In addition to national and international armies - armed forces of states and alliances, paramilitary armed formations (the so-called paramilitary) play aprominent role in contemporary international and non-international armed conflicts. They are made up of so-called voluntary fighters (patriots, contracts), i.e. mercenaries or "looters" (so-called war dogs) within armed formations that are not officially part of, and most often not under the command, of regular armed forces. As a rule, they are formed, armed, equipped, trained, paid and controlled by certain political centers of power - foreign governments and intelligence, hostile political emigration, political parties, criminal and other extremist (pseudo-patriotic, nationalist and para-religious) organizations (the so-called warlords) for whose account the paramilitary formations occupied part of the territory of the sovereign state in which the armed conflict took place and established power on it. They are often associated with numerous war crimes, terrorist attacks and robberies. Since the terms 'warlords', 'paramilitary', 'mercenaries', and 'war dog' are oftenincorrectly usedin everyday communication of media, public and even scholars, this paper attempts to conceptualize and make a clear distinction between these phenomena. ; Осим националних и међународних војски – оружаних снага држава и савеза држава, у савременим међународним и немеђународним оружаним сукобима све значајнију улогу узимају паравојне оружане формације (тзв. паравојске). Њих чине тзв. добровољни борци (патриоте, уговорци), односно плаћеници или "пљачкаши" (тзв. пси рата) који су део наоружаних формација које званично нису у саставу, а најчешће ни под командом регуларних оружаних снага. Паравојске по правилу формирају, наоружавају, опремају, обучавају, плаћају и контролишу извесни политички центри моћи – иностране владе и обавештајне службе, непријатељска политичка емиграција, политичке партије, криминалне и друге екстремистичке (псеудопатриотске, националистичке и параверске) организације (тзв. господари рата) за чији рачун су паравојне формације и заузеле део територије суверене државе у којој се одвија оружани конфликт и на њој "успоставиле власт". За њих се неретко везују бројни ратни злочини, терористички напади и пљачке. Како се у животу, а неретко и у теорији безбедности не разликују и погрешно употребљавају термини "господари рата", "паравојске", плаћеници и "пси рата", у раду је учињен покушај појмовног одређења и дистанцирања ових појава.
Antonio Gramši posvetio je znatnu pažnju razmatranju kulturnih praksi i njihove funkcije u društveno-istorijskim procesima u svojim teorijskim spisima. Važan segment njegovog istraživanja predstavljala je i analiza umetnosti i književnosti modernog doba koju je na posredan način uključio u širu raspravu o problemu podesnosti istorijskog marksizma kao filozofske i društvene prakse, društvene moći i njene kulturne i istorijske pojavnosti, kulturne i političke emancipacije podređenih slojeva itd. Fokusirajući se u najvećoj meri na eksplikaciju sociokulturnih, političkih i istorijskih dimenzija italijanske književnost od renesansnog do modernističkog perioda, Gramši je razvio nacrt sopstvene verzije marksističke estetike, ponudivši specifična tumačenja problema društvene funkcije umetničkih praksi, prirode umetničkog stvaranja i umetničkog dela, kao i potrošnje umetničkih produkata. U ovom tekstu ćemo razmotriti Gramšijeve uvide o umetnosti u kontekstu njegovih obuhvatnih teorijskih, filozofskih i istorijskih ispitivanja sa namerom da na njihovoj osnovi izvedemo model za analizu muzičkih praksi modernog i postmodernog doba. Cilj takvog poduhvata je ispitivanje dometa / ograničenja gramšijevske analize muzike iz koga bi proistekao kritički osvrt na način primene ključnih koncepata ovog teoretičara u postojećim istraživanjima muzičkih pojava. ; Antonio Gramsci dedicated a lot of his attention in his writings to the analysis of the cultural practices and their function in the socio-historical processes. An important segment of his work included the analysis of art and literature of modern times which was indirectly incorporated into the discussion of the problem of usefulness of historical materialism as a philosophical and social practice, social power and its cultural and historical appearances, cultural and political emancipation of subaltern classes etc. Mostly focusing on the explication of socio-cultural, political and historical dimensions of Italian literature of Renaissance and the modern period, Gramsci elaborated a sketch of his own version of Marxist aesthetic proposing specific interpretations of the problem of social function of artistic practices, the nature of artistic action and artwork and the consumption of artistic artifacts. In this paper we will discuss Gramsci's thought on art in the context of his comprehensive theoretical, philosophical and historical research aiming at elaborating a Gramscian model of analysis of music practices of modern and postmodern times. One of our results should be the examination of the possibilities of the analysis of music based on Gramsci's theory as well as the critical review of the application of its main concepts in the existing body of research on music.
