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The paper deals with questions of extending the scope of justice to environmental prob- lems. In investigating the available political and environmental philosophies the author comes to the following conclusion: for the proper theoretical handling of environmental problems ethics integrating social and environmental aspects should be worked out.

Whatever the significance of the postmodern state of mind, recent views concerning philosophical eclecticism are largely the product of researches into the history of philosophy. There is an obvious inclination of today''s intellectual historians to investigate background figures of European modernity. The increasing willingness of historians to enlarge the notion of philosophy in both its disciplinary and historical definition seems to be in agreement with a similar disposition of contemporary philosophers. As we can learn from Michael Albrecht''s and Patrice Vermeren''s books, a critical appreciation of eclecticism throws light both on the conditions of contemporary philosophizing and on the politics of philosophy in the modern age.

Discusses the critique of modernity portrayed in Georg Simmel's Philosophie des Geldes ([Philosophy of Money] 1900). Although many 19th-century German intellectuals saw modernity as a threat to certain distinctive & uniquely valuable aspects of German politics & culture, Simmel depicted modern society as confusing & dangerous, but potentially liberating. Simmel argued that the processes of modernization could give expression to human powers, values, & traits that were uncultivated or totally repressed in the premodern era. However, this view of modernity as epiphany was countered by the more negative aspects of modernity cited by Simmel, who claimed that modern society was shaped & biased by the specific features of an advanced capitalist economy grounded almost solely in money, & the modern emphasis on capital, technology, & material goods inspired alienation. Simmel suggested that money, technology, & material goods bore little relation to human feelings, values, & desires; under these circumstances, modernity undermined traditional visions of reality & created a tremendous gap between what was valued by society & individuals. However, Simmel did not claim that alienation was exclusive to modernity, & he argued that intelligent & committed individuals could transcend this alienation. T. Sevier

13 páginas ; Este escrito explora, a la vez que rinde un homenaje póstumo a la obra del profesor emérito de la Universidad de Notre Dame, los principales aspectos que Niemeyer advierte en la formación del pensamiento político moderno, así como la caracterización penetrante que su filosofía hace frente a las tesis que niegan la posibilidad ontológica de la realidad. La filosofía política de Gerhart Niemeyer esta caracterizada por una crítica al pensamiento moderno (y posmoderno) manifestado en las ideologías políticas que se originan en la ilustración. A través de una vida dedicada al estudio de los principales fenómenos políticos en la historia, Niemeyer advierte la existencia de un conjunto de símbolos unificadores que han determinado el curso político del siglo XX, de los cuales se han nutrido las ideologías totalitaristas, así como las corrientes de pensamiento positivistas, el ateísmo, el liberalismo ideológico y el existencialismo. La Ultima parte de esta conferencia explora y analiza los principios expuestos por la filosofía política de Niemeyer tendientes a la recuperación del orden político, cuyas fuentes son actualizadas a la luz de los filósofos griegos (Aristóteles y Platón fundamentalmente) y de la filosofía cristiana (Agustín de Hipona y Tomas de Aquino), mediante una teoría de la conciencia neoética y del derecho y la ley natural.

Hans Maier (Hrsg.) ; Beitr. teilw. dt., teilw. engl. ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 96.38198-2

The physical, economic, and mental toll caused by violence in the United States has put tremendous pressure on American medical, political, religious, and social institutions. The impact in urban neighborhoods has been especially harrowing, forcing African-American organizations to address this domestic problem with ideas and suggestions unique to their philosophies and collective talents. This article contains general perspectives and commentary from physicians and social science experts who participated in a workshop sponsored by the National Medical Association, the National Institute of Drug Abuse, and the National Institute of Mental Health to discuss topics on violence, its health consequences, and the conduct of research in the African-American community.

Problems with Richard Rorty's pragmatist understanding of liberalism, especially in relation to defining social justice, are considered. It is contended that Rorty's identification as a postmodern is fundamentally ironic since he considers himself a Hegelian yet rejects certain metanarratives (eg, history). Rorty's contention that certain Enlightenment & post-Enlightenment philosophies are inappropriate for modern society since they rely on metaphysical understandings of social & political practices is reviewed. It is subsequently contended that Rorty's understanding of liberalism as providing a paradigm for social justice is itself based on a metaphysical metanarrative. Consequently, a social scientific approach to determining social justice that relies on certain truth-claims to evaluate political practices is advocated. 17 References. J. W. Parker

Problems with Richard Rorty's pragmatist understanding of liberalism, especially in relation to defining social justice, are considered. It is contended that Rorty's identification as a postmodern is fundamentally ironic since he considers himself a Hegelian yet rejects certain metanarratives (eg, history). Rorty's contention that certain Enlightenment & post-Enlightenment philosophies are inappropriate for modern society since they rely on metaphysical understandings of social & political practices is reviewed. It is subsequently contended that Rorty's understanding of liberalism as providing a paradigm for social justice is itself based on a metaphysical metanarrative. Consequently, a social scientific approach to determining social justice that relies on certain truth-claims to evaluate political practices is advocated. 17 References. J. W. Parker

