Beyond its renowned role in the field of regulation of the professional work, the corporations of architects in Catalonia have performed an essential role in the development of the architectonic culture since the creation in 1874 of the first of them, the Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña. The second of the companies taken into consideration, the Colegio de Arquitectos de Barcelona, was created by law on July 1930. The Asociación refused to dissolve itself into the Colegio, starting with that a period of coexistence of both entities that lasted until the creation of the Sindicat d'Arquitectes de Catalunya on the first days of the Civil War, which merged both entities. The war concluded, the Francoist authorities acknowledged on 1939 only the Chartered Institutes. The nature of these institutions was very diverse. The Associations were of voluntary affiliation, while the Syndicates and the Chartered Institutes were of compulsory association. This aspect gave their actions different characteristics. The firsts had limited resources according to the fees of their members; the lasts charged a percentage of the earnings of the whole of the collegiate members. During the period of the wild development of the sixties, many of the Spanish Chartered Institutes lived in the lap of luxury and most part of those means were dedicated to their cultural activity: visits, trips, conferences, congresses, publications and headquarters for the organizations. In this last aspect the construction of the social headquarters of the institution in Barcelona, which process lasted between 1956 and 1993, constituted an important focus of theoretical discussion. On their different periods these institutions fostered publications, magazines or monographs without setting aside banquets and scientific trips. Furthermore they organized along with other Spanish associations important celebrations such as the Congresos Nacionales de Arquitectos or the indispensable Salones de Arquitectura. These activities had a double scope. On one side they promoted the interior cohesion of their members; on the other side they displayed their activity in front of society. This activity was even extended onto the political field. On the difficult years of the sixties and seventies the institution launched a real museum of contemporary art that no official institution of the moment wanted to set in motion. If we take a look on the names and the chronology of their magazines we will check that they constitute almost the entire issues of Catalonia. Revista de la Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña 1893-1895, Anuario de la Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña 1899-1930, La Ciutat & la Casa 1925-1928, Gaseta de les arts 1928-1930, Arquitectura i Urbanisme 1931-1937 and Cuadernos de Arquitectura 1944-1979. The Histories of Architecture usually go around the great names and their works. But there are no figures without landscape. Ones and the other always interact over more complex panoramas, that only distance or the lack of interest push into oblivion. The truly great names of the Catalan architecture have almost never participated directly in the activities of the Chartered Institute, although it has taken on and divulged the work of them. This going to and from between a few –with name and surname- and many –that have managed without them in favor of the institution to which they served or represented- is what has weaved the cultural world to which we refer moving through diverse and not rectilinear paths. Hundreds of protagonists have intervened in it, among which are Presidents, Deans, Boards, Spokespersons and base members. This Doctoral Thesis, that covers a wide temporal span ranging from 1874 –year of foundation of the Asociación- to 1979 –year of proclamation of the current Constitution-, has had the aim of being a tree that projects the most complete shade possible of the Catalan architecture, a tree whose core of argument is the cultural activity of the professional associations but whose branches are countless. ; Más allá de su reconocido papel en el ámbito de la regulación del trabajo profesional, las corporaciones de arquitectos en Cataluña han desempeñado un papel imprescindible en el desarrollo de la cultura arquitectónica desde la constitución en 1874 de la primera de ellas, la Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña. La segunda de las sociedades consideradas, el Colegio de arquitectos de Barcelona, fue creada por ley en julio de 1930. La Asociación no quiso disolverse en el Colegio, inaugurando con ello una época de coexistencia de ambas entidades que se dilató hasta la creación del Sindicat d'Arquitectes de Catalunya en los primeros días de la Guerra Civil, que fusionó a ambas entidades. Concluida la contienda las autoridades franquistas en 1939 reconocieron solamente los Colegios profesionales. El carácter de estas instituciones fue muy diverso. Las Asociaciones fueron de afiliación voluntaria, mientras que Sindicatos y Colegios fueron de obligada colegiación. Esto imprimió a sus actuaciones características diferentes. Las primeras tuvieron unos recursos limitados a las cuotas de sus socios, las últimas cobraban un porcentaje de los honorarios del global de los colegiados. En las épocas del desarrollismo salvaje de los años sesenta muchos de los colegios españoles nadaron en la abundancia y gran parte de esos recursos se dedicaron a su actividad cultural: visitas, viajes, conferencias, congresos, publicaciones y sedes para la organización. En este último aspecto la construcción de las sedes sociales de la institución, cuyo proceso se dilató entre 1956 y 1993, constituyó un núcleo de discusión teórica importante. En sus diferentes períodos estas instituciones promovieron publicaciones, revistas o monografías sin dejar de lado banquetes y excursiones científicas. Además organizaron junto a otras sociedades españolas celebraciones importantes como los Congresos Nacionales de Arquitectos, o los imprescindibles Salones de Arquitectura. Estas actividades tuvieron un doble ámbito. Por un lado promovían la cohesión interior de sus asociados, por otro escenificaban su actividad frente a la sociedad. Esta intervención se prolongó incluso en el ámbito político. En los difíciles años 60 y 70 la institución impulsó un verdadero museo de arte contemporáneo, que ninguna institución oficial del momento quería poner en marcha. Si repasamos los nombres y la cronología de sus revistas comprobaremos que constituyen la casi totalidad de las publicadas en Cataluña. Revista de la Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña 1893-1895, Anuario de la Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña 1899-1930, La Ciutat & la Casa 1925-1928, Gaseta de les arts 1928-1930, Arquitectura i Urbanisme 1931-1937 y Cuadernos de Arquitectura 1944-1979. Las Historias de la Arquitectura giran habitualmente sobre los grandes nombres y sus obras. Pero no hay figuras sin paisaje. Unas y otro interaccionan siempre sobre panoramas más complejos, que solamente la distancia o el desinterés relegan al olvido. Los verdaderamente grandes de la arquitectura catalana no han participado casi nunca directamente en las actividades del Colegio. Aunque éste sí se ha ocupado y divulgado la obra de los grandes. Este ir y venir entre unos pocos –con nombre y apellidos- y unos muchos –que han prescindido de ellos a favor de la institución a la que servían o representaban- es lo que ha tejido el mundo cultural al que nos referiremos transitando caminos diversos y no rectilíneos. Han intervenido en él centenares de protagonistas entre Presidentes, Decanos, Juntas, Vocales y asociados de base. Esta tesis doctoral, que cubre un arco temporal largo que va de 1874 –año de fundación de la Asociación- a 1979 –año de la proclamación de la actual constitución-, ha querido ser un árbol que proyecte la sombra más completa posible de la arquitectura catalana, un árbol cuyo tronco argumental es la actividad cultural de las asociaciones profesionales pero cuyas ramas son innumerables ; Postprint (published version)
Beyond its renowned role in the field of regulation of the professional work, the corporations of architects in Catalonia have performed an essential role in the development of the architectonic culture since the creation in 1874 of the first of them, the Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña. The second of the companies taken into consideration, the Colegio de Arquitectos de Barcelona, was created by law on July 1930. The Asociación refused to dissolve itself into the Colegio, starting with that a period of coexistence of both entities that lasted until the creation of the Sindicat d'Arquitectes de Catalunya on the first days of the Civil War, which merged both entities. The war concluded, the Francoist authorities acknowledged on 1939 only the Chartered Institutes. The nature of these institutions was very diverse. The Associations were of voluntary affiliation, while the Syndicates and the Chartered Institutes were of compulsory association. This aspect gave their actions different characteristics. The firsts had limited resources according to the fees of their members; the lasts charged a percentage of the earnings of the whole of the collegiate members. During the period of the wild development of the sixties, many of the Spanish Chartered Institutes lived in the lap of luxury and most part of those means were dedicated to their cultural activity: visits, trips, conferences, congresses, publications and headquarters for the organizations. In this last aspect the construction of the social headquarters of the institution in Barcelona, which process lasted between 1956 and 1993, constituted an important focus of theoretical discussion. On their different periods these institutions fostered publications, magazines or monographs without setting aside banquets and scientific trips. Furthermore they organized along with other Spanish associations important celebrations such as the Congresos Nacionales de Arquitectos or the indispensable Salones de Arquitectura. These activities had a double scope. On one side they promoted the interior cohesion of their members; on the other side they displayed their activity in front of society. This activity was even extended onto the political field. On the difficult years of the sixties and seventies the institution launched a real museum of contemporary art that no official institution of the moment wanted to set in motion. If we take a look on the names and the chronology of their magazines we will check that they constitute almost the entire issues of Catalonia. Revista de la Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña 1893-1895, Anuario de la Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña 1899-1930, La Ciutat & la Casa 1925-1928, Gaseta de les arts 1928-1930, Arquitectura i Urbanisme 1931-1937 and Cuadernos de Arquitectura 1944-1979. The Histories of Architecture usually go around the great names and their works. But there are no figures without landscape. Ones and the other always interact over more complex panoramas, that only distance or the lack of interest push into oblivion. The truly great names of the Catalan architecture have almost never participated directly in the activities of the Chartered Institute, although it has taken on and divulged the work of them. This going to and from between a few –with name and surname- and many –that have managed without them in favor of the institution to which they served or represented- is what has weaved the cultural world to which we refer moving through diverse and not rectilinear paths. Hundreds of protagonists have intervened in it, among which are Presidents, Deans, Boards, Spokespersons and base members. This Doctoral Thesis, that covers a wide temporal span ranging from 1874 –year of foundation of the Asociación- to 1979 –year of proclamation of the current Constitution-, has had the aim of being a tree that projects the most complete shade possible of the Catalan architecture, a tree whose core of argument is the cultural activity of the professional associations but whose branches are countless. ; Más allá de su reconocido papel en el ámbito de la regulación del trabajo profesional, las corporaciones de arquitectos en Cataluña han desempeñado un papel imprescindible en el desarrollo de la cultura arquitectónica desde la constitución en 1874 de la primera de ellas, la Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña. La segunda de las sociedades consideradas, el Colegio de arquitectos de Barcelona, fue creada por ley en julio de 1930. La Asociación no quiso disolverse en el Colegio, inaugurando con ello una época de coexistencia de ambas entidades que se dilató hasta la creación del Sindicat d'Arquitectes de Catalunya en los primeros días de la Guerra Civil, que fusionó a ambas entidades. Concluida la contienda las autoridades franquistas en 1939 reconocieron solamente los Colegios profesionales. El carácter de estas instituciones fue muy diverso. Las Asociaciones fueron de afiliación voluntaria, mientras que Sindicatos y Colegios fueron de obligada colegiación. Esto imprimió a sus actuaciones características diferentes. Las primeras tuvieron unos recursos limitados a las cuotas de sus socios, las últimas cobraban un porcentaje de los honorarios del global de los colegiados. En las épocas del desarrollismo salvaje de los años sesenta muchos de los colegios españoles nadaron en la abundancia y gran parte de esos recursos se dedicaron a su actividad cultural: visitas, viajes, conferencias, congresos, publicaciones y sedes para la organización. En este último aspecto la construcción de las sedes sociales de la institución, cuyo proceso se dilató entre 1956 y 1993, constituyó un núcleo de discusión teórica importante. En sus diferentes períodos estas instituciones promovieron publicaciones, revistas o monografías sin dejar de lado banquetes y excursiones científicas. Además organizaron junto a otras sociedades españolas celebraciones importantes como los Congresos Nacionales de Arquitectos, o los imprescindibles Salones de Arquitectura. Estas actividades tuvieron un doble ámbito. Por un lado promovían la cohesión interior de sus asociados, por otro escenificaban su actividad frente a la sociedad. Esta intervención se prolongó incluso en el ámbito político. En los difíciles años 60 y 70 la institución impulsó un verdadero museo de arte contemporáneo, que ninguna institución oficial del momento quería poner en marcha. Si repasamos los nombres y la cronología de sus revistas comprobaremos que constituyen la casi totalidad de las publicadas en Cataluña. Revista de la Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña 1893-1895, Anuario de la Asociación de Arquitectos de Cataluña 1899-1930, La Ciutat & la Casa 1925-1928, Gaseta de les arts 1928-1930, Arquitectura i Urbanisme 1931-1937 y Cuadernos de Arquitectura 1944-1979. Las Historias de la Arquitectura giran habitualmente sobre los grandes nombres y sus obras. Pero no hay figuras sin paisaje. Unas y otro interaccionan siempre sobre panoramas más complejos, que solamente la distancia o el desinterés relegan al olvido. Los verdaderamente grandes de la arquitectura catalana no han participado casi nunca directamente en las actividades del Colegio. Aunque éste sí se ha ocupado y divulgado la obra de los grandes. Este ir y venir entre unos pocos –con nombre y apellidos- y unos muchos –que han prescindido de ellos a favor de la institución a la que servían o representaban- es lo que ha tejido el mundo cultural al que nos referiremos transitando caminos diversos y no rectilíneos. Han intervenido en él centenares de protagonistas entre Presidentes, Decanos, Juntas, Vocales y asociados de base. Esta tesis doctoral, que cubre un arco temporal largo que va de 1874 –año de fundación de la Asociación- a 1979 –año de la proclamación de la actual constitución-, ha querido ser un árbol que proyecte la sombra más completa posible de la arquitectura catalana, un árbol cuyo tronco argumental es la actividad cultural de las asociaciones profesionales pero cuyas ramas son innumerables ; Postprint (published version)
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A recent musing about Louisiana population loss contains a lot bathos, signifying the difficulty, if not unwillingness, that the state's leftist institutions have in accepting what's plain to everybody else.
Last week, the Baton Rouge Advocate ran a piece about the latest 2023 census numbers, which show most Louisiana parishes lost population. The state as a whole lost over 14,000 people in 2023, bring the total loss from compared to 2015 to nearly 120,000 even as the country as a whole, and most states, grew in numbers. In fact, the state's 0.31 percent loss trailed in percentage terms only New York, and of the seven states that did lose population, four were among the largest blue states, with purple Pennsylvania barely slipping and only West Virigina among red states joining Louisiana.
Only Ascension, Beauregard, Bossier, Calcasieu, De Soto, East Feliciana, Iberville, Lafayette, Livingston, St. Bernard, St. Tammany, Tangipahoa, Vermillion, and West Baton Rouge gained – a few barely – and none over one percent. Metropolitan statistical areas were a mixed bag: energy-intensive areas Lafayette and Lake Charles and northshore Hamond and Slidell-Covington-Mandeville, plus Baton Rouge eked out gains but Shreveport-Bossier City, Monroe, Alexandria, Houma-Bayou Cane-Thibodaux, and New Orleans-Metairie shrunk. In fact, New Orleans led the country in MSA slumping at 1.15 percent, while Houma was fifth worst at 0.85 percent, Alexandria 16th worst at 0.60 percent, Shreveport 36th worst at 0.43 percent, and Monroe 46th worst at 0.34 percent. Hammond's 0.92 percent growth was best in the state and 92nd best nationwide.