In his main oeuvre from the field of political philosophy ('Basic Traits of the Philosophy of Right'), Hegel wished to reconcile civil society with state. Civil society is for Hegel the way of abstract notion of property concretization. Subjective form of property is evolutioning into objective relationships among title holders. It is in the state where the will is set free from its particular interests and is becoming free in the widest sense of the word. Since civil society is established as per marketing principles, it is subject to inequalities. Since inequalities bear destructive effect on the life in community, civic particularism may be overcome only in institutional way. That institution is the state as the 'seriousness of the spirit', and the essence of civil society. Civil society is a liberal one, and the state is based on liberal principles. For Hegel, contrary to Hobbes and Locke, liberal society is not a social contract among individuals who possessed some natural rights (property), but reciproque and equal agreement among citizens and states which wish to recognize themselves mutually. It is not an own interest, but searching for rational recognition. The same as citizens, states also wish to reconcile themselves mutually, what in the situation in Kosovo and Metohia alike gets the original form.
The diplomacy of socialist Yugoslavia paid a lot of attention to the international reputation of the country in the sphere of culture, and thus literature. At the same time, Yugoslav writers in the Writer's Union of Yugoslavia, faithfully supported Yugoslav foreign policy, both individually and institutionally. The most impressive example of collaboration between literature and diplomacy was awarding Ivo Andrić a Nobel Prize. The Writers' Union of Yugoslavia nominated the writer in 1958, and Yugoslav diplomacy lobbied in favor of Andrić for several years. The efforts were successfully crowned in 1961. In socialist Yugoslavia, the existence of a special Macedonian nation and its culture and language was insisted on, so in that sense, the greatest challenge was denying the Macedonian identity that came from Bulgaria. The Yugoslav Writers' Union, consistently pursuing state policy, suspended official co-operation with the Bulgarian Writers' Union in the second half of the 1960s due to Bulgaria's refusal to recognize the Macedonian language. Yugoslav writers also adapted to the state policy of non-alignment. They did not reach the level of cooperation with those countries that existed in the field of politics, economics or science, but they maintained ties with writers from those parts of the world in various ways. Among other things, the twentieth anniversary of the Belgrade Conference of the Non-Aligned Nations in October 1981 was a meeting of writers of non-aligned countries in Belgrade.
The paper analyses the class basis of the civil society in Serbia in the period of post-socialist transformation. The analysis is based on data from several empirical studies implemented by the Institute for Sociological Research of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade over the past twenty years, specifically in 1997, 2007 and 2012. The main objective of the analysis is to determine whether there is rootedness of civil society activities among the middle class. The basic hypothesis of the paper is that members of the middle class are the key actors of civil society in the entire period observed. Results of the analysis show that the members of the middle class have been holders of civil protests during the period of blocked transformation - almost the only phenomenal manifestation of the civil society in Serbia in the 1990s. On the other hand, research findings from 2007 and 2012 indicated a significant decline of civic activism among all social groups, and the decline was most marked precisely among the middle class. Although members of the middle class, compared with other social groups, were still more willing to engage in civic activities, data show that the differences between social classes were not especially marked, and therefore we can talk only conditionally about rootedness of civil society activities among the middle class.
