Пакистан - явился религиозный фактор. Восточная Бенгалия стала частью Пакистана, которая была названа Восточным Пакистаном. В Пакистане ислам стал государственной религией, что отражалось и на всей социальной жизни бенгальцев. Основное население Восточного Пакистана - это бенгальцы, говорящие на языке бенгали (бенгальский), чьи культура, традиции и образ жизни исторически связаны с народами Индии. В Пакистане государственный язык урду. Власти ввели обязательное изучение урду в учебных заведениях, в том числе и Восточного Пакистана, пытались принизить значение бенгальского языка, ограничив ведение журналистской деятельности на бенгальском, включая газеты, радио, что вызывало недовольство населения. Значительное время в учебных заведениях отводилось изучению религии. Многие решения местных властей принимались и исполнялись от имени ислама. На сопротивление народа такой политике власти Пакистана отвечали массовыми репрессиями. Особенно кровавые репрессии против бенгальского народа были совершены в 1971 году. В результате народного восстания, вооруженной борьбы и изгнания войск Восточная часть Пакистана стала независимой страной. Одним из основополагающих принципов Конституции Народной Республики Бангладеш, когда только она формировалась в 1972 году, стал секуляризм. В статье анализируется политический процесс, посредством которого религия становится частью политики, используя исторический метод исследования. Несмотря на то, что в Конституции написано, что религия отделена от государства, но до сих пор религия является очень важным фактором в политике Бангладеш.