Louisiana's rural areas fared even worse than its urban, while overall suburban areas held their own. That 50 parishes lost population flummoxed the Advocate, which went on an extensive expedition in search of explanations why since the 2020 census this had happened.
Natural disasters clearly had a role, but this masked some notable divergences. For example, Lake Charles was coming back from its travails, but Houma wasn't. And obviously a lot of places hadn't had adverse weather events strike them in the past three years.
So, setting aside idiosyncratic elements, it had to be policy, and to her credit Alison Plyer, the longtime chief demographer of New Orleans' Data Center, hit upon that when queried by the reporter. But, as students will tend to do in answering essay questions, they may guess correctly right answer but provide the wrong reasons to explain it.
Plyer fell victim to this in two ways, although one was only a partial bogey. She observed the poorer health statistics reflected by Louisianans compared to almost every other state, which would lead to earlier deaths offsetting births. Set aside, of course, that this is a temporary effect; changes in cohort life spans would influence extremely marginally overall population so long as the birth cohorts remained constant, so an ongoing fall caused by shorter lifespans would make sense only in the context of a sudden drop in life expectancy that isn't occurring (even if a relatively rapid one such as during the Wuhan coronavirus pandemic happens, it also happened elsewhere, so relative change among states would be extremely marginal).
Yet that shouldn't be happening in Louisiana, using the left's assumptions, because Medicaid expansion! Now almost eight years old, that was supposed to provide all sorts of additional health care people were missing to improve their lives. In reality, a large minority of its new clients years ago simply dropped their private insurance (or their employers did it when expansion rolled out) to get a new freebie, so it's not like they didn't have health care insurance already. If, of course, they could access Medicaid, with its limited providers and a lowest common denominator approach that degraded the quality of care. And while you can throw health care at people, you can't make them live healthy lives that would decrease their health care usage. So, for the extra $450 million or so a year Louisiana taxpayers pony up to subsidize other people's health care, there's very little bang for the buck or explanatory power for population loss (if anything, hanging out a new benefit not available in nearly all of the fastest-growing states should attract residents).
But Plyer also made a very ignorant statement. Not her observation that higher educational attainment helps to drive population growth, but that state taxpayer subsidization falling a third since 2008 on a per higher education student basis indicates that Louisiana spent less money on tertiary education. In fact, in fiscal year 2008 $2.766 billion for 201,557 students was budgeted for higher education or $13,723 per student, while in FY 2024 that will be $3.453 billion for 217,618 students or $15,867 per student, an increase of 15.6 percent. The hoary and tired contention that Louisiana has "disinvested" in higher education is an exhausted myth.
Yes, policy is the explanation, but not derived from the blind alleys in the article. It's very simple: the cause is Democrat Gov. John Bel Edwards' big spending, tax raising, benefit boosting (such as Medicaid expansion), social justice pandering regime, insufficiently resisted by a Republican Legislature short on leadership that only deigned to rein in Edwards' worst attempted excesses. It discouraged producers from producing, if not their staying in the state, and encouraged wasteful spending, criminal coddling, and more people jumping on the wagon. It not only led to depopulation, but fewer jobs than when he took office, anemic personal income growth that barely outpaced inflation, crime rates heading higher at an above average pace, and a coarsening culture that pandered to ideological special interests.
And, of course, it was the three central cities with Democrat mayors and solid Democrat majorities on their city councils – New Orleans, Shreveport (although it now has a GOP mayor), and Alexandria – which were among the worst performing local jurisdictions. However, notice how Lafayette and Lake Charles, run by Republicans, bucked the trend.
Those shortcomings are the wages of liberalism and are the kinds of things that drive people away – but leftist institutions aren't going to admit that and will try to find any lame excuse to deflect from that. What's obvious to everybody else they refuse to see, which makes the musings in that article largely irrelevant, if not entirely counterproductive to reversing the state's depopulation trend.
"Simultaneous Territories" is an analysis of the territorial morphogenesis of the Bogotan Savannah. lt is an interpretive reading of the process of configuration of the urban morphology of the Bogotan Savannah, of her origin and evolution throughout history. The Bogotan Savannah is a high plateau at an altitude of 2600 meter above sea level, embedded in the center of the Colombian Andes. The Savannah counts with approximately 9,5 million inhabitants, of which about 80% live in Bogotá and the remaining part in the rest of the Savannah. The Bogotan Savannah faces a strong urbanizing dynamic that threatens to consume her entirely; it is increasingly difficult to identify the boundaries between city and countryside, while the political and administrative borders fade against the rise of an urban reality that goes far beyond them. Today, Bogotá is the Savannah and the Savannah is Bogotá; Bogotá is witnessing the appearance of a new urban reality that in this research has been called the Savannah City. Throughout history, the Bogotan Savannah has been inhabited by different cultures, and each and every one of them has reorganized her according to the social and spatial circumstances and determinants of the moment. This research argues that the morphology of the contemporary territory is the result of the overlap of these previous forms of spatial reorganization, which have been called forms of territorialization. Each of these different forrns of territorialization existed ala certain moment in history, overlapping, mixing, combining and contaminating with previous and future forms, until it reached the territorial morphology that we know today. In other words: it is about understanding the contemporary territory not only as an assembly of constructed and unconstructed spaces, though rather as a mosaic of different times. The general objective of this research is to build an interpretive model of the process of configuration of the territorial form that the Savannah City exposes today. The construction of this model is linked with two specific objectives, which on their turn are interrelated: the first is to find the primal territorial structure on the basis of which the territory originated and evolved up until today and from which, second objective ,the various forms of territorialization can be identified that have existed throughout history. To this end, the research follows a methodology of diachronic deconstruction of the morphologic characteristics of the contemporary territory, through analytical cartographic mapping, aimed at identifying the permanences and ruptures. The analysis of the permanences of the traces over time is useful to find the primal territorial structure, while the analysis of the ruptures in the process of the configuration of the territorial structure and in the language with which the territory has been built helps to detect the various forms of territorialization. As a result of this methodology of analysis, it has been possible to identify five forms of territorialization that, according to their spatial structure, have been named as follows: aureolar, concentric, eccentric, insular and reticular. The first two correspond to the pre-Hispanic era, the third to the colonial period and the last two to more recent times. In addition, two phases of physical and environmental transformation of the Savannah can be identified: flooding and drainage, which are directly linked to the configuration of the spatial structure on which the current territorial form made its entrance and evolved. Although understanding the processes of the past that made possible the present spatial reality does not reveal a clear picture for the future, it does help us to develop the necessary tools to trace the paths to reach it. ; "Territorios Simultáneos" es un análisis de la morfogénesis territorial de la Sabana de Bogotá. Es una lectura interpretativa del proceso de configuración de la morfología urbana de la Sabana de Bogotá, de su origen y evolución a lo largo de la historia. La Sabana de Bogotá es una altiplanicie de cielos cubiertos incrustada a 2600 msnm en el corazón de los Andes colombianos que cuenta con una cifra próxima a los 9,5 millones de habitantes, de los cuales el 80% reside en Bogotá y los demás en el resto de la Sabana. La Sabana de Bogotá se encuentra inmersa en una fuerte dinámica urbanizadora que amenaza con consumirla por completo; a día de hoy se hace difícil reconocer las fronteras entre el campo y la ciudad, mientras que los limites político¬ administrativos se confunden entre si ante la emergencia de una realidad urbana que los sobrepasa. Hoy Bogotá es la Sabana y la Sabana es Bogotá, nos encontramos ante el nacimiento de una nueva realidad urbana que en esta investigación ha sido llamada "Ciudad Sabana". A lo largo de la historia, la Sabana de Bogotá ha sido habitada por diferentes culturas y cada una de ellas, la ha reordenado de acuerdo a las circunstancias y determinantes socio-espaciales propias de su tiempo. Esta investigación argumenta que la morfología del territorio contemporáneo ha sido el resultado de la superposición de esas diferentes formas de reordenación del espacio que aquí han sido llamadas formas de territorialización. Cada una de estas diferentes formas de territorialización, ha nacido en un momento determinado de la historia, superponiéndose, mezclándose, combinandose y contaminándose entre sí, hasta configurar la morfología del territorio que hoy conocemos. En otras palabras, se trata de entender al territorio contemporáneo no sólo como un conjunto de piezas construidas y no construidas, sino como un mosaico de tiempos diferenciados. El objetivo general de esta investigación es el de construir un modelo interpretativo del proceso de configuración de la forma que hoy revela la "Ciudad Sabana". La construcción de este modelo está ligado a dos objetivos específicos que a su vez están interrelacionados entre sí: el primero es el de encontrar la estructura territorial primigenia a partir de la cual nació y evolucionó el territorio hasta el presente y a partir de ahí, el segundo objetivo, identificar las diferentes formas de territorialización que se han producido a lo largo de la historia. Para tal fin, se propone como método la deconstrucción diacrónica de las características morfológicas del territorio contemporáneo mediante el dibujo y el análisis cartográfico, dirigido a identificar las permanencias y las rupturas. El análisis de las permanencias de los trazados a lo largo de los tiempos es útil para encontrarla estructura territorial primigenia, mientras que el análisis de las rupturas en el proceso de configuración de la estructura territorial y en el lenguaje con el que ha sido construido el territorio, es útil para detectar las diferentes formas de territorialización. Como resultado de este método de análisis, ha sido posible identificar cinco formas de territorialización que en virtud de su estructura espacial han sido denominadas de la siguiente manera: aureolar, concéntrica, excéntrica, insular y reticular. Las dos primeras corresponden al periodo prehispánico, la tercera al periodo colonial, y las dos últimas a épocas más recientes. Además, se reconocen dos fases de transformación físico-ambiental de la Sabana, inundación y drenaje, que están directamente relacionadas con la configuración de la estructura espacial sobre la cual nació y evolucionó la forma del territorio hasta nuestros días. Si bien entender los procesos del pasado que hicieron posible la realidad espacial del presente no nos revela una imagen nítida del futuro, sí nos ayuda a construir las herramientas necesarias y a trazar los caminos para llegar a él. ; Postprint (published version)
"Simultaneous Territories" is an analysis of the territorial morphogenesis of the Bogotan Savannah. lt is an interpretive reading of the process of configuration of the urban morphology of the Bogotan Savannah, of her origin and evolution throughout history. The Bogotan Savannah is a high plateau at an altitude of 2600 meter above sea level, embedded in the center of the Colombian Andes. The Savannah counts with approximately 9,5 million inhabitants, of which about 80% live in Bogotá and the remaining part in the rest of the Savannah. The Bogotan Savannah faces a strong urbanizing dynamic that threatens to consume her entirely; it is increasingly difficult to identify the boundaries between city and countryside, while the political and administrative borders fade against the rise of an urban reality that goes far beyond them. Today, Bogotá is the Savannah and the Savannah is Bogotá; Bogotá is witnessing the appearance of a new urban reality that in this research has been called the Savannah City. Throughout history, the Bogotan Savannah has been inhabited by different cultures, and each and every one of them has reorganized her according to the social and spatial circumstances and determinants of the moment. This research argues that the morphology of the contemporary territory is the result of the overlap of these previous forms of spatial reorganization, which have been called forms of territorialization. Each of these different forrns of territorialization existed ala certain moment in history, overlapping, mixing, combining and contaminating with previous and future forms, until it reached the territorial morphology that we know today. In other words: it is about understanding the contemporary territory not only as an assembly of constructed and unconstructed spaces, though rather as a mosaic of different times. The general objective of this research is to build an interpretive model of the process of configuration of the territorial form that the Savannah City exposes today. The construction of this model is linked with two specific objectives, which on their turn are interrelated: the first is to find the primal territorial structure on the basis of which the territory originated and evolved up until today and from which, second objective ,the various forms of territorialization can be identified that have existed throughout history. To this end, the research follows a methodology of diachronic deconstruction of the morphologic characteristics of the contemporary territory, through analytical cartographic mapping, aimed at identifying the permanences and ruptures. The analysis of the permanences of the traces over time is useful to find the primal territorial structure, while the analysis of the ruptures in the process of the configuration of the territorial structure and in the language with which the territory has been built helps to detect the various forms of territorialization. As a result of this methodology of analysis, it has been possible to identify five forms of territorialization that, according to their spatial structure, have been named as follows: aureolar, concentric, eccentric, insular and reticular. The first two correspond to the pre-Hispanic era, the third to the colonial period and the last two to more recent times. In addition, two phases of physical and environmental transformation of the Savannah can be identified: flooding and drainage, which are directly linked to the configuration of the spatial structure on which the current territorial form made its entrance and evolved. Although understanding the processes of the past that made possible the present spatial reality does not reveal a clear picture for the future, it does help us to develop the necessary tools to trace the paths to reach it. ; "Territorios Simultáneos" es un análisis de la morfogénesis territorial de la Sabana de Bogotá. Es una lectura interpretativa del proceso de configuración de la morfología urbana de la Sabana de Bogotá, de su origen y evolución a lo largo de la historia. La Sabana de Bogotá es una altiplanicie de cielos cubiertos incrustada a 2600 msnm en el corazón