La genèse du transcendantal: conditions et hypothèses
In: Art, esthétique, philosophie n. 2
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In: Art, esthétique, philosophie n. 2
In: Studien und Materialien zur Geschichte der Philosophie 90
In: Rencontres de philosophie médiévale 16
In: Philosophie - Sprache - Literatur Bd. 4
In: Contributi al ... convegno del Centro di Studi Filosofici di Gallarate 56
In: Saggi e ricerche
In: Studien zur Philosophie des 18. Jahrhunderts Bd. 12
Il volume analizza il rapporto fra la scoperta di sentimenti e affetti a priori e la rivoluzione nel modo di pensare annunciata nella Prefazione alla seconda edizione della Critica della ragion pura. Il lavoro mostra che il passaggio dall'ipotesi alla certezza apodittica, da Niccolo Copernico a Isaac Newton tanto nella filosofia speculativa quanto nella filosofia morale e inscindibilmente connesso con la scoperta dei sentimenti a priori del rispetto, della soddisfazione di se, dell'interesse, della tensione, dell'esigenza e della tendenza, a loro volta strettamente legati a temi come il primat
In: Studien zur Philosophie des 18. Jahrhunderts Bd. 11
In: Labirinti della conoscenza
In: Storia e filosofia d'occidente
In: le armonie del Mondo
Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist nicht, die vielbekannte Kontroverse um das Politische "bei"/"ab" bzw. "nach" Heideggers \(\textit {Sein und Zeit}\) wiederaufzunehmen. Unsere Überlegungen beschränken sich vielmehr auf den weniger unternommenen Versuch, eine solche politische Dimension in der Philosophie des frühen Heidegger (1919-1923) zu entdecken und zu erörtern. Das Hauptthema der frühen Philosophie Heideggers lässt sich auf eine fundamental-phänomenologische Frage zurückführen: die Frage nach einem Denken des Ursprungs, d.h. einem Denken, das sich fähig erklärt, einen echten und adäquaten Zugang zur ursprünglichen Struktur der faktischen Lebenserfahrung zu gewinnen. Die Frage lautet nun: Wie lässt sich überhaupt die Thematik des Politischen in einer solchen phänomenologischen Dimension entdecken und artikulieren?
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In: Discipline filosofiche
In letter 56, Spinoza does not recognize ancient philosophers' authority and urges Hugo Boxel to follow only his reason in order to acquire knowledge. Notwithstanding this radical stance, Spinoza quotes, makes references and gives examples which are mostly excerpted from Roman historians; he takes Tacitus', Sallut's , Quintus Curtius Rufus' words and histories seriously to the point that he says, in the TP, that "no one that knows Histories" – the Histories by Tacitus – "can ignore" the rightness of his argumentation. In this work, my aim is to address this apparent contradiction. Articulated in four sections, my dissertation shows how Spinoza uses his sources and which role they play in formulating his political philosophy.Each section focuses on a different aspect of this relationship: the first one is devoted to Spinoza's education, to his cultural background and to Early modern's forms of quoting. In the second one, I highlight the existence of a monarchist political current, Tacitism, which makes a consistent use of ancient historian's quotes; Spinoza confronts this tradition, giving to the ancient writers' words and maximes a completely different sense. Nevertheless, Spinoza quotes not only for a polemical purpose. In contrast, the references and the exemples seem to fulfil four functions: rhetoric, argumentative, polemic and anthropologic. The last one indicates that thr Roman historians' words and stories are an integral part of Spinoza's political philosophy. Finally, in section four, I identify the roles that narrations and stories play in a political philosophy whose aim is to be, at the same time, scientific as well as pragmatic. ; Dans la lettre 56 Spinoza ne reconnait pas l'autorité des anciens, incitant son interlocuteur à raisonner par soi-même, ne suivant que sa raison. Toutefois, face à cette prise de position radicale, Spinoza cite, fait référence et propose des exemples, dont la plupart sont extraits des historiens latins; il semble prendre au sérieux les mots de Tacite, Quinte-Curce, ...
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In letter 56, Spinoza does not recognize ancient philosophers' authority and urges Hugo Boxel to follow only his reason in order to acquire knowledge. Notwithstanding this radical stance, Spinoza quotes, makes references and gives examples which are mostly excerpted from Roman historians; he takes Tacitus', Sallut's , Quintus Curtius Rufus' words and histories seriously to the point that he says, in the TP, that "no one that knows Histories" – the Histories by Tacitus – "can ignore" the rightness of his argumentation. In this work, my aim is to address this apparent contradiction. Articulated in four sections, my dissertation shows how Spinoza uses his sources and which role they play in formulating his political philosophy.Each section focuses on a different aspect of this relationship: the first one is devoted to Spinoza's education, to his cultural background and to Early modern's forms of quoting. In the second one, I highlight the existence of a monarchist political current, Tacitism, which makes a consistent use of ancient historian's quotes; Spinoza confronts this tradition, giving to the ancient writers' words and maximes a completely different sense. Nevertheless, Spinoza quotes not only for a polemical purpose. In contrast, the references and the exemples seem to fulfil four functions: rhetoric, argumentative, polemic and anthropologic. The last one indicates that thr Roman historians' words and stories are an integral part of Spinoza's political philosophy. Finally, in section four, I identify the roles that narrations and stories play in a political philosophy whose aim is to be, at the same time, scientific as well as pragmatic. ; Dans la lettre 56 Spinoza ne reconnait pas l'autorité des anciens, incitant son interlocuteur à raisonner par soi-même, ne suivant que sa raison. Toutefois, face à cette prise de position radicale, Spinoza cite, fait référence et propose des exemples, dont la plupart sont extraits des historiens latins; il semble prendre au sérieux les mots de Tacite, Quinte-Curce, ...
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