Suchergebnisse

U radu se raspravlja o prisutnosti i aktualnosti filozofskog, dakle kritičkog promišljaja fenomena psihe i psihijatrije na geo-povijesnom tlu Republike Hrvatske, s metodološkim fokusom na: reprezentativne autore, spise i inicijative relevantne za navedeni diskurs, prisutnost sistematskog provođenja obrazovanja u sklopu fakultetskih kurikuluma, te izdavačku aktivnost tematski usmjerenu na problematiku psihe. Usmjerit će se i na domenu odnosa filozofije i psihe/psihijatrije u povijesnoj mereološkoj konstelaciji, njezin značaj za filozofiju psihe, kao i kategorički neodvojivi odnos filozofije i izučavanja psihe per se. Autor uvodi tezu da je filozofija psihe idealan misaoni poligon na kojem se isprepliću rudimentarni filozofijski disciplinarni smjerovi u rasponu od hermeneutike, fenomenologije, ontologije, epistemologije, logike, pa do socijalne i političke filozofije, filozofije egzistencije i etike. Kao idealni znanstveno-filozofski meritor predlaže se orijentacijska disciplina integrativne bioetike kao teleološki most za sjedinjavanje navedenih filozofskih disciplina. Pritom je naglasak na predmetu fenomena života, koji je evaluiran u analogiji sa semantikom predsokratovskog pojma ψυχή (psukhe). ; The paper discusses the presence and actuality of the philosophical, and therefore critical, think-ing of the phenomena of psyche and psychiatry in the geo-historical space of the Republic of Croatia. Its methodological focus is on: representative authors, writings and initiatives relevant to the mentioned discourse, the presence of systematic education within the faculty curriculum, and the publishing activity focused on the issues ofpsyche. The focus will be on the relationship between philosophy and psyche/psychiatry in the historical mereological constellation, on its importance for the philosophy of psyche, as well as the categorically inseparable relationship between philosophy and the perception of psyche. The author introduces the thesis that the philosophy of psyche is an ideal thinking polygon upon which rudimentary philosophical disciplinary directions are intertwined, ranging from hermeneutics, phenomenology, ontology, epistemology, and logic, to social and political philosophy, the philosophy of existence, and ethics. As an ideal scientific-philosophical descriptor, I suggest the discipline of integrative bioethics, which I look at as a teleological bridge for combining these disciplines. The emphasis will be on the subject of life phenomena, which I look at in an analogy with the pre-Socratic semantics of ψυχή (psukhe) as the dialectical synthesis of mind (nousj) and body (soma).

The author discusses the crucial question of whether Serbia truly pursues the path of modernization and European integration, or just a simulation of these processes. The author proposes the thesis that there are numerous obstacles on Serbia's transitional path toward the (post)modern European society. Therefore, he tries to discover the essential reasons for the citizens' reluctance and resistance, the reasons which are related to the modernization of the Serbian society. Serbia is today at the crossroads of the traditional and modern understanding of life. It contains some elements of (post)modernization, but still with a strong influence of its traditional (conservative) heritage. The processes of re-traditionalization (re-mythologization and pseudo-mythologization) represent a major obstacle to the liberation of the society from the grip of the past and to its orientation towards European values. According to the author, the main creators of retrograde flows can be found in the political establishment of contemporary Serbia. He labels them, ironically and derogatorily, the 'guardians' of tradition, who use demagogic statements, populist paroles, and media information control (for their personal and party interests) to slow down Serbia on its European path.

Revolucija je jedan od središnjih koncepata filozofije prakse. Prema Gaji Petroviću, revolucija je najautentičniji oblik slobode i najistinskija ljudska praksa te istina i duboka potreba našeg vremena ako čovjek želi ostati i u punoj mjeri postati čovjek (Filozofija prakse). Slično razumijevanje nudi i Milan Kangrga koji u njoj nalazi nužan uvjet i oznaku svakog prekoračivanja horizonta postojećeg svijeta. U ovome radu pokazujem koliko su u svojoj filozofiji prekoračili uske okvire tumačenja Marxova pojma revolucije kao isključivo političkog i/ili socijalnog fenomena. ; Revolution is one of the central categories in the Praxis Philosophy. According to Gajo Petrović, revolution is the most authentic form of freedom and the most genuine human praxis as well as the truth and a deep need of our time if a human wants to stay and entirely become a human (Filozofija prakse [Philosophy of praxis]). A similar understanding is offered by Milan Kangrga who sees revolution as a necessary condition for overcoming the horizon of the present world. In this paper, I show how far did they go in crossing the narrow frames of the interpretation of Marx's concept of revolution as merely political and/or social event.

Poslije kratka presjeka važnijih događaja vezanih uz povijest Franjevačke provincije Bosne Srebrene autor analizira važnije odredbe franjevačkoga zakonodavstva s obzirom na školstvo koje su omogućile njegov snažan razvoj u razdoblju poslije Tridentskoga koncila i koje su bitno utjecale ne organizaciju i rad franjevačkih obrazovnih ustanova na ovim prostorima. Poseban je naglasak na odredbama što su se odnosile na studij filozofije čija je svrha bila pripremiti studente za što kvalitetniji studij bogoslovije. S tim je ciljem na generalnom kapitulu franjevačkoga reda održanome u Rimu 1694. godine propisano da se filozofija predaje najmanje tri godine i da se u njezinu okviru studiraju summulae (logica minor), logika (logica maior), fizika, metafizika, animistika (znanost o duši), učenje o nastanku i propadanju tvari te kozmologija. Nastavni je sadržaj bio vezan uz učenje Ivana Duns Škota i Bonaventure. Metoda je bila strogo skolastička. Međutim, daljnje su reforme išle za približavanjem državnih i crkvenih sveučilišnih programa. Iz odredaba vezanih za studij filozofije u Bosni Srebrenoj vidljivo je da su provincijske uprave nastojale što dosljednije provoditi propise što ih je donosio general reda i, koliko je to bilo moguće, držati korak s trendovima na zapadnim učilištima. Kada to okolnosti nisu dopuštale, svoje su gojence slali na studij u inozemstvo. ; After a short review of more important events related to the history of the Franciscan province Silver Bosnia the author analyzes more significant regulations of the Franciscan legislature with regard to education which enabled its strong development in the period after the Trident Council and which had a strong influence on the organization and work of the Franciscan educational institutions in these areas. The special emphasis is on the regulations which referred to the study of philosophy, the purpose of which was to prepare students for the quality study of theology. With that goal the general Franciscan body of canons held in Rome in 1694 stipulated that philosophy must be taught at least three years and that in its framework summulae (logica minor), logics (logica maior), physics, metaphysics, science about soul, study about the emergence and decadence of a matter and cosmology must be learned. The teaching content was connected with the study of Ivan Duns Scotsman and Bonaventure. The method was strictly scholastic. However, further reforms went in direction of drawing closer the state and church university curricula. From the regulations related to the study of philosophy in Silver Bosnia it is visible that the provincial authorities were trying to implement the regulations made by the general of order and, as much as possible, keep pace with trends in the western educational institutions. When the circumstances did not allow that, they sent their students to study abroad.

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.