de los Andes colombianos que cuenta con una cifra próxima a los 9,5 millones de habitantes, de los cuales el 80% reside en Bogotá y los demás en el resto de la Sabana. La Sabana de Bogotá se encuentra inmersa en una fuerte dinámica urbanizadora que amenaza con consumirla por completo; a día de hoy se hace difícil reconocer las fronteras entre el campo y la ciudad, mientras que los limites político¬ administrativos se confunden entre si ante la emergencia de una realidad urbana que los sobrepasa. Hoy Bogotá es la Sabana y la Sabana es Bogotá, nos encontramos ante el nacimiento de una nueva realidad urbana que en esta investigación ha sido llamada "Ciudad Sabana". A lo largo de la historia, la Sabana de Bogotá ha sido habitada por diferentes culturas y cada una de ellas, la ha reordenado de acuerdo a las circunstancias y determinantes socio-espaciales propias de su tiempo. Esta investigación argumenta que la morfología del territorio contemporáneo ha sido el resultado de la superposición de esas diferentes formas de reordenación del espacio que aquí han sido llamadas formas de territorialización. Cada una de estas diferentes formas de territorialización, ha nacido en un momento determinado de la historia, superponiéndose, mezclándose, combinandose y contaminándose entre sí, hasta configurar la morfología del territorio que hoy conocemos. En otras palabras, se trata de entender al territorio contemporáneo no sólo como un conjunto de piezas construidas y no construidas, sino como un mosaico de tiempos diferenciados. El objetivo general de esta investigación es el de construir un modelo interpretativo del proceso de configuración de la forma que hoy revela la "Ciudad Sabana". La construcción de este modelo está ligado a dos objetivos específicos que a su vez están interrelacionados entre sí: el primero es el de encontrar la estructura territorial primigenia a partir de la cual nació y evolucionó el territorio hasta el presente y a partir de ahí, el segundo objetivo, identificar las diferentes formas de territorialización que se han producido a lo largo de la historia. Para tal fin, se propone como método la deconstrucción diacrónica de las características morfológicas del territorio contemporáneo mediante el dibujo y el análisis cartográfico, dirigido a identificar las permanencias y las rupturas. El análisis de las permanencias de los trazados a lo largo de los tiempos es útil para encontrarla estructura territorial primigenia, mientras que el análisis de las rupturas en el proceso de configuración de la estructura territorial y en el lenguaje con el que ha sido construido el territorio, es útil para detectar las diferentes formas de territorialización. Como resultado de este método de análisis, ha sido posible identificar cinco formas de territorialización que en virtud de su estructura espacial han sido denominadas de la siguiente manera: aureolar, concéntrica, excéntrica, insular y reticular. Las dos primeras corresponden al periodo prehispánico, la tercera al periodo colonial, y las dos últimas a épocas más recientes. Además, se reconocen dos fases de transformación físico-ambiental de la Sabana, inundación y drenaje, que están directamente relacionadas con la configuración de la estructura espacial sobre la cual nació y evolucionó la forma del territorio hasta nuestros días. Si bien entender los procesos del pasado que hicieron posible la realidad espacial del presente no nos revela una imagen nítida del futuro, sí nos ayuda a construir las herramientas necesarias y a trazar los caminos para llegar a él. ; Postprint (published version)
Several changes in the rice and other crop production landscape in the Philippines have occurred since an account of the status of agricultural mechanization was reported forty-five years ago in the first issue (Spring 1971) of Agricultural Mechanization in Southeast Asia, now AMA (Lantin, 1971). Part I of the two-part article on agricultural mechanization in the Philippines provides the brief background of its development. Part II will discuss the current status of agricultural mechanization and the formulation of strategies after having set out a firm policy as provided by the Agriculture and Fisheries Mechanization (AFMech) Law of 2013. Historically, the following chronology of development events related to agriculture and agricultural mechanization that have been unfolding through the years and marked by milestones, have had significant impact on shaping the present status of agricultural mechanization in the Philippines: Before 1521 (Pre-Spanish era) • Blacksmithing and metalworking technologies, probably acquired from Chinese traders, are used for making weapons, household metal wares, hand tools and paraphernalia for fishing and rudimentary agriculture; • Inhabitants thrive on hunting, fishing and little agriculture; natural resources are abundant and more than enough for a small population of tribes sparsely distributed throughout the archipelago; • Ifugao rice terraces in the mountains of Luzon and cultivation techniques have already been well-developed and sustained through the culture of the Indigenous People since about 2,000 years ago. 1521-1898 (Spanish colonial regime) • Spaniards introduce single animal-drawn wooden plow with cast-iron plowshare and moldboard, carabao (water buffalo)-drawn carts for agricultural produce transport and horse-drawn calesas (carriage) for personnel transport; • Spaniards introduce processing technologies such as for making chocolate tablets from cacao, concrete and wood construction technologies for structures such as churches and public buildings and blacksmithing such as for horses a cart and carriage wheels, hand tools and plow accessories. 1902-1940 (American colonial regime) • US military and investors first used three-wheel tractors in abaca (banana fiber crop) plantations in Mindanao to produce cordage for maritime usage and for export; • US mechanization technologies transferred to Philippines such as the tractor-powered stationary rice thresher - the "McCormick" thresher or "trilladora". 1941-1945 (Japanese occupation, World War II • Japan introduces household gadgets such as lamps, cooking appliances • No technology transfer on agricultural mechanization as Japan also uses draft animals in farm operations. 1950-1970 • President Elpidio. Quirino (1948-1953) pursues industrialization making Philippine economy second only to Japan in Asia by early 1960s; unfortunately, this pursuit was not sustained by the succeeding administrations; • Large grain silos for storage of paddy and corn are installed in Northern and Central Luzon but turned out to be "white elephants" and later dismantled; • Human and animal farm power sources are predominant; agricultural mechanization and labor productivity levels are low; • Small landholdings of up to 3 ha constitute 62.3 % of total farms in 1960; • Four-wheel tractor sales are driven by credit programs and high sugar prices; • IRRI is established in 1960 at the University of the Philippines College of Agriculture campus, now UP Los Baños (UPLB); the green revolution starts; IRRI develops IR8 or "miracle rice" in 1966; • Hand tractors from Japan are introduced in early 1960s; Land-master tractor from UK fits as workhorse for multiple cropping project by IRRI; • President Ferdinand Marcos (1965- 1986) builds infrastructures such as roads, ports, dams for irrigation and power generation as foundation for industrialization originally envisioned by President Quirino to support agriculture. 1971-1980 • Agricultural Mechanization in Southeast Asia (now AMA) launches its maiden issue -Spring 1971; • IRRI Agricultural Engineering Department undertakes the Small Farm Machinery Development Program under USAID grant; the axial-flow thresher makes obsolete the traditional pedal drum and manual threshing methods; • President Marcos declares martial law; Masagana-99 rice program enables export of rice; GO 47 strategy for corporate rice produc- tion fails; the barangay as basic political unit is organized; • Institution-building and strengthening start: AMTEC in 1977; PhilRice in 1985; Philippines hosts the Regional Network for Agricultural Machinery (RNAM) at UPLB with the Agricultural Mechanization Development Program (AMDP) as country counterpart, which advocates agricultural mechanization policy; • First fuel crisis occurs in 1973 and a second one in 1979. 1981-1990 • IRRI-AED releases more designs of small farm machines and devices; • UPLB-based RNAM actively conducts regional activities on agricultural machinery and mechanization; • SV Agro-industries in Iloilo develops floating power tiller; IRRI-AED modifies it into hydrotiller; both designs are adopted by farmers; • Delta Motor Corporation with technology backstopping of Toyota Motor Corporation of Japan landmark manufactures 1,000 units of 10-hp diesel engine, the first in Southeast Asia; • People's Power Revolution in 1986 causes political turmoil and economic downturn; cuts short the Marcos strategy of infrastructure development to support industrialization which in turn was aimed at supporting agriculture. 1991-2000 • IRRI-AED releases design of the rice stripper-gatherer SG800 based on stripper rotor technology developed by the UK Silsoe Research Institute; • IRRI phases out design and development of rice production machinery and focuses instead on postharvest technologies starting in late 1990s; • PhilRice-Rice Engineering and Mechanization Division (REMD) and the Bureau of Postharvest Research and Development (BPRE) sustain research, development and extension (RDE) activities of rice production and postharvest machinery; • Functions of the Department of Agriculture and other government agencies are devolved to local government units (LGUs) 2001-2016 • The Agriculture and Fisheries Mechanization (AFMech) Law is passed in 2013; this landmark legislation now firms up the policy of modernizing Philippine agriculture through agricultural mechanization; • The Philippines starts deliberate shifting from labor-intensive and low labor-productive farm operation methods to mechanized farming; • PHilMech implements the Department of Agriculture's Rice Mechanization and Postharvest Program (RMPP) for 2011-2016; promotes production and postharvest machinery among Farmers' Associations on favourable procurement terms; • The Philippines imports some 200,000 single-cylinder gasoline and diesel engines in 2013 alone (AMMDA, 2014) mostly from US, China, Thailand, Indonesia and Vietnam; • A new National Agro-fishery Mechanization Program (NAF-MP) is being formulated by the Bureau of Agricultural and Fisheries Mechanization Engineering (BAFE); • Level of mechanization is still low with work animals still the predominant power source for small landholdings, which have presently increased in number, further reduced in size and been widely scattered because of partitioning among heirs, inter-regional marriages, land reform and sale/conversion for non-agricultural uses. • Small landholdings of up to 3 ha constitute 88.4% of total farms in 2012 • Power tillers are gradually replacing the carabao through increasing availability of custom hire services, but not as rapidly as desired because of high prices of imported engines • Imported four-wheel tractors, rice transplanters and combines start getting popular • Foreign exchange remittances by overseas Filipino workers and professionals slowing down due to Middle East crisis, low fossil fuel prices and economic growth rate slowdown - may affect importation of agricultural power and machinery • Killer typhoon Haiyan or Yolanda devastates Leyte, Samar and other Northern Visayan provinces killing some 10,000 people (unofficial estimate) in 2013 Beyond 2016 The following are some issues to consider in the formulation of agricultural mechanization policies and strategies: • Deliberate pursuit of national industrialization to support agriculture; • National Agro-fisheries Mechanization Program (NAFMP) to continue distributing power and machinery which are "Made not in the Philippines?" • Local manufacture of engines; development of renewable and environment friendly farming technologies; • RDE on technologies for land levelling and precision agriculture, automation and robotics but not to neglect the classic designs for transition from traditional to high-tech agricultural mechanization; • Overhaul of polices and laws for farmland inheritance, land forming and terracing for soil and water conservation as well as for agricultural mechanization; • Building of infrastructures for irrigation and drainage, transport (roads, railways, cableways and ports) for efficient agricultural mechanization; and • Other issues that may crop up.
RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVANa svojoj sjednici 17. srpnja 2003. godine Vlada Republike Hrvatske donijela je Nacionalnu šumarsku politiku i strategiju. S obzirom na sve očitije klimatske promjene koje traže novi odnos prema prirodi i okolišu, na manjkavosti važeće Nacinalne šumarske politike i strategije šumarstva, ali i po našoj ocjeni na neadekvatno uključivanje šumarstva u narodno gospodarstvo, je li i vrijeme za promjene u važećoj Nacionalnoj šumarskoj politici i strategiji? Imamo li uzore? Gledajući šumarske politike u relevantnim zemljama u kojima je šumarstvo značajna grana gospodarstva, razvidno je da se one ne mogu doslovno kopirati. U brošuri Šumarska politika Sabadi (1992) nakon analize Šumarske politike u Njemačkoj i Švicarskoj, navodi kako je očito "da svaka zemlja ima svoj oblik šumarske politike koji joj odgovara s obzirom na gospodarski i politički poredak, filozofiju te utjecaj pojedinaca i grupa na državnu vlast". No, nesporno je da je svaka šumarska politika integralni dio narodnog gospodarstva. Najvažnija faza u stvaranju nacionalne šumarske politike je njezino uključivanje i integracija s ostalim narodnim gospodarstvom u jednu inerakcijsku cjelinu. Isti autor kaže kako kod utvrđivanja Šumarske politike "treba prvo utvrditi ciljeve, a potom sredstva i mjere za postizanje postavljenih ciljeva. Posebnu pozornost treba posvetiti malom seljačkom šumoposjedu (oko 25 % šumske površine)" što je kod nas posebice teško, jer su šumoposjedi mali, a šumovlasnici se teško odlučuju na udruživanja putem kojih se jedino može polučiti uspjeh. Otežavajuća je okolnost da je svako ulaganje u šumu dugoročno i za ulagače premalo profitabilno, ponajprije jer šumarstvo ne sagledavaju kao integralni i vrlo utjecajni čimbenik narodnog gospodarstva. Uglavnom šuma se gleda samo kao izvor sirovine za preradu, dok se zaboravlja općekorisna uloga šuma koja traži širu podršku narodnog gospodarstva. No, ako njenu pravu vrijednost ne mogu sagledati privatni šumovlasnici i općenito poduzetnici, kojima je na prvome mjestu trenutna sirovinska vrijednost, to mora Država, posebice kada je ona, kao u našem slučaju većinski vlasnik. Opći interes treba biti ispred svih drugih interesa, a Država mora kontrolirati i privatne šumovlasnike da se ponašaju sukladno Zakonu o šumama, instrumentu Nacionalne šumarske politike i strategije, koji mora biti obvezan za sve šumovlasnike.Analizirajući da li primjenjujemo ono što je propisano u važećoj Nacionalnoj šumarskoj politici i strategiji i što bi još trebalo propisati, možemo postavljati pitanja i sami na njih odgovarati, jer bi tuđe odgovore smatrali kritikom, najčešće neopravdanom. Ponajprije: da li drvne sortimente prodajemo po tržišnim načelima; da li stvarno vjerujemo da ugovorima o isporuci sirovine pomažemo razvoju finalne prerade drva i povećanju zaposlenosti, posebice inženjera i VKV radnika, ili pak punimo privatne džepove izvoznika proizvoda primarne prerade; ako isporuku drvne sirovine ne usmjeravamo na optimalnu finalnu proizvodnju, nije li to rasipanje nacionalnog bogatstva u kojega je uložen prosječno stogodišnji trud; u isto vrijeme projekt Roswood Centra kompetencija za istočnu Europu, čitamo, daje primjere dobre prakse i inovacija koje se mogu implementirati za pametno i održivo korištenje vrijedne šumske sirovine; da li stvarno ili samo deklarativno kontroliramo sječu na privatnom šumoposjedu, posebice u šumama koje su vraćene bivšim šumovlasnicima; kojim instrumentima i koliko uspješno to radimo; osiguravamo li koristi koje bi od šumarstva trebala imati lokalna zajednica i stanovništvo ruralnih područja, što je jedno od glavnih načela Šumarske politike i strategije EU, koju načelno podržavamo; potičemo li i koliko uspješno suvremenu energetsku uporabu drvne sirovine; da li razmišljamo kako riješiti pitanje sukcesije – ruralna područja ostaju bez stanovništva, i šuma se širi čak do vrtova – nestaju pašnjaci pa i livadske površine unutar šume koje su donedavno košene za pašu i prehranu divljači; da li je istina da