Зборник који је пред читаоцима садржи радове претходно представљене на међународном научном скупу Музички модернизам - нова тумачења који је у организацији Музиколошког института САНУ и одељења ликовне и музичке уметности САНУ одржан у Београду од 11. до 13. октобра 2007. године. Чињеницом да је радни језик скупа био енглески, објашњава се објављивање текстова на том језику (с једним оправданим изузетком). Циљ скупа био је да се подстакну и прикажу нова сагледавања стваралаштва музичког модернизма, сложеног покрета чије је деловање обележило развој музике скоро целог XX века, а првенствено да се на свеж начин протумаче естетичке дилеме и расправе о карактеристикама, смислу и значењу разноврсних и често контрадикторних стремљења у овом раздобљу. Тематски спектар приказаних радова био је изузетно широк: кретао се од преиспитивања музичког модернизма помоћу категорија носталгије и присвајања, преко сагледавања односа центара и периферије, до разматрања сложених веза између модернизма и политике. Као што смо и очекивали, пажња је била усмерена не само на значајне личности и појаве у међународним музичким токовима, већ и на оне у српској музици. Аутори радова нису себи поставили циљ - нити су то могли - да понуде чврсте закључке, дефиниције, класификације. Уместо тога, они су донели вишеслојна и иновативна разматрања ове узбудљиве уметничке епохе окренуте будућности и прогресу, из перспективе XXI века који је остао без многих илузија, неминовно остављајући широк простор за нова тумачења. ; The articles collected in this volume were presented at the conference Rethinking Musical Modernism that took place in Belgrade from 1 1-13 October 2007 and was or ganised by the Institute of Musicology and the Department of Fine Arts and Music of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. The working language of the conference was English which explains the publication of the contributions in that language (with one justifiable exemption). As the title of the conference indicates, the main aim of the organisers was to stimulate novel investigation of musical Modernism. The papers were thus focused on discussions of the ideas, characteristics, and meanings of the diverse and often contra dictory tendencies that existed in that period. The thematic scope of the papers was wide: from new approaches to musical Modernism using the categories of nostalgia and appropriation, and novel observations on the relationship between centres and peripheries, to questioning of the ties between Modernism and politics, the problems of terminology, and analysis of important aspects of the modernist achievements on the international and Serbian modernist scene. The contributors did not - and could not - pursue the aim of reaching firm conclusions, definitions, and classifications. They instead offered rich and complex examinations of this exciting musical epoch turned toward the future and progress, seen from the perspective of the disillusioned twenty-first century, necessarily leaving vast space for new rethinking. ; Зборник радова са научног скупа одржаног од 11. до 13. октобра 2007. године
In this paper it had been started from the question what was in diachronic included in the term Middle Europe, and why it was impossible to define it precisely in any sense. 'New Middle European Concept', actual in the 80s of the previous century, had also political background, but in his creation Middle European intellectuals had part in it, and it meant the fight for cultural unity of Middle European, for the recognition of their European identity. One of the first, and the most important supporter of this concept from Yugoslav area is Danilo Kish in whose literary oeuvre this virtual space is additionally mythologized. The research attention was directed to Kish's essay 'Variations on Middle European Themes', in which he had elaborated in a concise manner his comprehension of Middle Europe, Middle European culture, Middle European writer, and numerous interviews in which he had thoroughly been elaborating these attitudes. There the writer expresses his comprehension of fascism, and Stalinism, Ahasuerus, and Judaism as 'family happiness', nationalism of small peoples, inferiorities of their 'barbarian languages', and attitudes on ironic lyrisms, 'consciousness on form', and stateless people as basic poetic features of Middle European writers. Due to all mentioned, and some universal truths on the mentioned symbolic tops, this essay is rightfully considered as one of Kish's most important self-poetic texts.
Активност Југословенске радикалне заједнице, чији је програм крајем 1930-их година подразумевао поштовање и равноправност три национална идентитета (српског, хрватског и словеначког), битно је утицао на идеју интегралног југословенства у Краљевини Југославији. Часопис XX век, спонзорисан од стране Југословенске радикалне заједнице, неретко је кроз филозофско-естетичке и уметничко-културолошке теме имплицирао актуелне друштвено-политичке промене. У раду се сагледава филозофско-естетичко промишљање српског естетичара Бранка Лазаревића, чији су текстови о умeтности (објављивани у часопису XX век) бивали политизовани и инструментализовани за форсирање једне у основи политичке идеје кроз поље уметности. На тај начин, поменути часопис деловао је као вид алтернативног уметничког образовања народних маса, те је новопробуђене националне идеје промовисао, тобоже, као идеје за уметничку слободу и уметнички прогрес, пласирајући их метафорички кроз естетичке ставове Бранка Лазаревића. ; During the late 1930s, the Yugoslav Radical Community initiated very important changes in the political regime of The Kingdom of Yugoslavia. One of the principle of this party was affirmation of equality of three differеnt national identity – Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian. The 20th Century Journal, which was sponsored by Yugoslav Radical Community, has implicated actual social-political changes through its articles about philosophy, aesthetics arts and culture. The paper deals with the philosophical and aesthetic observations of the Serbian aesthetist Branko Lazarević, whose articles about art (published in the 20th Century Journal) were politicized and instrumentalized for the promotion of the political ideas through the field of art. In this way, the 20th Century Journal acted as an medium for the alternative artistic education of the masses. This journal has promoted new political ideas as ideas for artistic freedom and artistic progress, by placing them metaphorically through the aesthetic reflections of Branko Lazarević.
