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This text addresses philosophy as a thought experiment, according to Larrosa, Masschelain, and Kohan. The socratic notions of parrhesia and epimeleia heautou are discussed on the basis of Foucault's Hermeneutics of the Subject; and the practice of parrhesia as a philosophy is discussed based on The Government of Self and Others, in order to establish a dialogue with the voices from the streets: rappers. It is argued that they are the new Socrates. The possible dialogues between city and education are analyzed. A reflection is developed on young people's political experience, given that Socrates frequented the Agora because he perceived political participation as a duty. He took care of himself to help others take care of themselves, which is a responsibility. To support the claim that rappers are the new Socrates, the language of the streets is drawn from interviews. ; En este texto se considera la filosofía como experiencia de pensamiento, según Larrosa, Masschelein y Kohan. Se discute la postura socrática de epiméleia heautoû, a partir de Foucault en La hermenéutica del sujeto; y la práctica de la parrhesía como filosofía, a partir de El gobierno de sí y de los otros, para dialogar con las voces que llegan de las calles: los raperos. Se defiende la idea de que ellos son los nuevos Sócrates. Se analizan los diálogos posibles entre la ciudad y la educación. Se reflexiona acerca de la experiencia política entre los jóvenes, ya que Sócrates frecuentaba el ágora por la participación política, al entenderla como una obligación. Cuidaba desí buscando que los otros cuidaran de sí, lo cual es una responsabilidad. Para sustentar que los raperos son los nuevos Sócrates, se retoma el habla de las calles a partir de entrevistas y letras de rap. ; Ce texte porte sur la philosophie en tant qu'expérience de pensée d'après Larrosa, Masschelain, et Kohan. Les notions socratiques de parrhesia et epimeleia heautou sont discutées à partir de L'herméneutique du sujet de Foucault ; et la pratique de la parrhesia en tant que philosophie est discutée à partir de Le gouvernement de soi et des autres, afin de dialoguer avec les voix provenant des rues : les rappeurs. Il est soutenu qu'ils sont les nouveaux Socrates. Les dialogues éventuels entre la ville et l'éducation sont analysés. Une réflexion sur l'expérience politique des jeunes est effectuée, étant donné que Socrate fréquentait l'Agora car il considérait la participation politique comme une obligation. Il prenait soin de soi pour aider les autres à prendre soin d'eux-mêmes, ce qui constitue une responsabilité. Dans le but d'appuyer l'idée que les rappeurs sont les nouveaux Socrates, on reprend le langage des rues à partir d'entretiens et de paroles de rap. ; Esta escrita considera a filosofia como experiência de pensamento, fundamentando-se em Larrosa, Masschelein e Kohan, discutindo a postura socrática de epiméleia heautoû a partir de Foucault, na Hermenêutica do Sujeito e em O Governo de si e dos outros e a prática da parrhesía como filosofia para dialogar com as vozes vindas das ruas, dos rappers, defendendo a ideia de que são eles os novos Sócrates. Busca analisar os diálogos possíveis entre a cidade e a educação e reflete acerca da experiência política entre os jovens, uma vez que Sócrates frequentava a ágora pela participação política porque entendia que esta era uma obrigação. Cuidava de si cuidando que os outros cuidassem de si: uma responsabilidade. Para dar sentido a defesa de que são os rappers os novos Sócrates, este trabalho traz a fala das ruas, a partir de entrevistas e letras de rap.

Religion, ethics and philosophies of life represent a delicate area where people can be oriented in a particular direction, without the possibility to react in a critic way. Today, people in democratic societies are extremely sensitive as regards the influence of churches, religions, life visions. Many adults, particularly young adults, recognize the conditioning rituals and indoctrinations strategies easily as contradictory to the intentions proclaimed officially. Many questions of personal values and ethics inevitability arise for individuals in the academic community. The Church on campus facilitates the formation of Christian conscience in its members so that they could make decisions based on gospel values and, thereby, resist moral relativism. Campus ministry is an expression of Church's special desire to be present to all who are involved in higher education. The Church on campus is challenged to be a sign of unity and living reminder of the essential interdependence and solidarity of all people.