nam drvoprerađivači ne želeći osigurati zalihu drvne sirovine, a kada njima to pogoduje "diktiraju" izvlačenje drvnih sortimenata i kada to vremenske prilike ograničavaju (mokar teren) pa nastaju velike štete na šumskom tlu; zašto smo za sitan novac prepustili koncesionarima radnička odmarališta, posebice na moru, koja su izgrađena doprinosom radnika, kojega nisu pretočili u plaće, nego upravo u te objekte; da li smo u odnosu na druge zemlje prevelike površine uključili u Natura 2000; da li smo obavili restrukturiranje Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. ? Sabadi kaže: "Racionalan put glede organizacije je da se svi poslovi obavljaju u šumariji, a na višoj razini samo oni poslovi koje nije moguće riješiti na šumariji ili njihovo rješenje nije racionalno. U Ministarstvu organizirati službe vrhovnog šumarskog nadzora i one za pomoć malim šumoposjednicima". Da li smo postavili sva pitanja – ne, ali čitatelje potičemo da ih i oni postave i daju odgovor na njih. Ponajprije treba odgovoriti na postavljeno pitanje u naslovu.Nadajući se da nam ova razmišljanja neće pokvariti nadolazeće blagdane, svim članovima Hrvatskoga šumarskoga društva i čitateljima Šumarskoga lista, želimo sretan Božić i uspješnu 2020. godinu.Uredništvo ; EDITORIALAt its session on July 17, 2003, the Government of the Republic of Croatia passed the National Forestry Policy and Strategy. In view of the increasingly pronounced climate change, which requires a new approach to nature and the environment, of the deficiencies of the current National Forestry Policy and Forestry Strategy, as well as, in our opinion, of the inadequate inclusion of forestry in the national economy, has the time come to introduce some changes in the valid National Forestry Policy and Strategy? Do we have any models? A review of forestry policies in relevant countries in which forestry is an important branch of economy clearly shows that they cannot be literally copied. In his brochure "Forestry Policy" Sabadi (1992) analyzed forestry policies in Germany and Switzerland and concluded that "every country has its own form of forestry policy which is in line with its economic and political system, philosophy and the influence of individuals and groups on the state government". It is, however, indisputable that every forestry policy is an integral part of the national economy. The most important stage in the creation of a national forestry policy is its inclusion into and integration with other national economies into one interactive unit. The same author goes on to say that in order to develop forestry policy, "its goals should first be determined, followed by means and measures of achieving the set goals. Particular attention should be paid to small private forest estates (about 25 % of the forested area)". This is very difficult in our country because privately owned forests are small and private forest owners are not willing to merge their estates, which is the only way in which success can be achieved. An aggravating circumstance lies in the fact that investments in forests are of long-term nature and are not sufficiently profitable for investors, chiefly because they do not perceive forestry as an integral and highly influential factor in the national economy. Forests are mainly viewed as a source of raw material for processing, while the non-market forest role, which requires a broader support by the national economy, is overlooked. If the real value of forests is not understood by private forest owners and entrepreneurs in general, whose primary goal is the current value of raw material, then it is the State which should understand it, especially when the State is the major owner as in Croatia. Collective interest should be above all other interests. The State should also make sure that private forest owners adhere to the regulations of the Forest Act, the instrument of the National Forestry Policy and Strategy which is binding for all forest owners.In our analysis of whether we apply the regulations set down in the valid National Forestry Policy and Strategy and what additional items should be incorporated, we should ask questions and answer them ourselves, since we would consider answers by other parties as mostly unjustified criticism. These questions involve the following: do we sell wood assortments according to market principles; do we really believe that with contracts on the delivery of raw material we contribute to the development of final wood processing and increased employment of engineers and qualified workers in the first place, or do we fill the pockets of private exporters of primary processing products; if raw wood material is not directed towards optimal final production, does not this mean that we squander the national wealth in which a hundred-year-long effort has been invested; at the same time we find that the Rosewood Competence Centre for Eastern Europe provides examples of good practice and innovations to be implemented into wise and sustainable use of valuable wood material; do we control felling in private forest estates in practice or only declaratively, particularly in forests which have been returned to their original owners; which instruments do we use and how successfully to accomplish this; do we ensure benefits which forestry should provide for the local community and the population of rural areas, which is one of the main principles of the EU Forestry Policy and Strategy, which we support in principle; do we stimulate and to what extent modern energy use of wood material; do we think about how to solve the question of succession - rural areas are increasingly being abandoned and forests are spreading as far as the people's gardens - pastures and grassland areas within forest, which were until recently mowed or grazed by wildlife, are disappearing; is it true that wood processors do not want to ensure stocks of wood material, and when it suits them "dictate" the extraction of wood assortments even when weather conditions are unfavourable (wet terrain), thus inflicting vast damage on forest soil; why did we allow workers' resort centres, especially those at the seaside, to be taken over by concessionaires for petty cash (these resorts were built with the money which workers allocated from their salaries for exactly this purpose); in relation to other countries, did we allocate too large areas to Natura 2000; did we restructure the company "Croatian Forests Ltd"? Sabadi says: " Rational organisation presupposes that all jobs are accomplished in a forest office, and only those jobs which cannot be performed in a forest office or their solution is not rational should be performed at a higher level. Forest monitoring services and services aimed at assisting small forest owners should be set up in the Ministry". Have we covered all the relevant questions? No, we have not, but we urge the readers to ask questions and give the answers themselves. The first question to be answered is the one mentioned in the headline.Hoping that these thoughts will not spoil the upcoming holidays, we wish Merry Christmas and a Very Successful New Year 2020 to all members of the Croatian Forestry Association and readers of the Forestry Journal.Editorial Board
Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) have identified more than 100 genetic variants contributing to BMI, a measure of body size, or waist-to-hip ratio (adjusted for BMI, WHRadjBMI), a measure of body shape. Body size and shape change as people grow older and these changes differ substantially between men and women. To systematically screen for age-and/or sex-specific effects of genetic variants on BMI and WHRadjBMI, we performed meta-analyses of 114 studies (up to 320,485 individuals of European descent) with genome-wide chip and/or Metabochip data by the Genetic Investigation of Anthropometric Traits (GIANT) Consortium. Each study tested the association of up to similar to 2.8M SNPs with BMI and WHRadjBMI in four strata (men 50y, women 50y) and summary statistics were combined in stratum-specific meta-analyses. We then screened for variants that showed age-specific effects (G x AGE), sex-specific effects (G x SEX) or age-specific effects that differed between men and women (G x AGE x SEX). For BMI, we identified 15 loci (11 previously established for main effects, four novel) that showed significant (FDR= 50y). No sex-dependent effects were identified for BMI. For WHRadjBMI, we identified 44 loci (27 previously established for main effects, 17 novel) with sex-specific effects, of which 28 showed larger effects in women than in men, five showed larger effects in men than in women, and 11 showed opposite effects between sexes. No age-dependent effects were identified for WHRadjBMI. This is the first genome-wide interaction meta-analysis to report convincing evidence of age-dependent genetic effects on BMI. In addition, we confirm the sex-specificity of genetic effects on WHRadjBMI. These results may providefurther insights into the biology that underlies weight change with age or the sexually dimorphism of body shape. ; Funding: Funding for this study was provided by the Aarne Koskelo Foundation; the Aase and Ejner Danielsens Foundation; the Academy of Finland (40758, 41071, 77299, 102318, 104781, 117787, 117844, 118590, 120315, 121584, 123885, 124243, 124282, 126925, 129269, 129293, 129378, 130326, 134309, 134791, 136895, 139635, 211497, 263836, 263924, 1114194, 24300796); the Agency for Health Care Policy Research (HS06516); the Agency for Science, Technology and Research of Singapore (A*STAR); the Ahokas Foundation; the ALF/LUA research grant in Gothenburg; the ALK-Abello A/S (Horsholm, Denmark), Timber Merchant Vilhelm Bangs Foundation, MEKOS Laboratories Denmark; the Althingi (the Icelandic Parliament); the American Heart Association (AHA; 13POST16500011); the ANR ("Agence Nationale de la 359 Recherche"); the Ark (NHMRC Enabling Facility); the Arthritis Research UK (19542, 18030); the AstraZeneca; the Augustinus Foundation; the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC; 241944, 389875, 389891, 389892, 389938, 442915, 442981, 496739, 496688, 552485, 613672, 613601 and 1011506); the Australian Research Council (ARC; DP0770096 and DP1093502); the Becket Foundation; the bi-national BMBF/ANR funded project CARDomics (01KU0908A); the Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure (BBMRINL; 184.021.007, CP 32); the Biocentrum Helsinki; the Boehringer Ingelheim Foundation; the British Heart Foundation (RG/10/12/28456, SP/04/ 002); the Canadian Institutes for Health Reseaerch (FRCN-CCT-83028); the Cancer Research UK (C490/A10124, C490/A10119); the Center for Medical Systems Biology (CMSB; NWO Genomics); the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and Association of Schools of Public Health (1734, S043, S3486); the Centre of Excellence Baden-Wurttemberg Metabolic Disorders; the Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government; the Clinical Research Facility at Guys & St Thomas NHS Foundation Trust; the Contrat de Projets Etat-Region (CPER); the Croatian Science Council (Grant no. 8875); the CVON (GENIUS); the Danish Agency for Science, Technology and Innovation; the Danish Centre for Health Technology Assessment, Novo Nordisk Inc.; the Danish Council for Independent Research (DFF 1333-00124); the Danish Diabetes Association; Danish Heart Foundation; the Danish Medical Research Council; the Danish Ministry of Internal Affairs and Health; the Danish National Research Foundation; the Danish Pharmaceutical Association; Danish Pharmacists Fund; the Danish Research Council; the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft; the Diabetes Hilfs-und Forschungsfonds Deutschland (DHFD); the Dr. Robert Pfleger-Stiftung; the Dresden University of Technology Funding Grant, Med Drive; the Dutch Brain Foundation; the Dutch Diabetes Research Foundation; the Dutch Economic Structure Enhancing Fund (FES); the Dutch Kidney Foundation; the Dutch Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports; the Dutch Ministry of Economic Affairs; the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture and Science; the Egmont Foundation; the Else Kraner-Fresenius Stiftung (2012_A147, P48/08//A11/08); the Emil Aaltonen Foundation; the Erasmus Medical Center and Erasmus University, Rotterdam; the Estonian Ministry of Science and Education (SF0180142s08); the European Commission (223004, 2004310, DGXII, FP6-EUROSPAN, FP6-EXGENESIS, FP6-LSHG-CT2006-018947, FP6-LSHG-CT-2006-01947, FP6-LSHM- CT-2004-503485, FP6-LSHM-CT-2006037593, FP6-LSHM-CT-2007-037273, FP7-201379, FP7-201668, FP7-279143, FP7-305739, FP7313010, FP7-ENGAGE-HEALTH-F4-2007-201413, FP7-EurHEALTHAgeing-277849, FP7-HEALTH-F42007-201550, HEALTH-2011.2.4.2-2-EU-MASCARA, HEALTH-F2-2008-201865-GEFOS, HEALTH-F7305507 HOMAGE, LSHM-CT-2006-037593, QLG1CT-2001-01252, QLG1-CT-2002-00896, QLG2-CT2002-01254); the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and the Wissenschaftsoffensive TMO; the European Regional Development Fund to the Centre of Excellence in Genomics (EXCEGEN; 3.2.0304.11-0312); the European Research Council (ERC; 2011-StG-280559-SEPI, 2011-294713-EPLORE, 230374); the European Science Foundation (ESF; EU/QLRT-2001-01254); the EuroSTRESS project FP-006; the Finlands Slottery Machine Association; the Finnish Centre for Pensions (ETK); the Finnish Cultural Foundation; the Finnish Diabetes Association; the Finnish Diabetes Research Foundation; the Finnish Foundation for Cardiovascular Research; the Finnish Foundation for Pediatric Research; the Finnish Funding Agency for Technology and Innovation (40058/07); the Finnish Medical Society; the Finnish Ministry of Education and Culture (627; 2004-2011); the Finnish Ministry of Health and Social Affairs (5254); the Finnish National Public Health Institute (current National Institute for Health and Welfare); the Finnish Special Governmental Subsidy for Health Sciences; the Finska Lakaresallskapet, Signe and Ane Gyllenberg Foundation; the Flemish League against Cancer, ITEA2 (project Care4Me); the Folkhalsan Research Foundation; the Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (FWO) Vlaanderen; the Foundation for Life and Health in Finland; the Foundation for Strategic Research (SSF) and the Stockholm County Council (560283); the G. Ph. Verhagen Foundation; the Gene-diet Interactions in Obesity' project (GENDINOB); the Genetic Association Information Network (GAIN); the GENEVA Coordinating Center (U01 HG 004446); the GenomEUtwin (EU/QLRT2001-01254; QLG2-CT-2002-01254); the German Bundesministerium fuer Forschung und Technology (01 AK 803 A-H, 01 IG 07015 G); the German Diabetes Association; the German Ministry of Cultural Affairs; the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF; 03IS2061A, 03ZIK012, 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103, 01ZZ0403); the German National Genome Research Network (NGFN-2 and NGFN-plus); the German Research Council (SFB1052 "Obesity mechanisms"); the Great Wine Estates of the Margaret River region of Western Australia; the Greek General Secretary of Research and Technology research grant (PENED 2003); the Gyllenberg Foundation; the Health Care Centers in Vasa, Narpes and Korsholm; the Health Fund of the Danish Health Insurance Societies; the Helmholtz Zentrum Munchen-German Research Center for Environmental Health; the Helsinki University Central Hospital special government funds (EVO #TYH7215, #TKK2012005, #TYH2012209); the Hjartavernd (the Icelandic Heart Association); the Ib Henriksen Foundation; the Illinois Department of Public Health, and the Translational Genomics Research Institute; the INTERREG IV Oberrhein Program (Project A28); the Interuniversity Cardiology Institute of the Netherlands (ICIN; 09.001); the Italian Ministry of Health "targeted project" (ICS110.1/RF97.71); the Italian National Centre of Research InterOmics PB05_ SP3; the John D and Catherine T MacArthur Foundation Research Networks on Successful Midlife Development and Socio-economic Status and Health; the Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR); the Joint grant from Siemens Healthcare, Erlangen, Germany and the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania; the Juho Vainio Foundation; the Juselius Foundation (Helsinki, Finland); the Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation International (JDRF); the KfH Stiftung Praventivmedizin e. V.; the Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation; the Kuopio University Hospital; the Leenaards Foundation; the Leiden University Medical Center; the Liv och Halsa; the Local Government Pensions Institution (KEVA); the Lokaal Gezondheids Overleg (LOGO) Leuven and Hageland; the LudwigMaximilians- Universitat, as part of LMUinnovativ; the Lundberg Foundation; the March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation; the Medical Research Council (G0601966; G0700931; G0000934; G0500539; G0600705; G1002319; G0701863; PrevMetSyn/SALVE; MC_ U106179471; MC_ UU_ 12019/1); the MRC centre for Causal Analyses in Translational Epidemiology (MRC CAiTE); the MRC Centre for Obesity and Related Metabolic Diseases; the MRC Human Genetics Unit; the Medical Research Council of Canada; the Mid-Atlantic Nutrition and Obesity Research Center (P30 DK072488); the Ministry of the Flemish Community, Brussels, Belgium (G. 0881.13 and G. 0880. 