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The article is a critical analysis of Husserl's essay, "The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology" (1937). The author first outlines Husserl's diagnosis of the crisis of science, philosophy, & culture, followed by the elements & the mechanisms of that crisis. The root of the crisis of European science & culture lies in foregoing the genuine productive humanity. The authentic humanity cannot be based nor explained from its objectifications but solely through the analysis of its productive imagination. The author also deals with the crisis of spiritual sciences, which he claims have brought about the loss of insight into the ultimate purpose of the existence of Europe as a brainchild of the historical humanity. Adapted from the source document.

Haberle clarifies his conception of constitution as culture & discusses his interpretation of the relationship between state & society, both based on the fundamental principles spelled out in this document. Other, related issues addressed here are the following: (1) the concept of political culture; (2) constitution as the expression of a nation's mentality & cultural heritage; (3) the constitution-public relationship; (4) constitutional theory as a theory of open society; (5) culture as a sine qua non element of the creation & functioning of the state; (6) the fallacy of Carl Schmitt's friend-foe theory; (7) the tradition of constitutional theory in Germany; (8) the significance of the year 1989 in the history of Europe; (9) the preparation of a draft of the Constitution of the European Union; (10) optimistic & pessimistic views of humans, ie, John Locke vs Thomas Hobbes; & (11) the constitution & constitutional theory & law in Croatia. Z. Dubiel

The author outlines Haberle's theory of constitution in five parts: (1) the concept of the constitution; (2) the constitution as a public process; (3) the constitution as culture; (4) the "fifth" method of interpretation; (5) critical objections. With this division the author covers, if not all, then at least the essential features of Haberle's concept of the constitution. In the author's opinion, Haberle, after Savigny, worked out a new principle for interpreting the constitution -- the cultural principle. At the time of the decline of nation-states & the era of intensive international concurrence of constitutions, this principle -- apart from the classic methods of the interpretation of constitutions -- has been gaining importance. Finally, the author looks into the controversies triggered by Haberle's theory of constitutions. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the relationship between political parties & the public good. He begins by asking whether it is legally possible to compel parties to work for the public good. It seems it is not, since in democracy there are no criteria that might a priori be established as the binding norms. The public good, namely, depends on the fundamental constitutional solutions & the general political culture. In line with this, the author goes on to depict the model of the monarchical state. According to this model, the public interest may be derived "from above" ie, the public interest is a result of the emanations of the "exalted" state authority. In modern democracy, however, it is not possible to shape the general will without parties, organizations more committed to their own interests than those of their political community on the whole. In a way, parties represent a danger for this democracy & the entire political community. The author asks how, if at all, we can resolve this dilemma. Referring to Scheuner, Hesse, Emke, Habermas, & Haberle, the author finds the answer in the postulate that the promotion of the public interest cannot be left solely to the state, but that all members of a political community should get involved. Parties in the contemporary pluralist culture ought to become aware that their primary task is the public good that is not in the function of party life. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the symbolism of the concepts such as stick, rod, club & birch in the metaphorical political terminology. The author shows that these symbols are present not only in the language of Western political philosophy but also in non-Western cultures, though their connotations vary. They are reminiscent of a phallus, a warrior's spear & arrow, a cudgel that a master uses on his disobedient slaves & family members, a shepherd's staff for managing his herd, & the accoutrements used both in black & white magic. Adapted from the source document.