Religion, ethics and philosophies of life represent a delicate area where people can be oriented in a particular direction, without the possibility to react in a critic way. Today, people in democratic societies are extremely sensitive as regards the influence of churches, religions, life visions. Many adults, particularly young adults, recognize the conditioning rituals and indoctrinations strategies easily as contradictory to the intentions proclaimed officially. Many questions of personal values and ethics inevitability arise for individuals in the academic community. The Church on campus facilitates the formation of Christian conscience in its members so that they could make decisions based on gospel values and, thereby, resist moral relativism. Campus ministry is an expression of Church's special desire to be present to all who are involved in higher education. The Church on campus is challenged to be a sign of unity and living reminder of the essential interdependence and solidarity of all people.

Religion, ethics and philosophies of life represent a delicate area where people can be oriented in a particular direction, without the possibility to react in a critic way. Today, people in democratic societies are extremely sensitive as regards the influence of churches, religions, life visions. Many adults, particularly young adults, recognize the conditioning rituals and indoctrinations strategies easily as contradictory to the intentions proclaimed officially. Many questions of personal values and ethics inevitability arise for individuals in the academic community. The Church on campus facilitates the formation of Christian conscience in its members so that they could make decisions based on gospel values and, thereby, resist moral relativism. Campus ministry is an expression of Church's special desire to be present to all who are involved in higher education. The Church on campus is challenged to be a sign of unity and living reminder of the essential interdependence and solidarity of all people.

This paper offers an analysis of the illiberal practices and discourse of the Global War on Terror (GWoT) and demonstrates how the United States of America used the liberal argument as a qualitative metric of its success and failure in the GWoT. I argue that 'the othering' of Salafi Jihadists as well the full military involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq were both philosophically rooted in the liberal thinking of Immanuel Kant and John Stuart Mill, which have traditionally guided US foreign policy. More significantly, these liberal philosophies of history and international relations hold within them the seeds of illiberalism by depicting non-liberal, undemocratic societies/organisations as 'barbaric' – and as such prime candidates for intervention and regime change. Predicated upon this logic, the discourse of the GWoT framed Al Qaeda as a key existential threat to not only the United States but also the 'civilised world' in general and one which required a 'liberal defensive war' in response. It was the successful securitisation of Al Qaeda that essentially enabled the United States to adopt deeply illiberal policies to counter this so-called existential threat by using any means at its disposal.

The Master's thesis \"The problem of Subject in Modern and Post-modern Philosophy of Education,\" is an attempt to highlight the problem of the subject in the context of modern philosophy of education. The present work describes and analyzes the distinction between modern and classical education philosophies as well. The historical, theoretical, and scientific development of the principles and standards of education are also dealt with focusing on philosophical principles that influenced the emergence and development of certain educational principles. The paper pays attention to the problem of child objectivisation in the system of classical education and the problem of subjectivisation in modern education. The modern education system highlights the importance of experience and reflection, intentionality of consciousness, which show the relevance of phenomenology. This work discusses the interplay of the ideas of phenomenology, pragmatism, and existentialism in education. Mostly the works of the representative of existentialism P.Freire are analyzed. P.Freire stresses the problem of human freedom and humanistic education in his educational philosophy. The paper also analyzes the importance of individual experience, its reflection and practical application in the educational system of the representative of pragmatism J.Dewey. Mostly the principles of democracy and humanism as the basic educational principles are emphasized. This paper presents the classical education system as the system that is dehumanising the individual and highlights its weaknesses, whereas the modern education system, on the contrary, is viewed as humanizing and liberating the individual.

Although the need of freedom is definite, the concept of individual freedom, while being interpreted with legal terms, causes not only theoretical, but also practical problems. The observed two extremes of freedom are defined as any human self-expression as well as the license, where the state power is generally attributed to disregard personal freedom. In this article the freedom of expression and state enforcement jurisdiction dichotomy are addressed by discussing positive and negative conceptions of freedom and the relationship between the interpretations of political liberalism and Kant and Hegel's philosophies. This paper aims to prove that the positive liberty is the assumption of the negative liberty. The paper based on Hegel's philosophy shows that freedom is the characteristic of human nature to seek identity. It is also argued that human identity can take many forms and, therefore, a person has a number of inherent rights and liberties. It is human psycho-physical identity that provides the right to life and health care; human creative identity, providing the right to privacy and freedom of occupation; human moral identity, which provides the right of dignity, and the moral autonomy of person's social and political identity, providing the political and social rights and freedoms. This article concludes that while a person uses the given rights with integrity and the state is limiting people's arbitrariness, there is no conflict between the freedom and state violation.