13); the MIUR-CNR Italian Flagship Project; the Montreal Heart Institute Foundation; the Munich Center of Health Sciences (MC Health); the Municipal Health Care Center and Hospital in Jakobstad; the Narpes Health Care Foundation; the National Alliance for Research on Schizophrenia and Depression (NARSAD); the National Cancer Institute (CA047988); the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (UL1TR000124); the National Center for Research Resources (U54RR020278); the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute (NHLBI, 1RL1MH083268-01, 5R01HL087679-02, HHSN268200800007C, HHSN268201200036C, HL043851, HL080467, HL087647, HL36310, HL45670, N01HC25195, N01HC55015, N01HC55016, N01HC55018, N01HC55019, N01HC55020, N01HC55021, N01HC55022, N01HC55222, N01HC85079, N01HC85080, N01HC85081, N01HC85082, N01HC85083, N01HC85086, N02HL64278, R01HL086694, R01HL087641, R01HL087652, R01HL087676, R01HL59367, R01HL103612, R01HL105756, R01HL120393, U01HL080295); the National Human Genome Research Institute (NHGRI, U01HG004402); the National Institute for Health and Welfare (THL); the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR, RP-PG-0407-10371); the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID); the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD); the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Disease (NIDDKDRC, 1R01DK8925601, DK063491, R01DK089256, P30 DK072488); the National Institute of Food and Agriculture (2007-35205-17883); the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke (NINDS); the National Institute on Aging (NIA; 263-MA-410953, 263-MD-821336, 263-MD-9164, AG023629, AG13196, NO1AG12109, P30AG10161, R01AG15819, R01AG17917, R01AG023629, R01AG30146); the National Institute of Arthritis and Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases (5-P60-AR30701, 5-P60-AR49465-03); the National Institutes of Health (NIH; 1R01DK8925601, 1RC2MH089951, 1RC2MH089995, 1Z01HG000024, 2T32 HL 00705536, 5R01DK075681, 5R01MH63706: 02, AA014041, AA07535, AA10248, AA13320, AA13321, AA13326, AG028555, AG08724, AG04563, AG10175, AG08861, DA12854, DK046200, DK091718, F32AR059469, HG002651, HHSN268200625226C, HHSN268200782096C, HL084729, MH081802, N01AG12100, N01HG65403, R01AG011101, R01AG030146, R01D0042157-01A, R01DK062370, R01DK072193, R01DK093757, R01DK075787, R01DK075787, R01HL71981, R01MH59565, R01MH59566, R01MH59571, R01MH59586, R01MH59587, R01MH59588, R01MH60870, R01MH60879, R01MH61675, R01MH67257, R01MH81800, R01NS45012, U01066134, U01CA098233, U01DK062418, U01GM074518, U01HG004423, U01HG004436, U01HG004438, U01HL072515-06, U01HL105198, U01HL84756, U01MH79469, U01MH79470, U01NS069208-01, UL1RR025005); the NIHR Biomedical Research Centre based at Guy's and St Thomas' NHS Foundation Trust; the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical research Centre; the Netherlands Heart Foundation (2001 D 032); the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO; Geestkracht program grant 10-000-1002; 050-060-810; 100-001-004; 175.010.2003.005; 175.010.2005.011; 175.010.2007. 006; 261-98-710; 40-0056-98-9032; 400-05-717; 452-04-314; 452-06-004; 480-01-006; 480-04-004; 480-05-003; 480-07-001; 481-08-013; 60-60600-97-118; 904-61-090; 904-61-193; 911-03012; 985-10-002; Addiction-31160008; GB-MW 94038- 011; SPI 56-464-14192); the Netherlands Organization for the Health Research and Development (ZonMw; 91111025); the Nordic Center of Excellence in Disease Genetics; the Nordic Centre of Excellence on Systems biology in controlled dietary interventions and cohort studies, SYSDIET (070014); the Northern Netherlands Collaboration of Provinces (SNN); the Novo Nordisk Foundation; the Office of Research and Development, Medical Research Service, and the Baltimore Geriatrics Research, Education, and Clinical Center of the Department of Veterans Affairs; the Ollqvist Foundation; the Paavo Nurmi Foundation; the Pahlssons Foundation; the Paivikki and Sakari Sohlberg Foundation; the Perklen Foundation; the Republic of Croatia Ministry of Science, Education and Sports research (108-1080315-0302); the Research Centre for Prevention and Health, the Capital Region of Denmark; the Research Foundation of Copenhagen County; the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (014-93-015; RIDE2); the Reynold's Foundation; the Rotterdam Oncologic Thoracic Study Group, Erasmus Trust Fund, Foundation against Cancer; the Royal Swedish Academy of Science; the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (NWO-RFBR 047.017.043); the Rutgers University Cell and DNA Repository cooperative agreement (NIMH U24 MH068457-06); the Samfundet Folkhalsan; the Sigrid Juselius Foundation; the Social Insurance Institution of Finland, Kuopio, Tampere and Turku University Hospital Medical Funds (9M048, 9N035); the Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania; the Societe Francophone du 358 Diabste (SFD); the South Tyrolean Sparkasse Foundation; the Stichting Nationale Computerfaciliteiten (National Computing Facilities Foundation, NCF); the Strategic Cardiovascular Programme of Karolinska Institutet and the Stockholm County Council (560183); the Susan G. Komen Breast Cancer Foundation; the Swedish Cancer Society; the Swedish Cultural Foundation in Finland; the Swedish Diabetes Association; the Swedish Diabetes Foundation (grant no. 2013-024); the Swedish Foundation for Strategic Research (SSF; ICA08-0047); the Swedish HeartLung Foundation (20120197); the Swedish Medical Research Council (K2007-66X-20270-01-3, 20121397); the Swedish Ministry for Higher Education; the Swedish Research Council (8691, M-2005-1112, 2009-2298); the Swedish Society for Medical Research; the Swiss National Science Foundation (31003A-143914, 3200B0105993, 3200B0-118308, 33CSCO-122661, 33CS30-139468, 33CS30148401); SystemsX. ch (51RTP0_151019); the Tampere Tuberculosis Foundation; the TEKES (70103/06, 40058/07); the The Paul Michael Donovan Charitable Foundation; the Torsten and Ragnar Sderberg Foundation; the Umea Medical Research Foundation; the United Kingdom NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre; the Universities and Research of the Autonomous Province of Bolzano, South Tyrol; the University Hospital of Regensburg (ReForM A, ReForM C); the University Hospital Oulu, Biocenter, University of Oulu, Finland (75617); the University Medical Center Groningen; the University of Groningen; the University of Maryland General Clinical Research Center (M01RR16500, AG000219); the University of Tartu (SP1GVARENG); the University of Tromso, Norwegian Research Council (185764); the Vasterbottens Intervention Programme; the Velux Foundation; the VU University Institute for Health and Care Research (EMGO+) and Neuroscience Campus Amsterdam (NCA); the Wellcome Trust (064890, 068545/Z/02, 076113/B/04/Z, 077016/Z/05/Z, 079895, 084723/Z/08/Z, 086596/Z/ 08/Z, 088869/B/09/Z, 089062, 090532, 098017, 098051, 098381); the Western Australian DNA Bank (NHMRC Enabling Facility); the Yrjo Jahnsson Foundation (56358); and the Zorg Onderzoek Nederland-Medische Wetenschappen, KWF Kankerbestrijding, Stichting Centraal Fonds Reserves van voormalig Vrijwillige Ziekenfondsverzekeringen. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. More details of acknowledgements can be found in S2 Text.
In recent years, the attention on competencies in the workplace has grown rapidly. Organizations are progressively realizing how human capital figures as a key source of competitive advantage and how highly performing organizations are commonly linked to highly performing employees (Pfeffer, 1994; Lado and Wilson, 1994; Murray, 2003). In fact, it seems that traditional sources of success, as the existence of barriers to entries or the creation of economies of scale (Porter, 1996; Barney, 1991), are now perceived as able to provide competitive leverage to a lesser degree, while a robust organizational culture, strategic human resources management and organizations' core competencies are becoming comparatively more important. Against this background, organizations are starting to employ new approaches to human resource management. The competency based management approach (Prahalad & Hamel, 1990; Green, 1999; Kochanski, 1997) is becoming increasingly popular among private companies. On the other hand, European public administration systems are only recently starting to implement competency management practices, attempting to keep pace with the demands of some major reforms introduced in the last thirty years (Horton et al., 2002). Public administration systems, in fact, are undergoing deep changes, striving to respond to the constantly mutating environment in which they are bound to operate: many activities are being outsourced back to the market in the belief that private companies are able to better respond to uncertainty and innovation, while the activities that still remain within governments' direct control are increasingly adopting typical business practices and starting to benchmark themselves against their private equivalents, moving closer to a market based management logic that have been defined as "New Public Management" (Horton et al., 2002). The application of market logics to public administrations affected public universities as well, moving them towards what is being defined as "entrepreneurial" universities (Gibbons et al., 1994; Etzkowitz, 2003; Slaughter & Leslie, 1997; Sporn, 2001). These new logics strongly affected universities' internal organizational assets, which, coherently with their specific context and characteristics, embraced a variety of different approaches and assumed diverse and mixed forms (Kwiek & Maassen, 2012; de Boer & File, 2009; Clark, 2000; Bleiklie, 2007). Competency based management approaches appear to be greatly discussed among public administrations, because they configure as a potentially effective and flexible solution to face these continuous changes in the modern economy and society, such as the growing globalization, the challenge of big data, the increasing competition, and the constant demand for innovation and optimization of processes and services. However, empirical implementations of competency models in public administrations are rarely traceable in the literature (Skorkovà, 2016; Cerase, 2003; Pastorello, 2010; Campion et al., 2010), and even less studies can be found in referral to public universities, especially if referred to non-academic employees, embedded in the technical, technical scientific, data processing, administration, and library professional areas. This extremely heterogeneous and complex context, however, undoubtedly ask for deeper investigation. Given these premises, the purpose of this action research is to contribute to the extant literature, attempting to understand how competencies of non-academic employees help them reach the university's strategic objectives in one of the currently largest European universities, and, from the information arisen, generate an interpretative competency model that could be employed as a comparative framework for future practices and researches. A purposeful sampling strategy has been employed, leading me to select, as the site of the research, Sapienza, University of Rome. The choice fell on this specific university because it figures as an incredibly rich source of information, being the largest university in Europe with more than 4.000 technical, administrative and library employees. More specifically, to address the identified research questions, this doctoral study employs a convergent mixed methods approach (Caracelli & Greene, 1997; Greene, 2007) characterized by a robust qualitative component. The qualitative strand of the research involved employing a bottom up grounded approach to competency modeling, while the quantitative strand derived the competency model from the theory, aiming to link the individual competencies to the strategic objectives of the organization, applying a top down approach. The resulting model from the quantitative strand was, afterward, tested through a survey research. The bottom up grounded approach involved the use of phenomenological interviews detailing operant thoughts and actions associated with success or failure in 125 the technical, administrative, and library employees. Additionally, observations, memoing and field notes were collected with the aim to enrich the analysis. Thereafter, revealing an emergent design of the research, and pursuing the aim to reach a more comprehensive overview of the phenomenon, results from the qualitative strand have been integrated with a concurrent theory driven quantitative approach. The quantitative approach comprised the submission to participants of a list of competences, derived from the review of the literature and the study of the organization, querying them to attribute a level of importance on a scale from "0" to "5" (from "not important" to "extremely important") to those competences, comparatively to their ability to positively impact on the achievement of their professional objectives. This doctoral thesis represents the outcome of a research conducted during the years 2017, 2018 and 2019, funded by Sapienza University of Rome, within a project entitled "the analysis of processes, competencies and job positions for the definition of an organizational model in complex public organizations". The first phase of this project was dedicated to designing an organizational model for faculties and departments. The second phase was focused on building a competency model for the technical, administrative and library staff, for which, a formal organizational model figured as a necessary condition. The organizational model, revised and adapted by the organization and development area's staff, has been implemented in the end of the year 2018. An extension of the research has been considered, thus, necessary, in order to project and build a competency model for the university's employees that would enable the introduction of more flexible and dynamic strategies to human resources management. The realization of a competency model, in fact, is a key step to undertake in order to orient administrative and executive actions, to reach the strategic objectives and to promote employees' skills and potential. This study can provide a useful framework for either scholars, researchers, practitioners, labor unions and policy makers intending to introduce or consider new approaches to human resource management in public universities or administrations, Furthermore, this study may provide useful insights to update existent contractual collective agreements or to introduce new organizational positions or professional roles. Administrators can employ the defined model to identify professional roles' competencies, monitor employees' actual level and plan interventions to eventually enhance it through training. The thesis contains six chapters that have been structured as follows: 1) the research design provides a preliminary overview of the research, by discussing its main features and underlying logic; 2) the second chapter reviews the main themes related to the competency based approach, starting from the analysis of the main interpretation of the term competency and concluding with an overview over the state of the art of competency modeling in European and Italian public administrations; 3) the chapter on methodology presents the adopted convergent mixed methods approach to competency modeling; 4) the fourth chapter provides an extensive outline of the adopted procedures, the emerging results, the limits and implications arising from the qualitative and the quantitative strands; 5) the section on interpretation describes the adopted mixing strategy and the results of the analysis of the emerging dataset; 6) the final chapter briefly reviews the main aims of the study, its core assumptions and discusses the results that arose from the interpretative and analytical phases, together with considerations on their limitations and how these limitations may configure further challenges in future research.