Examines the philosophical arguments made in Karl Marx's dissertation, a work dedicated to moving beyond Hegelian philosophy by determining the conditions in which an abstract generality becomes a concrete objectivity. This subject is pursued in the context of a demonstration that a basic philosophical difference exists between the philosophies of Democritus & Epicurus, in that Epicurus distinguishes between the atom as principle & structural element, while Democritus remains aware only of the latter. While Marx ultimately failed to find an answer to his general question, it is suggested that the exercise produced an invaluable, basic Marxist insight: the epistemological foundations of science cannot be established on the basis of a form of individual reductionism; rather, science can be constructed only on the basis of a notion of the collective individual. 15 References. D. Ryfe

Distinguishing between the theory and practice of the internal market has been obscured by the considerable controversy generated by the reforms themselves. In such an environment both the advocates and the opponents of a market based solution have tended to promote their respective claims by reference to underlying political philosophies and economic theories rather than practical experience. Royce gives his observations of the actual operation of the internal market with particular reference to the commissioning function in Wales. He highlights inadequacies and inequities in the current system and proposes some remedial actions. Central to these are the importance of ensuring equitable funding for all purchasers, acknowledging the necessity of rationing, and promoting efficient and effective health care, sometimes at the expense of patient choice and guaranteed local service provision.

hrsg. von Wiener Philosophinnen-Club. Charlotte Annerl . ; Beitr. teilw. dt., teilw. engl. ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 97.35373

All societies attach a different range of meanings to war than to natural disasters, and questions of societal recognition, reparation, and justice are generally central. Most modern conflict has been grounded in the use of terror to control and silence whole populations. Those abusing power typically refuse to acknowledge their dead victims, as if they had never existed and were mere wraiths in the memories of those left behind. This denial, and the impunity of those who maintain it, must be challenged if survivors are to make sense of their losses and the social fabric is to mend. For the names and fate of the dead to be properly lodged in the public record of their times also illuminates the costs that may flow from the philosophies and practices of the Western led world order, ones which health workers should be in a position to influence.

Compares two movements of organized Hinduism in India, the Arya Samaj & Rashtriya Svayamasevak Sangh (RSS), highlighting differences in their goals, strategies, ideologies, organization, & bases of support. Their respective histories are traced, focusing on the impact of colonialism, adaptation of Western models, & partition & independence. Founders of each group created different forms of Hindu identity, drawing on a wide range of Hindu scriptures, laws, & philosophies, with Arya Samaj's use of Vedic authority contrasted with the RSS's ideology of the Hindu Nation. The bases of the groups' organizational structures in their concepts of their role in the larger Hindu community are described as individual initiative (Arya Samaj) & central leadership (RSS). Political & social roles of each group are analyzed, emphasizing their participation in elections & party politics. It is demonstrated how the experience of colonialism has shaped the current situation, leading to growing fundamentalism & mob violence. It is concluded that the forces driving activist Hinduism have more to do with establishing Hindu rule than promoting Hindu values & practices. Bibliog. T. Arnold

The premise of this thesis is that the key elements of many theoretical foundations or revitalization "philosophies" challenge conventional planning processes by emphasizing bottom-up mobilization, consensus building, and "authentic" public participation, and community empowerment. In light of the need for inner-city initiatives, the heart of Winnipeg's North Main Street community, situated between City Hall and the CPR Main Line, has long been in desperate need of government funding, commitment, and a holistic community vision. Amidst the combination of physical decline and deeply rooted socioeconomic problems of unemployment, poverty, crime, racism, substances abuse, and inadequate housing, North Main Street has come to symbolize a daunting inner-city crisis in Winnipeg. It is only recently under the scaled down tri-level Winnipeg Development Agreement (WDA) that some level of government support has been secured for the formulation and implementation of a North Main community strategy. It is the intent ofthis thesis to explore the theoretical elements of community mobilization and determine the degree to which they are applicable to the Main Street context. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

Before the 1930s, social control most often performed the task of linking empirical sociological analysis to values & philosophies of progress. E. A. Ross's book, Social Control (1969), is taken as a watershed in this transition; it linked the concept of pragmatic, nonviolent ends. Through the work of Robert Park (1921), it is shown that the concept became linked to the Rooseveltian, social democratic political project. In the 1930s, though it remained a tool for analyzing the combination of forces that make societies into wholes, its meaning was narrowed to refer to processes of producing conformity through socialization or repression. Analyses of the colonial experience in the post-WWII years stressed the relation of social control to manipulation, oppression, & deviance. This view of social control engendered a number of radical critiques of the term, many of which followed the example of C. Wright Mills (1956). It is demonstrated that, by the 1980s, the concept became associated wholly with social domination, authoritarian power, & ideological bias, & thus lost its usefulness as an analytic concept. D. M. Smith