The Master's thesis \"The problem of Subject in Modern and Post-modern Philosophy of Education,\" is an attempt to highlight the problem of the subject in the context of modern philosophy of education. The present work describes and analyzes the distinction between modern and classical education philosophies as well. The historical, theoretical, and scientific development of the principles and standards of education are also dealt with focusing on philosophical principles that influenced the emergence and development of certain educational principles. The paper pays attention to the problem of child objectivisation in the system of classical education and the problem of subjectivisation in modern education. The modern education system highlights the importance of experience and reflection, intentionality of consciousness, which show the relevance of phenomenology. This work discusses the interplay of the ideas of phenomenology, pragmatism, and existentialism in education. Mostly the works of the representative of existentialism P.Freire are analyzed. P.Freire stresses the problem of human freedom and humanistic education in his educational philosophy. The paper also analyzes the importance of individual experience, its reflection and practical application in the educational system of the representative of pragmatism J.Dewey. Mostly the principles of democracy and humanism as the basic educational principles are emphasized. This paper presents the classical education system as the system that is dehumanising the individual and highlights its weaknesses, whereas the modern education system, on the contrary, is viewed as humanizing and liberating the individual.

Although the need of freedom is definite, the concept of individual freedom, while being interpreted with legal terms, causes not only theoretical, but also practical problems. The observed two extremes of freedom are defined as any human self-expression as well as the license, where the state power is generally attributed to disregard personal freedom. In this article the freedom of expression and state enforcement jurisdiction dichotomy are addressed by discussing positive and negative conceptions of freedom and the relationship between the interpretations of political liberalism and Kant and Hegel's philosophies. This paper aims to prove that the positive liberty is the assumption of the negative liberty. The paper based on Hegel's philosophy shows that freedom is the characteristic of human nature to seek identity. It is also argued that human identity can take many forms and, therefore, a person has a number of inherent rights and liberties. It is human psycho-physical identity that provides the right to life and health care; human creative identity, providing the right to privacy and freedom of occupation; human moral identity, which provides the right of dignity, and the moral autonomy of person's social and political identity, providing the political and social rights and freedoms. This article concludes that while a person uses the given rights with integrity and the state is limiting people's arbitrariness, there is no conflict between the freedom and state violation.

This paper aims to explore to the maximum Latin American Philosophy of Liberation and the so-called decolonizer or decolonial turn to found the constitutional theory, from the practices of the New Latin American Constitutionalism, specially new constitutional texts and systems from Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) and Bolivia (2009), which propose a series of institutional and social innovations. The text has a multi disciplinary profile, passing through the areas of Law and Philosophy, and has as basis classic authors from the Latin American thought. Keywords: Constitution; justice; politics; Latin America; ; El presente artículo tiene como objetivo explorar al máximo la filosofía latinoamericana de la liberación y el llamado giro descolonizador o "descolonial" para fundamentar la teoría constitucional, a partir de las prácticas del "nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano", en especial nuevos textos y sistemas constitucionales de Venezuela (1999), de Ecuador (2008) y de Bolivia (2009), que proponen una serie de innovaciones institucionales y sociales. El texto tiene perfil multidisciplinario, transitando entre las áreas del Derecho y de la Filosofía, y tiene como base autores clásicos del pensamiento latinoamericano. Palabras-clave: Constitución; la justicia; la política; América Latina. Abstract: This paper aims to explore ao máximo Latin American Philosophy of Liberation and the so-called decolonizer ou decolonial turn to found the constitucional theory, from the practices of the New Latin American Constitutionalism, specially new constitutional texts and systems from Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) and Bolivia (2009), which propose a series of institutional and social inovations. The text has a multi disciplinary profile, passing through the areas of Law and Philosophy, and has as basis classic authors from the Latin American thought. Keywords: Constitution; justice; politics; Latin America;Introducción ; Cet article vise à explorer au maximum la philosophie latino-américaine de la libération et le soi-disant décolonisateur ou virage décolonial pour fonder la théorie constitutionnelle, à partir des pratiques du nouveau constitutionnalisme latino-américain, en particulier des nouveaux textes et systèmes constitutionnels du Venezuela (1999), Equateur (2008) et Bolivie (2009), qui proposent une série d'innovations institutionnelles et sociales. Le texte a un profil multidisciplinaire, passant par les domaines du droit et de la philosophie, et a pour base des auteurs classiques de la pensée latino-américaine. Mots-clés: Constitution; Justice; politique; Amérique latine; ; Questo articolo mira a sfruttare al massimo la filosofia di liberazione latinoamericana e la cosiddetta svolta decolonizzante o "decoloniale" a sostegno della teoria costituzionale, basata sulle pratiche del "nuovo costituzionalismo latinoamericano", in particolare nuovi testi e sistemi costituzionali del Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) e Bolivia (2009), che propongono una serie di innovazioni istituzionali e sociali. Il testo ha un profilo multidisciplinare, muovendosi tra le aree del diritto e della filosofia, e si basa su autori classici del pensiero latinoamericano. ; O presente artigo objetiva explorar ao máximo a filosofia latino-americana da libertação e o chamado giro descolonizador ou "descolonial" para fundamentar a teoria constitucional, a partir das práticas do "novo constitucionalismo latino-americano", em especial novos textos e sistemas constitucionais da Venezuela (1999), do Equador (2008) e da Bolívia (2009), que propõem uma série de inovações institucionais e sociais. O texto tem perfil multidisciplinar, transitando entre as áreas do Direito e da Filosofia, e tem como base autores clássicos do pensamento latino-americano.