학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :사회과학대학 지리학과,2019. 8. 신혜란. ; This study investigates how the locality of an annexational space is reflected in the perceptions of social activists through the case of Jeju Island. Locality in this thesis refers to "the sum total of the various relationships that spaces as well as actors create across time, which is very fluid, multilayered, political, and value-oriented (Moon, 2016)." Recently, increasing attention has been paid to the concept of locality in social science fields and humanities. In the field of geography, locality has been one of the key concepts following the spatial restructuring in the Western capitalist countries in the 1970s. In previous studies, 'annexation' has been used to mean incorporation of one region to another region or a country. For example, Tanji (2006) used the concept of 'annexation' to refer to compulsory amalgamation of Okinawa to mainland Japan. In this thesis, the concept of annexation is expanded to imply the relations with the mainland from the local point of view. Therefore, I define an 'annexational space' as a space which experienced annexation to the mainland, where the locality featuring dichotomy between the mainland and the area, with complex toward the mainland and loneliness lying behind the pride in local social movement. The emergence and progress of the local refugee movement in Jeju Island enables examination of the locality of an annexational space. Therefore, this study aims to reveal the dynamics of pro-Yemeni refugee movement in Jeju Island. This study aims to answer the following two research questions. (1) How is locality of Jeju Island as an annexational space reflected in the perceptions of local social activists? (2) What kinds of relationship with the mainland have formed the locality? In summary, the results of this study are as follows. Firstly, locality of Jeju Island was investigated by analysis of the local interpretation of the Yemeni refugee issue. Perceptions of refugees and interpretation of the refugee issue in Jeju civil society was different from the mainland. The dichotomous way of thinking between Yug-ji (mainland) and Jeju Island made the difference. Once an independent kingdom annexed into the state in the mainland Korea, Jeju Islanders referred to all other parts of the country as Yug-ji. In the perspective of the local activists, Yemeni refugee issue was an incident that revealed the mainland's perception of treating Jeju as its surroundings. Based on the dichotomy, Jeju Islanders showed complex toward mainland, being susceptible to ideas of mainlanders and being exclusive to mainlanders concurrently. They believed those who opposed the refugee acceptance were mainly from the mainland, and felt that Jeju residents who cared about this public opinion had become increasingly reluctant for accepting refugees. Activists were also sensitive to the public opinion and felt the need to respond. Second, in the process of the emergence of local refugee movement, locality of Jeju Island as an annexational space was exposed. Community culture was found in the solid local activist network, which is based on strong regional identity as Jeju Islanders and personal acquaintances. They built coalitions to support other organizations, and solidarity beyond political factions for local issues was easier because of this character. Local activists were confident in their ability to quickly assemble and cope with the problems themselves. They found the spirit of resistance from the local history, from uprisings in the feudal age to 4·3 Uprising. However, there is loneliness as a remote island and envy toward the mainland behind the pride. It has always been treated as a periphery, including social movements. A yearning for the center arose with these experiences and as an isolated island, it requires mainland help when it encounters limitations. Instead of asking for help from the mainland, Jeju activists argued that Yemeni refuge issue is a national one. It also dealt with the issue separately by interacting with the mainland refugee network. Implications of this research are as follows. First, this study investigated the locality of an annexational space through a specific case. It also contributed to the discussion of locality which has mainly investigated western capitalist societies by analyzing the case in Asia. Second, it discovered a close relationship between the locality and social movement. It is worth referring to the case of refugee movement in Jeju Island at a time when the localization of social movements is spreading. ; 본 연구는 제주도의 난민 운동을 사례로 하여 부속공간(annexational space)의 정체성이 사회운동가들의 인식에서 어떻게 나타나는지 살펴본다. 본 논문에서 로컬리티(locality)는 "오랜 시간에 걸쳐 시간뿐만 아니라 공간이 만들어내는 다양한 관계의 총합으로, 매우 유동적이고 다층적이며 정치적이고 가치 지향적(문재원, 2016)"이다. 최근 사회과학과 인문학에서 로컬리티 개념에 대한 관심이 높아지고 있다. 지리학 분야에서 로컬리티는 1970년대 서구 자본주의 국가에서 나타난 공간 재편(spatial restructuring)을 설명하기 위해 등장한 개념으로 활발히 연구되어 왔다. 선행 연구에서 '병합(annexation)'은 한 지역을 다른 지역이나 국가에 통합시키는 것을 의미했다. 예를 들어, Tanji(2006)는 오키나와와 일본 본토의 강제 합병을 설명하기 위해 이 개념을 사용했다. 본 논문에서는 지역의 관점에서 본토와의 관계를 포함하도록 '병합(annexation)' 개념의 의미를 확장한다. 따라서 따라서 본 연구에서는 '부속 공간(annexational space)'을 본토와의 합병을 경험하였으며 본토와의 관계를 중심으로 하여 본토와 지역 사이 이분법적 사고와 본토에 대한 콤플렉스를 특징으로 하는 로컬리티가 형성된 공간으로 정의한다. 제주도의 지역 난민 운동의 출현은 부속공간의 로컬리티를 잘 나타내는 사례이다. 연구 질문은 다음 두 가지이다. (1) 부속 공간으로서의 제주의 로컬리티가 난민 옹호 운동에 참여한 지역 사회 운동가들의 인식에 어떻게 반영되었는가? (2) 본토와의 어떤 관계가 그 로컬리티를 형성하였는가? 본 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 예멘 난민 문제에 대한 지역적 해석을 분석한 결과 제주도의 부속 공간으로서의 로컬리티가 드러났다. 제주 시민사회의 난민과 이슈에 대한 해석은 내륙 지역과 달랐는데, '육지(본토)'와 제주도의 이분법적 사고방식이 차이를 만들었다. 지역 운동가들의 입장에서 보면 예멘 난민 문제는 제주를 주변으로 취급하는 본토의 인식을 드러낸 사건이었다. 이러한 이분법을 바탕으로 제주도민들은 본토인에 대한 생각에 민감하고 동시에 본토인에게 배타적인 등 본토에 대한 콤플렉스를 드러냈다. 그들은 난민 수용에 반대하는 사람들이 주로 내륙 출신이라고 믿었고, 이런 여론을 신경 쓰는 제주 주민들이 난민을 점차 꺼리게 되었다고 생각했다. 활동가들도 내륙의 여론에 민감해 이에 대응할 필요성을 느끼고 있었다. 둘째, 지역 난민 운동이 출현하는 과정에서도 부속 공간으로서의 로컬리티가 중요한 역할을 했다. 지역 사회 운동 네트워크 속에서 강한 공동체 문화를 발견할 수 있었다. 그들은 다른 조직을 지원하기 위해 연합체를 만들었고, 강력한 지역 정체성 때문에 지역 문제를 해결하기 위한 정파를 넘어선 연대가 보다 용이했다. 지역 운동가들은 지역 현안에 대해 지역 공동체 내부에서 신속하게 대처할 수 있는 능력에 대해 자부심을 가지고 있었다. 그러나 이러한 자부심 뒤에는 외딴 섬으로의 외로움과 본토에 대한 선망이 있었다. 제주도는 항상 사회 운동을 포함한 모든 분야에서 주변부로 취급되어 왔기 때문에 중심부에 대한 선망을 내면화해 왔다. 따라서 제주 활동가들은 본토에 도움을 요청하기보다는 예멘 난민 이슈가 국가적인 문제라고 주장함으로써 연대의 필요성을 제기했다. 또 본토 난민 네트워크와 교류하였으나 이 문제를 지역 내에서 처리하고자 하였다. 이 연구의 함의는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 본 연구는 특정 사례를 통해 부속 공간의 로컬리티를 살펴보았다. 또한 서구 자본주의 국가에 집중된 기존의 연구와 달리 아시아 지역을 사례로 로컬리티에 대해 논의하였다. 둘째, 로컬리티와 사회 운동 사이의 밀접한 관계를 발견했다. 사회운동의 로컬화가 확산되고 있는 상황에서 제주도의 난민 옹호 운동의 사례를 참고할 만하다. ; Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1. Research Background and Purpose 1 1.2. Research Subject and Methods 4 1.3. Structure of the Thesis 7 Chapter 2. Literature Review 9 2.1. Locality of an Annexational Space 9 2.2. Previous Literature on Social Movements and Refugee Movements 17 Chapter 3. Case Introduction 23 3.1. Geography and History of Jeju Island 23 3.2. Yemeni Refugee Influx in Jeju Island 27 Chapter 4. Local Interpretation of the Yemeni Refugee Issue 33 4.1. Jeju Islanders' Perceptions on Yemeni Refugees 33 4.2. Dichotomy between 'Yug-ji (mainland)' and Jeju Island. 37 4.3. Complex toward the Mainland. 42 Chapter 5. Pro-Yemeni Refugee Movement in an Annexational Space 49 5.1. The Emergence of Pro-Yemeni Refugee Movement: Community to Coalition 49 5.2. Loneliness behind the Pride 57 Chapter 6. Conclusion 65 Bibliography 68 Abstract in Korean 76 ; Master
Targeted therapies and the consequent adoption of "personalized" oncology have achieved notable successes in some cancers; however, significant problems remain with this approach. Many targeted therapies are highly toxic, costs are extremely high, and most patients experience relapse after a few disease-free months. Relapses arise from genetic heterogeneity in tumors, which harbor therapy-resistant immortalized cells that have adopted alternate and compensatory pathways (i.e., pathways that are not reliant upon the same mechanisms as those which have been targeted). To address these limitations, an international task force of 180 scientists was assembled to explore the concept of a low-toxicity "broadspectrum" therapeutic approach that could simultaneously target many key pathways and mechanisms. Using cancer hallmark phenotypes and the tumor microenvironment to account for the various aspects of relevant cancer biology, interdisciplinary teams reviewed each hallmark area and nominated a wide range of high-priority targets (74 in total) that could be modified to improve patient outcomes. For these targets, corresponding low-toxicity therapeutic approaches were then suggested, many of which were phytochemicals. Proposed actions on each target and all of the approaches were further reviewed for known effects on other hallmark areas and the tumor microenvironment Potential contrary or procarcinogenic effects were found for 3.9% of the relationships between targets and hallmarks, and mixed evidence of complementary and contrary relationships was found for 7.1%. Approximately 67% of the relationships revealed potentially complementary effects, and the remainder had no known relationship. Among the approaches, 1.1% had contrary, 2.8% had mixed and 62.1% had complementary relationships. These results suggest that a broad-spectrum approach should be feasible from a safety standpoint. This novel approach has potential to be relatively inexpensive, it should help us address stages and types of cancer that lack conventional treatment, and it may reduce relapse risks. A proposed agenda for future research is offered. (C) 2015 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. ; Funding Agencies|Terry Fox Foundation Grant [TF-13-20]; UAEU Program for Advanced Research (UPAR) [31S118]; NIH [AR47901, R21CA188818, R15 CA137499-01, F32CA177139, P20RR016477, P20GM103434, R01CA170378, U54CA149145, U54CA143907, R01-HL107652, R01CA166348, R01GM071725, R01 CA109335-04A1, 109511R01CA151304CA168997 A11106131R03CA1711326 1P01AT003961RO1 CA100816P01AG034906 R01AG020642P01AG034906-01A1R01HL108006]; NIH NRSA Grant [F31CA154080]; NIH (NIAID) R01: Combination therapies for chronic HBV, liver disease, and cancer [AI076535]; Sky Foundation Inc. Michigan; University of Glasgow; Beatson Oncology Centre Fund; Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitivity, ISCIII [PI12/00137, RTICC: RD12/0036/0028]; FEDER from Regional Development European Funds (European Union), Consejeria de Ciencia e Innovacion [CTS-6844, CTS-1848]; Consejeria de Salud of the Junta de Andalucia [PI-0135-2010, PI-0306-2012]; ISCIII [PIE13/0004]; FEDER funds; United Soybean Board; NIH NCCAM Grant [K01AT007324]; NIH NCI Grant [R33 CA161873-02]; Michael Cuccione Childhood Cancer Foundation Graduate Studentship; Ovarian and Prostate Cancer Research Trust, UK; West Virginia Higher Education Policy Commission/Division of Science Research; National Institutes of Health; Italian Association for Cancer Research (AIRC) [IG10636, 15403]; GRACE Charity, UK; Breast Cancer Campaign, UK; Michael Cuccione Childhood Cancer Foundation Postdoctoral Fellowship; Connecticut State University; Swedish Research Council; Swedish Research Society; University of Texas Health Science Centre at Tyler, Elsa U. Pardee Foundation; CPRIT; Cancer Prevention and Research Institute of Texas; NIH National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases (NIDDK); NIH National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA); Gilead and Shire Pharmaceuticals; NIH/NCI [1R01CA20009, 5R01CAl27258-05, R21CA184788, NIH P30 CA22453, NCI RO1 28704]; Scottish Governments Rural and Environment Science and Analytical Services Division; National Research Foundation; United Arab Emirates University; Terry Fox Foundation; Novartis Pharmaceutical; Aveo Pharmaceutical; Roche; Bristol Myers Squibb; Bayer Pharmaceutical; Pfizer; Kyowa Kirin; NIH/NIAID Grant [A1076535]; Auckland Cancer Society; Cancer Society of New Zealand; NIH Public Service Grant from the National Cancer Institute [CA164095]; Medical Research Council CCU-Program Grant on cancer metabolism; EU Marie Curie Reintegration Grant [MC-CIG-303514]; Greek National funds through the Operational Program Educational and Lifelong Learning of the National Strategic Reference Framework (NSRF)-Research Funding Program THALES [MIS 379346]; COST Action CM1201 `Biomimetic Radical Chemistry; Duke University Molecular Cancer Biology T32 Training Grant; National Sciences Engineering and Research Council Undergraduate Student Research Award in Canada; Charles University in Prague projects [UNCE 204015, PRVOUK P31/2012]; Czech Science Foundation projects [15-03834Y, P301/12/1686]; Czech Health Research Council AZV project [15-32432A]; Internal Grant Agency of the Ministry of Health of the Czech Republic project [NT13663-3/2012]; National Institute of Aging [P30AG028716-01]; NIH/NCI training grants to Duke University [T32-CA059365-19, 5T32-CA059365]; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan [24590493]; Ministry of Health and Welfare [CCMP101-RD-031, CCMP102-RD-112]; Tzu-Chi University of Taiwan [61040055-10]; Svenska Sallskapet for Medicinsk Forskning; Cancer Research Wales; Albert Hung Foundation; Fong Family Foundation; Welsh Government A4B scheme; NIH NCI; University of Glasgow, Beatson Oncology Centre Fund, CRUK [C301/A14762]; NIH Intramural Research Program; National Science Foundation; American Cancer Society; National Cancer Center [NCC-1310430-2]; National Research Foundation [NRF-2005-0093837]; Sol Goldman Pancreatic Cancer Research Fund Grant [80028595]; Lustgarten Fund Grant [90049125, NIHR21CA169757]; Alma Toorock Memorial for Cancer Research; National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF); Ministry of Science, ICT & Future Planning (MSIP), Republic of Korea [2011-0017639, 2011-0030001]; Ministry of Education of Taiwan [TMUTOP103005-4]; International Life Sciences Institute; United States Public Health Services Grants [NIH R01CA156776]; VA-BLR&D Merit Review Grant [5101-BX001517-02]; V Foundation; Pancreatic Cancer Action Network; Damon Runyon Cancer Research Foundation; Childrens Cancer Institute Australia; University Roma Tre; Italian Association for Cancer Research (AIRC-Grant) [IG15221]; Carlos III Health Institute; Feder funds [AM: CP10/00539, PI13/02277]; Basque Foundation for Science (IKERBASQUE); Marie Curie CIG Grant [2012/712404]; Canadian Institutes of Health Research; Avon Foundation for Women [OBC-134038]; Canadian Institutes of Health [MSH-136647, MOP 64308]; Bayer Healthcare System G4T (Grants4Targets); NIH NIDDK; NIH NIAAA; Shire Pharmaceuticals; Harvard-MIT Health Sciences and Technology Research Assistantship Award; Italian Ministry of University; University of Italy; Auckland Cancer Society Research Centre (ACSRC); German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, BMBF) [16SV5536K]; European Commission [FP7 259679 "IDEAL"]; Cinque per Mille dellIRPEF-Finanziamento della Ricerca Sanitaria; European Union Seventh Framework Programme (FP7) [278570]; AIRC [10216, 13837]; European Communitys Seventh Framework Program FP7 [311876]; Canadian Institute for Health Research [MOP114962, MOP125857]; Fonds de Recherche Quebec Sante [22624]; Terry Fox Research Institute [1030]; FEDER; MICINN [SAF2012-32810]; Junta de Castilla y Leon [BIO/SA06/13]; ARIMMORA project [FP7-ENV-2011]; European Union; NIH NIDDK [K01DK077137, R03DK089130]; NIH NCI grants [R01CA131294, R21 CA155686]; Avon Foundation; Breast Cancer Research Foundation Grant [90047965]; National Institute of Health, NINDS Grant [K08NS083732]; AACR-National Brain Tumor Society Career Development Award for Translational Brain Tumor Research [13-20-23-SIEG]; Department of Science and Technology, New Delhi, India [SR/FT/LS-063/2008]; Yorkshire Cancer Research; Wellcome Trust, UK; Italian Ministry of Economy and Finance Project CAMPUS-QUARC, within program FESR Campania Region; National Cancer Institute [5P01CA073992]; IDEA Award from the Department of Defense [W81XWH-12-1-0515]; Huntsman Cancer Foundation; University of Miami Clinical and Translational Science Institute (CTSI) Pilot Research Grant [CTSI-2013-P03]; SEEDS You Choose Awards; DoD [W81XVVH-11-1-0272, W81XWH-13-1-0182]; Kimmel Translational Science Award [SKF-13-021]; ACS Scholar award [122688-RSG-12-196-01-TBG]; National Cancer Institute, Pancreatic Cancer Action Network, Pew Charitable Trusts; American Diabetes Association; Elsa U. Pardee Foundation; Scientific Research Foundation for the Returned Oversea Scholars, State Education Ministry and Scientific and Technological Innovation Project, Harbin [2012RFLX5011]; United States National Institutes of Health [ES019458]; California Breast Cancer Research Program [17UB-8708]; National Institutes of Health through the RCMI-Center for Environmental Health [G1200MD007581]; NIH/National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute Training Grant [T32HL098062]; European FP7-TuMIC [HEALTH-F2-2008-201662]; Italian Association for Cancer research (AIRC) Grant IG [11963]; Regione Campania L.R:N.5; European National Funds [PON01-02388/1 2007-2013]