The migrant crisis that Europe has been facing for many years has triggered an avalanche of xenophobia and the dispersion of anti-migrant sentiments that have become the reference matrix for populist discourse. Anti-migrant discourse emerges in parallel as a form of language use and a form of social and political interaction. The antagonistic stereotypical narrative of migrants begins with the thesis that they constitute a retrograde social group that poses an economic and security threat to the natives and which is not capable of culturally assimilating in the countries of transit and destination (dichotomy Us vs. Them). Spreading anti-migrant discourse becomes a strategy for winning the electorate and an important tool for mobilizing political support. The political engineering of European political parties shows that anti-migrant discourse is not the exclusivity of right-wing parties of the political spectrum (although they are the most closely related), but is becoming an increasingly important topic on the political agenda of left-wing populism. Anti-migrant discourse is reflected through a nationalist and hostile approach to immigration, the glorification of national and sovereign narratives, and hostility to neoliberalism. Anti-migrant narratives have found their footing in the political activities of many European parties that are largely sovereignly profiled. Such a political vault of reasoning transforms migrant into a foreigner and attest on the triumph of communitarianism in regards to cosmopolitanism, which makes the EU's slogan "in varietate concordia" (united in diversity) questionable and subject to deconstruction.
Активност Југословенске радикалне заједнице, чији је програм крајем 1930-их година подразумевао поштовање и равноправност три национална идентитета (српског, хрватског и словеначког), битно је утицао на идеју интегралног југословенства у Краљевини Југославији. Часопис XX век, спонзорисан од стране поменуте партије, неретко је кроз филозофско- естетичке и уметничко-културолошке теме имплицирао актуелне друштвено-политичке промене. У раду се сагледава филозофско-естетичко промишљање српског естетичара Бранка Лазаревића, чији су текстови о умeтности (објављивани у часопису XX век) бивали политизовани и инструментализовани за форсирање једне у основи политичке идеје кроз поље уметности. На тај начин, овај часопис деловао је као вид алтернативног уметничког образовања народних маса, те је новопробуђене националне идеје промовисао, тобоже, као идеје за уметничку слободу и уметнички прогрес – пласирајући их метафорички кроз естетичке ставове Бранка Лазаревића. ; During the late 1930s, the Yugoslav Radical Community initiated very important changes in the political regime of The Kingdom of Yugoslavia. One of the principle of this party was affirmation of equality of three differеnt national identity – Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian. The 20th Century Journal, which was sponsored by Yugoslav Radical Community, has implicated actual social-political changes through its articles about philosophy, aesthetics arts and culture. The paper deals with the philosophical and aesthetic observations of the Serbian aesthetist Branko Lazarević, whose articles about art (published in the 20th Century Journal) were politicized and instrumentalized for the promotion of the political ideas through the field of art. In this way, the 20th Century Journal acted as an medium for the alternative artistic education of the masses. This journal has promoted new political ideas as ideas for artistic freedom and artistic progress, by placing them metaphorically through the aesthetic reflections of Branko Lazarević. ; Реализацију научног скупа и штампање зборника радова подржало је Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја, решењем број 451-03-469/2018-14.