The aim of the study was an analysis of two the conceptions of relationships between democracy and religion. One of these conceptions was created by Alexis de Tocqueville. He thought that democracy needs religion as an element that enriches it and helps in removing some negative tendencies inherent in this form of government. He understood that democracy was coalesced with the philosophies that were alien to religion, however, he demanded an alliance of democracy and religion. The other object of philosophical analysis is John Rawls. The theories of this author show an important change in the relationship of religion and democracy, which stems from the fact that he equates religion with philosophy. The political liberalism of Rawls helps us understand why democracy as a form of government has no need of religion. The political liberalism of Rawls reveals an important aspect of relationship between democracy and religion. He differs from Tocqueville by thinking that this form of government is not inherently merged with religion. Democratic state aspires to be neutral towards religion. Believers can be honest democrats, but this regime is indifferent in respect of religion. Democrats are on the side of worldly immanence, and believers side with religious transcendence. These two competing attitudes create a tension between religion and democracy. The solution of this tension, proposed by Rawls, consists in the equalization of philosophy and religion; it reveals that democracy is indifferent towards religion. The equalization of the status of philosophy and religion highlights the fact that this form of government is neutral in respect of the conception of God. This negates the Tocquevillian conception of the role of religion in democracy. Democracy can function without the support of traditions of religious thought.

The aim of the study was an analysis of two the conceptions of relationships between democracy and religion. One of these conceptions was created by Alexis de Tocqueville. He thought that democracy needs religion as an element that enriches it and helps in removing some negative tendencies inherent in this form of government. He understood that democracy was coalesced with the philosophies that were alien to religion, however, he demanded an alliance of democracy and religion. The other object of philosophical analysis is John Rawls. The theories of this author show an important change in the relationship of religion and democracy, which stems from the fact that he equates religion with philosophy. The political liberalism of Rawls helps us understand why democracy as a form of government has no need of religion. The political liberalism of Rawls reveals an important aspect of relationship between democracy and religion. He differs from Tocqueville by thinking that this form of government is not inherently merged with religion. Democratic state aspires to be neutral towards religion. Believers can be honest democrats, but this regime is indifferent in respect of religion. Democrats are on the side of worldly immanence, and believers side with religious transcendence. These two competing attitudes create a tension between religion and democracy. The solution of this tension, proposed by Rawls, consists in the equalization of philosophy and religion; it reveals that democracy is indifferent towards religion. The equalization of the status of philosophy and religion highlights the fact that this form of government is neutral in respect of the conception of God. This negates the Tocquevillian conception of the role of religion in democracy. Democracy can function without the support of traditions of religious thought.