Nicole Commerçon,Maurice Garden,Bernard Lepetit, Marcel Roncayolo ; THIS THESIS WILL ATTEMPT TO turn SPACE, usually A PRETEXTUAL DIMENSION OF HISTORICAL ANALYSIS, INTO AN OBJECT OF ANALYSIS. THIS ATTEMPT AT A HISTORY OF SPACE TAKES SHAPE about A FRENCH CITY, LYON, AND COVERS THE NINETEENTH CENTURY IN ITS BROADEST SENSE, FROM 1789 TO 1914. THE AIM IS TO MAKE A SOCIETY SPEAK OF A CITY, RATHER THAN HAVE A CITY SPEAK OF A SOCIETY, AS IT DID IN THE 'FIFTIES AND 'SIXTIES WHEN THE CITY WAS MERELY THE SITE OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH. THIS HISTORY OF SPACE UNFOLDS ON THREE LEVELS. First, THE CITY IS considered as THE MILIEU IN WHICH THE LIVES OF ITS INHABITANTS ARE SITUATED. FOR THIS REASON THEY MAKE THAT SPACE THEIR OWN IN DIVERSE WAYS. THEY GIVE IT NAMES, THEY DIVIDE IT UP, THEY SEARCH FOR POINTS OF REFERENCE : IN A WORD, THEY elaborate A MENTAL MAP OF THE CITY. FURTHERMORE, CERTAIN MONUMENTS AND SPACES ARE ENDOWED WITH MEANINGS. THESE MEANINGS IN TURN SIGNIFY VALUES, AND THUS 'MORAL REGIONS' ARE CONSTITUTED. THIS IS ILLUSTRATED BY DETAILED ANALYSIS OF TWO EXAMPLES, THE CROIX-ROUSSE AND FOURVIERE. SECOND, SPACE IS A TERRAIN IN WHICH STATE POWER IS EXERCISED. IN ORDER TO UNDERSTAND THE COMPLEX RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POWER AND SPACE SOME OF THE MOST IMPORTANT MEANS OF MARKING OUT THE CITY ARE DISCUSSED-STREET PLANS, COMMUNAL BRODERS, POLICE DISTRICTS FOR EXAMPLE. POWER ALSO ACTS ON THE CITY. THERE FORE, IN THE MANNER OF TRADITIONAL URBAN HISTORY, NINETEENTH CENTURY CONCEPTS OF TOWN PLANNING ARE EXAMINED (CENTRALITY, NETWORKS, COMMUNICATIONS), ALONG WITH THEIR ADAPTATION TO CONDITIONS IN LYON. THIRD, space is tranfomed into a territory by the agency of the inahbitants, who porduce confliciting definitions of what is means to belong. The last volume of this thesis is an attempt to grasp the vitality of this construction of a sense of belonging, what was and is still called the 'lyonese spirit', thourgh a painstaking reconstitution of the themes, mechanics and impact of this social representation of the locality. ; Ce travail de thèse d'histoire est voué aux études urbaines: on y retrouvera donc sans surprise les influences des travaux menés sur le phénomène urbain par les géographes, les sociologues ou les ethnologues. Entrepris avec l'idée de placer l'espace au centre de l'analyse, il se propose de faire parler de la ville par les individus et les groupes qui l'habitent. L'espace urbain n'y est donc pas prétexte à une analyse centrée sur les groupes sociaux ou les forces économiques, mais le sujet même du travail. Cette perspective se développe sur trois axes. LE MILIEU Tout d'abord une exploration rétrospective des espaces et des lieux de Lyon dans leurs usages et significations pour ceux qui habitaient ou visitaient la ville au XIX° siècle. Les usages: il ne s'agit pas dans cette perspective de travail de savoir combien de Lyonnais allaient prier à Notre Dame de Fourvière ou se promenaient le long du fleuve. Notre emploi du mot "usage" va plus dans le sens d'une utilisation des lieux et des espaces en tant que chemins, limites et points de repères. Il s'agit de retrouver une manière de connaître et de maîtriser la ville à travers les circuits de déplacement. Les récits de promenade, inclus dans les romans, les souvenirs ou les descriptions permettent de se livrer à une étude rétrospective des moyens employés pour se repérer dans la ville. Selon le statut social de l'auteur se lit une plus ou moins grande facilité à penser l'espace en termes de réseau, de plan d'ensemble, condition nécessaire pour une évolution souple et indifférenciée qu'on se situe en milieu connu ou inconnu. On remarque aussi des différences dans la nature des points de repère: Si Fourvière est un repère universellement répandu, à partir duquel on peut "tirer un cap", le repérage sur les cours d'eau semble nécessiter cette maîtrise de la géométrie, de l'espace en deux dimensions des plans où la notion de réseau l'emporte sur celle de trajet. La ville n'est pas accessible à tous de la même façon dés son abord matériel: le simple fait de s'y déplacer facilement nécessite un apprentissage, et même une instruction. Quant aux frontières intérieures qui la traversent et marquent des différences géographiques ("de l'autre côté de l'eau") mais surtout sociales (entre quartier chic des Brotteaux et quartier populeux de La Guillotière), elles doivent aussi être apprises pour éviter des transgressions toujours hasardeuses. Mais l'usage des lieux et des espaces c'est aussi leur utilisation comme symboles, comme signes. Monuments et quartiers sont réinvestis de significations que le recours aux sources imprimées permet de retrouver tant dans leurs manifestations que dans leurs motivations. Le sens social des lieux n'est pas entièrement contenu dans leur fonction, ni dans leur aspect matériel. A des titres divers, des lieux comme la Place Bellecour, l'Hôtel de Ville, Saint Martin d'Ainay, Saint Nizier ou la cathédrale Saint Jean sont mis en avant dans les guides touristiques ou dans les nombreuses descriptions de villes. Notre Dame de Fourvière est un de ces lieux clés chargé de livrer au visiteur la vérité de la ville. Tout y concourt: la basilique est à la fois un point de vue sur la ville et de grâce divine. L' observatoire panoramique, placé à la base de son clocher ou au sommet d'une de ses tours, est ainsi le lieu d'une révélation tant matérielle que spirituelle. Les auteurs qui la décrivent solidement ancrée dans les ruines du forum de Trajan, sur une colline baignée du sang des martyrs chrétiens, l'érigent ainsi en point clé de la suture avec le passé où s'opère la rencontre avec le glorieux temps des martyrs. L'évêché et les laïcs lyonnais, et notamment sous l'épiscopat du cardinal Bonald, surent utiliser toutes ces possibilités pour promouvoir le culte marial et la chapelle de Fourvière dans un siècle qui est marqué par le renouveau de la dévotion à la Vierge. Les quartiers et les espaces sont eux aussi mis en scène dans des processus semblables où leur signification sociale, idéelle, l'emporte sur leur simple configuration matérielle. Faute de place nous ne ferons qu'évoquer quelques antagonismes célèbres comme ceux des couples Ainay/Les Brotteaux, Fourvière/La Croix-Rousse, Rhône/Saône. Le second de ces couples a été plus particulièrement décomposé ici pour montrer l'ampleur du travail social qui donne leur sens à ces lieux célèbres, montagne mystique et montagne du travail. L'histoire de ces antagonismes, comme celle du sens social qu'ont pu revêtir les différents quartiers de Lyon, ses monuments ou ses rues, permet de mieux comprendre le poids passé et présent de certains points de cette ville. L'histoire des lieux n'est pas seulement celle de leur construction ou de leur fonction, et l'examen des significations sociales qu'ils ont pu revêtir fait du plus banal d'entre eux un véritable "lieu de mémoire". LE TERRAIN L'espace d'une ville n'est pas uniquement le terrain où cheminent ses habitants et ses visiteurs, et qu'ils remplissent de sens dans leurs discours. C'est aussi, pour des institutions diverses, l'enjeu d'un pouvoir. A travers les modes de gestion de cet espace se lisent l'importance financière, économique et politique de Lyon pour tous les gouvernements qui se succèdent au delà du va-et-vient des régimes. Tous sont aux prises avec ce problème que constitue Lyon, immense agglomération d'individus, de capitaux et de produits, et vont s'efforcer de contrôler cette force par des procédés différents mais tous marqués par la peur d'un mouvement centrifuge de cet organe vital du pays. Le poids de l'épisode de la sécession de 1793 (renforcé par les épisodes de 1817, 1831, 1834, 1849, 1870) est ici déterminant dans l'ancrage d'habitudes de méfiance, tant du côté gouvernemental que du côté local, qui pèsent peut-être encore lourdement sur les rapports Paris-Lyon de notre époque. Cette approche gestionnaire de l'espace lyonnais nous montre aussi des forces de police qui ont du mal à imaginer puis à établir un quadrillage rationnel de la ville, ou une Eglise catholique qui par contre est toujours la première à intervenir sur les nouvelles agglomérations de population ouvrière, dans La Croix-Rousse des années 40 ou sur la rive gauche du Rhône dans les années 60-70. Après des études sur les manières de concevoir la ville et l'espace urbain au XIX° siècle (concepts de centralité, de réseau, de circulation), ce travail dispose des sources nécessaires pour suivre les adaptations locales de ces conceptions, dans la gestion de cet espace, tant par l'étude des découpages administratifs que des raisonnements qui président aux grands projets d'aménagement urbain. L'espace est une des dimensions physiques incontournables de la vie humaine, et la manière dont les institutions le conçoivent et le manipulent est révélatrice de leurs conceptions globales du monde. Lyon est ici le cas d'étude d'une quête plus large sur l'appréhension de l'espace urbain, dont les modalités se modifient au XIX°. LE TERRITOIRE J'insisterai plus sur le troisième axe de ce travail, celui qui consiste en une approche "identitaire" de l'espace lyonnais. C'est grâce au croisement de toutes les sources que peuvent se lire les différentes figures qu'ont pris (et parfois gardé) l'"âme lyonnaise" ou le "caractère lyonnais". Si on les décline de manière légèrement différente selon qu'on s'appelle Paul SAUZET président de la chambre des députés sous Louis-Philippe, Edouard AYNARD catholique libéral, Justin GODART ou Edouard HERRIOT républicains radicaux, on en admet partout l'existence et la spécificité. Dans une lignée intellectuelle qui unit Hippocrate, Montesquieu et Hippolyte Taine, l'homme est vu comme étroitement soumis à des déterminismes dont les plus forts sont ceux de l'espace et du climat. La logique des "tempéraments", des "caractères" et des "constitutions" l'emporte lorsqu'il s'agit d'expliquer des faits sociaux, d'analyser des situations complexes. Différences sociales et culturelles sont alors figées en des stéréotypes d'une efficacité redoutable. Dans un XIX° siècle où s'affirment l'unité biologique de l'espèce humaine, l'unité politique de la France et des Français, où se crée un marché économique national, où la société d'ordres établis cède définitivement la place à une société de classes en mouvement, un mouvement de définition d'identités spécifiques se met en place à plusieurs échelles, en particulier à celle des nations. Il se développe aussi au sein du pays, en opposition à un Paris omniprésent, dans le cadre des entités qu'ont été les provinces (l'"invention" du Breton, notamment dans les romans d'Emile SOUVESTRE reste un morceau d'anthologie littéraire du XIX° ) où que sont devenues les départements. Si l'on en juge par le cas de Lyon, les villes semblent elles aussi très riches en la matière. Un monde littéraire actif, une histoire marquée de particularisme, un mouvement décentralisateur vivace assis sur une culture ancienne de l'indépendance politique , une ville qui s'accroît de nouveaux habitants et de nouveaux territoires, une inquiétude certaine des élites urbaines face à des troubles sociaux importants, une remise en cause des suprématies économiques (Lyon cesse d'être le haut lieu du négoce français au détriment de Marseille, la soierie est concurrencée de plus en plus vivement), telles sont les causes qui sont au coeur de l'histoire de la définition d'un territoire lyonnais. La tentative humaine d'adoucir, de saisir, d'expliquer la complexité d'un réel sans cesse en mouvement aboutit à la production d'un discours qui fige la ville dans un reflet rassurant et l'érige en espace hermétique et impénétrable à l'autre. Foi, amour du travail et de l'ordre sont les vertus dominantes de la belle âme lyonnaise dans ce discours qui est par intérêt, facilité, désespoir, obligation ou intelligence, accepté par l'écrasante majorité de ceux qui parlent de Lyon, qu'ils fassent partie ou non des cercles producteurs de ce discours, qu'ils soient liés ou non à la ville. Travail social de tous les instants pour affirmer la spécificité, la construction de l'image de Lyon s'est nourrie de tout: des événements (querelles littéraires avec Paris, oppositions politiques à la capitale), des formules d'auteurs (les fameuses deux collines de MICHELET) et des traditions populaires (Guignol) en les vidant de ce qu'ils pouvaient avoir de socialement corrosif ou encore des faits climatiques (le brouillard, utilisé par tous comme un symbole, voire une cause, de l'opacité du caractère local). Le résultat: une "âme", une essence posée comme éternelle, une image qui prétend être portrait et qui est devenue une norme de conduite. Les traits de cette âme, les lieux dans la ville où elle s'incarne, les mécanismes de sa formation et de sa diffusion, ses fondements et ses fonctions, voilà le point peut-être le plus actuel de ce travail qui veut aller à la rencontre de l'identité lyonnaise. Sans la considérer ni comme un pur reflet de la réalité, ni comme un trucage de celle-ci à l'usage de quelques uns, mais comme un fait de culture et de société, une réponse à des demandes et à des anxiétés.
Nicole Commerçon,Maurice Garden,Bernard Lepetit, Marcel Roncayolo ; THIS THESIS WILL ATTEMPT TO turn SPACE, usually A PRETEXTUAL DIMENSION OF HISTORICAL ANALYSIS, INTO AN OBJECT OF ANALYSIS. THIS ATTEMPT AT A HISTORY OF SPACE TAKES SHAPE about A FRENCH CITY, LYON, AND COVERS THE NINETEENTH CENTURY IN ITS BROADEST SENSE, FROM 1789 TO 1914. THE AIM IS TO MAKE A SOCIETY SPEAK OF A CITY, RATHER THAN HAVE A CITY SPEAK OF A SOCIETY, AS IT DID IN THE 'FIFTIES AND 'SIXTIES WHEN THE CITY WAS MERELY THE SITE OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH. THIS HISTORY OF SPACE UNFOLDS ON THREE LEVELS. First, THE CITY IS considered as THE MILIEU IN WHICH THE LIVES OF ITS INHABITANTS ARE SITUATED. FOR THIS REASON THEY MAKE THAT SPACE THEIR OWN IN DIVERSE WAYS. THEY GIVE IT NAMES, THEY DIVIDE IT UP, THEY SEARCH FOR POINTS OF REFERENCE : IN A WORD, THEY elaborate A MENTAL MAP OF THE CITY. FURTHERMORE, CERTAIN MONUMENTS AND SPACES ARE ENDOWED WITH MEANINGS. THESE MEANINGS IN TURN SIGNIFY VALUES, AND THUS 'MORAL REGIONS' ARE CONSTITUTED. THIS IS ILLUSTRATED BY DETAILED ANALYSIS OF TWO EXAMPLES, THE CROIX-ROUSSE AND FOURVIERE. SECOND, SPACE IS A TERRAIN IN WHICH STATE POWER IS EXERCISED. IN ORDER TO UNDERSTAND THE COMPLEX RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POWER AND SPACE SOME OF THE MOST IMPORTANT MEANS OF MARKING OUT THE CITY ARE DISCUSSED-STREET PLANS, COMMUNAL BRODERS, POLICE DISTRICTS FOR EXAMPLE. POWER ALSO ACTS ON THE CITY. THERE FORE, IN THE MANNER OF TRADITIONAL URBAN HISTORY, NINETEENTH CENTURY CONCEPTS OF TOWN PLANNING ARE EXAMINED (CENTRALITY, NETWORKS, COMMUNICATIONS), ALONG WITH THEIR ADAPTATION TO CONDITIONS IN LYON. THIRD, space is tranfomed into a territory by the agency of the inahbitants, who porduce confliciting definitions of what is means to belong. The last volume of this thesis is an attempt to grasp the vitality of this construction of a sense of belonging, what was and is still called the 'lyonese spirit', thourgh a painstaking reconstitution of the themes, mechanics and impact of this social representation of the locality. ; Ce travail de thèse d'histoire est voué aux études urbaines: on y retrouvera donc sans surprise les influences des travaux menés sur le phénomène urbain par les géographes, les sociologues ou les ethnologues. Entrepris avec l'idée de placer l'espace au centre de l'analyse, il se propose de faire parler de la ville par les individus et les groupes qui l'habitent. L'espace urbain n'y est donc pas prétexte à une analyse centrée sur les groupes sociaux ou les forces économiques, mais le sujet même du travail. Cette perspective se développe sur trois axes. LE MILIEU Tout d'abord une exploration rétrospective des espaces et des lieux de Lyon dans leurs usages et significations pour ceux qui habitaient ou visitaient la ville au XIX° siècle. Les usages: il ne s'agit pas dans cette perspective de travail de savoir combien de Lyonnais allaient prier à Notre Dame de Fourvière ou se promenaient le long du fleuve. Notre emploi du mot "usage" va plus dans le sens d'une utilisation des lieux et des espaces en tant que chemins, limites et points de repères. Il s'agit de retrouver une manière de connaître et de maîtriser la ville à travers les circuits de déplacement. Les récits de promenade, inclus dans les romans, les souvenirs ou les descriptions permettent de se livrer à une étude rétrospective des moyens employés pour se repérer dans la ville. Selon le statut social de l'auteur se lit une plus ou moins grande facilité à penser l'espace en termes de réseau, de plan d'ensemble, condition nécessaire pour une évolution souple et indifférenciée qu'on se situe en milieu connu ou inconnu. On remarque aussi des différences dans la nature des points de repère: Si Fourvière est un repère universellement répandu, à partir duquel on peut "tirer un cap", le repérage sur les cours d'eau semble nécessiter cette maîtrise de la géométrie, de l'espace en deux dimensions des plans où la notion de réseau l'emporte sur celle de trajet. La ville n'est pas accessible à tous de la même façon dés son abord matériel: le simple fait de s'y déplacer facilement nécessite un apprentissage, et même une instruction. Quant aux frontières intérieures qui la traversent et marquent des différences géographiques ("de l'autre côté de l'eau") mais surtout sociales (entre quartier chic des Brotteaux et quartier populeux de La Guillotière), elles doivent aussi être apprises pour éviter des transgressions toujours hasardeuses. Mais l'usage des lieux et des espaces c'est aussi leur utilisation comme symboles, comme signes. Monuments et quartiers sont réinvestis de significations que le recours aux sources imprimées permet de retrouver tant dans leurs manifestations que dans leurs motivations. Le sens social des lieux n'est pas entièrement contenu dans leur fonction, ni dans leur aspect matériel. A des titres divers, des lieux comme la Place Bellecour, l'Hôtel de Ville, Saint Martin d'Ainay, Saint Nizier ou la cathédrale Saint Jean sont mis en avant dans les guides touristiques ou dans les nombreuses descriptions de villes. Notre Dame de Fourvière est un de ces lieux clés chargé de livrer au visiteur la vérité de la ville. Tout y concourt: la basilique est à la fois un point de vue sur la ville et de grâce divine. L' observatoire panoramique, placé à la base de son clocher ou au sommet d'une de ses tours, est ainsi le lieu d'une révélation tant matérielle que spirituelle. Les auteurs qui la décrivent solidement ancrée dans les ruines du forum de Trajan, sur une colline baignée du sang des martyrs chrétiens, l'érigent ainsi en point clé de la suture avec le passé où s'opère la rencontre avec le glorieux temps des martyrs. L'évêché et les laïcs lyonnais, et notamment sous l'épiscopat du cardinal Bonald, surent utiliser toutes ces possibilités pour promouvoir le culte marial et la chapelle de Fourvière dans un siècle qui est marqué par le renouveau de la dévotion à la Vierge. Les quartiers et les espaces sont eux aussi mis en scène dans des processus semblables où leur signification sociale, idéelle, l'emporte sur leur simple configuration matérielle. Faute de place nous ne ferons qu'évoquer quelques antagonismes célèbres comme ceux des couples Ainay/Les Brotteaux, Fourvière/La Croix-Rousse, Rhône/Saône. Le second de ces couples a été plus particulièrement décomposé ici pour montrer l'ampleur du travail social qui donne leur sens à ces lieux célèbres, montagne mystique et montagne du travail. L'histoire de ces antagonismes, comme celle du sens social qu'ont pu revêtir les différents quartiers de Lyon, ses monuments ou ses rues, permet de mieux comprendre le poids passé et présent de certains points de cette ville. L'histoire des lieux n'est pas seulement celle de leur construction ou de leur fonction, et l'examen des significations sociales qu'ils ont pu revêtir fait du plus banal d'entre eux un véritable "lieu de mémoire". LE TERRAIN L'espace d'une ville n'est pas uniquement le terrain où cheminent ses habitants et ses visiteurs, et qu'ils remplissent de sens dans leurs discours. C'est aussi, pour des institutions diverses, l'enjeu d'un pouvoir. A travers les modes de gestion de cet espace se lisent l'importance financière, économique et politique de Lyon pour tous les gouvernements qui se succèdent au delà du va-et-vient des régimes. Tous sont aux prises avec ce problème que constitue Lyon, immense agglomération d'individus, de capitaux et de produits, et vont s'efforcer de contrôler cette force par des procédés différents mais tous marqués par la peur d'un mouvement centrifuge de cet organe vital du pays. Le poids de l'épisode de la sécession de 1793 (renforcé par les épisodes de 1817, 1831, 1834, 1849, 1870) est ici déterminant dans l'ancrage d'habitudes de méfiance, tant du côté gouvernemental que du côté local, qui pèsent peut-être encore lourdement sur les rapports Paris-Lyon de notre époque. Cette approche gestionnaire de l'espace lyonnais nous montre aussi des forces de police qui ont du mal à imaginer puis à établir un quadrillage rationnel de la ville, ou une Eglise catholique qui par contre est toujours la première à intervenir sur les nouvelles agglomérations de population ouvrière, dans La Croix-Rousse des années 40 ou sur la rive gauche du Rhône dans les années 60-70. Après des études sur les manières de concevoir la ville et l'espace urbain au XIX° siècle (concepts de centralité, de réseau, de circulation), ce travail dispose des sources nécessaires pour suivre les adaptations locales de ces conceptions, dans la gestion de cet espace, tant par l'étude des découpages administratifs que des raisonnements qui président aux grands projets d'aménagement urbain. L'espace est une des dimensions physiques incontournables de la vie humaine, et la manière dont les institutions le conçoivent et le manipulent est révélatrice de leurs conceptions globales du monde. Lyon est ici le cas d'étude d'une quête plus large sur l'appréhension de l'espace urbain, dont les modalités se modifient au XIX°. LE TERRITOIRE J'insisterai plus sur le troisième axe de ce travail, celui qui consiste en une approche "identitaire" de l'espace lyonnais. C'est grâce au croisement de toutes les sources que peuvent se lire les différentes figures qu'ont pris (et parfois gardé) l'"âme lyonnaise" ou le "caractère lyonnais". Si on les décline de manière légèrement différente selon qu'on s'appelle Paul SAUZET président de la chambre des députés sous Louis-Philippe, Edouard AYNARD catholique libéral, Justin GODART ou Edouard HERRIOT républicains radicaux, on en admet partout l'existence et la spécificité. Dans une lignée intellectuelle qui unit Hippocrate, Montesquieu et Hippolyte Taine, l'homme est vu comme étroitement soumis à des déterminismes dont les plus forts sont ceux de l'espace et du climat. La logique des "tempéraments", des "caractères" et des "constitutions" l'emporte lorsqu'il s'agit d'expliquer des faits sociaux, d'analyser des situations complexes. Différences sociales et culturelles sont alors figées en des stéréotypes d'une efficacité redoutable. Dans un XIX° siècle où s'affirment l'unité biologique de l'espèce humaine, l'unité politique de la France et des Français, où se crée un marché économique national, où la société d'ordres établis cède définitivement la place à une société de classes en mouvement, un mouvement de définition d'identités spécifiques se met en place à plusieurs échelles, en particulier à celle des nations. Il se développe aussi au sein du pays, en opposition à un Paris omniprésent, dans le cadre des entités qu'ont été les provinces (l'"invention" du Breton, notamment dans les romans d'Emile SOUVESTRE reste un morceau d'anthologie littéraire du XIX° ) où que sont devenues les départements. Si l'on en juge par le cas de Lyon, les villes semblent elles aussi très riches en la matière. Un monde littéraire actif, une histoire marquée de particularisme, un mouvement décentralisateur vivace assis sur une culture ancienne de l'indépendance politique , une ville qui s'accroît de nouveaux habitants et de nouveaux territoires, une inquiétude certaine des élites urbaines face à des troubles sociaux importants, une remise en cause des suprématies économiques (Lyon cesse d'être le haut lieu du négoce français au détriment de Marseille, la soierie est concurrencée de plus en plus vivement), telles sont les causes qui sont au coeur de l'histoire de la définition d'un territoire lyonnais. La tentative humaine d'adoucir, de saisir, d'expliquer la complexité d'un réel sans cesse en mouvement aboutit à la production d'un discours qui fige la ville dans un reflet rassurant et l'érige en espace hermétique et impénétrable à l'autre. Foi, amour du travail et de l'ordre sont les vertus dominantes de la belle âme lyonnaise dans ce discours qui est par intérêt, facilité, désespoir, obligation ou intelligence, accepté par l'écrasante majorité de ceux qui parlent de Lyon, qu'ils fassent partie ou non des cercles producteurs de ce discours, qu'ils soient liés ou non à la ville. Travail social de tous les instants pour affirmer la spécificité, la construction de l'image de Lyon s'est nourrie de tout: des événements (querelles littéraires avec Paris, oppositions politiques à la capitale), des formules d'auteurs (les fameuses deux collines de MICHELET) et des traditions populaires (Guignol) en les vidant de ce qu'ils pouvaient avoir de socialement corrosif ou encore des faits climatiques (le brouillard, utilisé par tous comme un symbole, voire une cause, de l'opacité du caractère local). Le résultat: une "âme", une essence posée comme éternelle, une image qui prétend être portrait et qui est devenue une norme de conduite. Les traits de cette âme, les lieux dans la ville où elle s'incarne, les mécanismes de sa formation et de sa diffusion, ses fondements et ses fonctions, voilà le point peut-être le plus actuel de ce travail qui veut aller à la rencontre de l'identité lyonnaise. Sans la considérer ni comme un pur reflet de la réalité, ni comme un trucage de celle-ci à l'usage de quelques uns, mais comme un fait de culture et de société, une réponse à des demandes et à des anxiétés.
This toolkit, commissioned by infoDev, a global partnership program within the World Bank, provides guidance on how to develop business analytics, measuring and learning from the performance and effects of mobile application labs (mLabs) and mobile social networking hubs (mHubs). It was made for managers of tech hubs. Dozens of tech hubs have emerged over the last few years across the globe. Managers of these innovation and entrepreneurship enablers grapple with problems that infoDev has experience with. This toolkit takes lessons that infoDev has gathered from its own tech hub pilots, mLabs and mHubs, and apply them to tech hubs in general. The toolkit is especially useful for current and future mLab and mHub managers. mLabs and mHubs are tech hubs established through grants administered by the infoDev Digital Entrepreneurship Program. infoDev is committed to supporting the analytical capacities of mLabs and mHubs. This toolkit is part of that agenda. It will help grantees to improve local implementation while setting a common framework on how to collaborate with infoDev on business analytics and performance measurements. The third target audience is mobile innovation specialists at other World Bank units and other development organizations, who design impact and measurement frameworks for tech hubs. Given the recent rise in numbers of tech hubs, international development organizations are exploring if and how they can be employed to achieve socio-economic development impact goals. In particular, tech hubs' flexibility and diverse potential effects have sparked interest but have also caused problems for specific and concrete analysis and projection of hubs' effects and impact. This toolkit addresses this complication. All elements of the toolkit that speak of infoDev's role in facilitating and coordinating with mLabs or mHubs on business analytics processes can be seen as use cases with potential for replication and adaptation by practitioners and decision makers of other development organizations, including relevant units of the World Bank.