O trabalho exposto a seguir se dispõe a examinar o caráter ambíguo das identidades segundo as análises do filósofo francês Étienne Balibar. O texto irá se concentrar em suas obras a partir do final da década de oitenta, aonde ocorre um distanciamento do círculo formado em torno de Althusser e uma aproximação às filosofias da diferença de Foucault, Deleuze e Derrida. Buscaremos explicitar como o autor, mediante o prisma marxista do conflito de classes, irá denunciar o escalonamento dos indivíduos de modo hierárquico dentro da economia-mundo capitalista mediante múltiplos processos identitários, que respeitam uma lógica de manutenção da estrutura social internacional existente. O pano de fundo de tais análises são os crescentes movimentos xenófobos e neo-fascistas na Europa hodierna como reação à uma profunda crise do Estado-Nação, de suas instituições e da fragmentação de comunidades idealmente estabelecidas. ; The work exposed hereafter intends to examine the ambiguous character of identities according to the analyses of the French philosopher Étienne Balibar. The text will focus on his works from the late eighties, where there is a distancing from the circle formed around Althusser and an approach to the philosophies of difference of Foucault, Deleuze and Derrida. We will seek to explain how the author, through the prism of Marxist class conflicts, will denounce the echelonment process of individuals in a hierarchical fashion within the capitalist world-economy based on multiple identity processes which respect the logic of maintaining the existing international social structure. The background of such analyses is the rise of xenophobic and neo-fascists movements which have not ceased to increase in today's Europe as a reaction to a profound crisis of the nation-state, its institutions and the fragmentation of ideally established communities.

The aim of the study was an analysis of two the conceptions of relationships between democracy and religion. One of these conceptions was created by Alexis de Tocqueville. He thought that democracy needs religion as an element that enriches it and helps in removing some negative tendencies inherent in this form of government. He understood that democracy was coalesced with the philosophies that were alien to religion, however, he demanded an alliance of democracy and religion. The other object of philosophical analysis is John Rawls. The theories of this author show an important change in the relationship of religion and democracy, which stems from the fact that he equates religion with philosophy. The political liberalism of Rawls helps us understand why democracy as a form of government has no need of religion. The political liberalism of Rawls reveals an important aspect of relationship between democracy and religion. He differs from Tocqueville by thinking that this form of government is not inherently merged with religion. Democratic state aspires to be neutral towards religion. Believers can be honest democrats, but this regime is indifferent in respect of religion. Democrats are on the side of worldly immanence, and believers side with religious transcendence. These two competing attitudes create a tension between religion and democracy. The solution of this tension, proposed by Rawls, consists in the equalization of philosophy and religion; it reveals that democracy is indifferent towards religion. The equalization of the status of philosophy and religion highlights the fact that this form of government is neutral in respect of the conception of God. This negates the Tocquevillian conception of the role of religion in democracy. Democracy can function without the support of traditions of religious thought.

The aim of the study was an analysis of two the conceptions of relationships between democracy and religion. One of these conceptions was created by Alexis de Tocqueville. He thought that democracy needs religion as an element that enriches it and helps in removing some negative tendencies inherent in this form of government. He understood that democracy was coalesced with the philosophies that were alien to religion, however, he demanded an alliance of democracy and religion. The other object of philosophical analysis is John Rawls. The theories of this author show an important change in the relationship of religion and democracy, which stems from the fact that he equates religion with philosophy. The political liberalism of Rawls helps us understand why democracy as a form of government has no need of religion. The political liberalism of Rawls reveals an important aspect of relationship between democracy and religion. He differs from Tocqueville by thinking that this form of government is not inherently merged with religion. Democratic state aspires to be neutral towards religion. Believers can be honest democrats, but this regime is indifferent in respect of religion. Democrats are on the side of worldly immanence, and believers side with religious transcendence. These two competing attitudes create a tension between religion and democracy. The solution of this tension, proposed by Rawls, consists in the equalization of philosophy and religion; it reveals that democracy is indifferent towards religion. The equalization of the status of philosophy and religion highlights the fact that this form of government is neutral in respect of the conception of God. This negates the Tocquevillian conception of the role of religion in democracy. Democracy can function without the support of traditions of religious thought.