Kako osmisliti i operativno organizovati sećanja levice u delatnom, a ne u muzejskom pravcu? Šta znači otvoreno se suočiti sa kulturom poraza levice? Razmotrene su dimenzije poraza levice, priroda linearnog i kontingentnog vremena, različita proživljavanja poraza kod fašizma i liberalizma i dijalektika nade i razočarenja. Ukazano je da treba odbaciti jezik psihoanalize (čežnja, nostalgija, žalost, melanholija) i teleološku viziju neoliberalnog pobednika, pa levicu i desnicu shvatiti u novim dimenzijama vremena, unutar novog odnosa Kairosa i Hronosa u digitalnom dobu. Treba se samorefleksivno osvrnuti na greške levice, a naročito na greške iz kojih se može učiti. Treba teorijski probuditi ambiciju. Višeslojnom sećanju levice škodi dominacija jedne vrste sećanja, potrebna je samokontrola i ravnoteža pamćenja nestale socijalne države i vlastitog nasilja. ; How could we rethink and organize memories of the Left in an operational and active way? How could one openly confront the Left-Wing culture of defeat? The paper considers some dimensions of the Left-Wing defeat after 1989, the nature of the linear and the contingent time, various defeat experiences of fascism and liberalism and the dialectic of hope and disappointment. One should reject the language of psychoanalysis (longing, nostalgia, sorrow, melancholy) and the teleological vision of the neoliberal winner. The Left Wing and Right Wing should be understood in new dimensions of time within a new relationship between Cairos and Chronos in the digital age. The Left needs self-reflective review of its own mistakes, if it wants to learn lessons for the future. Theory can awake practical ambition. A desirable multilayered Left-Wing memory has been damaged by dominance of one type of memory. The Left needs self-control and a balanced memory of both badly missing socialist welfare state and its own violence.
This paper deals with a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of pre-election TV commercials inthe last two campaigns of 2012 and of 2014 in Serbia. The aim of the research is to deconstruct thestrategy of political parties in the field of gender sensitization from a gender perspective based onthe most important activity of parliamentary democracy – the election cycle, using examples ofpaid political advertising – the pre-election TV clip, for which the parties allocated the most resourcesin the campaign of 2012 and of 2014 in Serbia. The aim is also to analyze the personalexperience of female politicians in order to provide a new and different way of analyzing practicesand strategies of the parties in relation to the visibility of female candidate in the mediaduring the election campaign.The basic method is the critical discourse analysis (CDA) complemented by the method ofcomparing the regular election campaign of 2012 and the early elections of 2014, and the methodof life stories of the candidates (oral history). The CDA puts a special emphasis on various forms of discrimination that result from the abuse of power that continues to lead to the emergence ofsocial inequality and injustice (Dijk 2008).There are three levels at which the (in)visibility of women in the political process can be observed:a) the (lack of) presence of women on the candidate lists in the election campaign, andafter the elections, the (decreased) number of women in the parliament; b) (in)visibility of womenin paid media campaigns and c) (in)visibility of women in the language.Practice: a) On the basis of the "principle of affirmative action", women become more presenton the candidate lists and in the parliament as a result of the introduction of quota into the gendersensitive legislation (all SEE countries – Southeast Europe/Western Balkans). b) Women are stillrarely seen in the pre-election TV clip which is the most effective paid advertising, because it is atraditionally male "space", while women are more active in reach-out field work. c) visibility ofwomen in language is achieved, for example, by the use of the Gender-sensitive language Code.(S. Savić).In this paper the focus is on the sub-paragraphs (a) and (b), with (c) being analyzed in a limitedmanner only as part of the pre-election TV clip slogans analysis.A TV clip is comprised of: the slogan and the body of the clip. The slogan is made of aniconic and a linguistic part. In both campaign slogans there were no gender sensitive slogans,except for one in 2014 (URS's campaign for the female Mayor of Belgrade). The body is made ofthe video format and the content. In both campaigns, in 2012 and in 2014 forms of videos werehybrid types that included: documentary footage from the field, speech of the leader speakingdirectly in camera, animation, short fiction form.The analysis confirmed the basic hypothesis: despite the fact that, according to the legal provisionsa female candidate occupied every third position of the candidate lists in both analyzedelection cycles – they are underrepresented in paid political advertising in the media (TV clip).Individual hypotheses are also confirmed.The icons and the contents of the presentation of Serbia in the election cycle in 2012 and in2014 in the election TV clips were masculinized from the standpoint of power in society that isheld by male party leaders. The basic strategy of all parties who had a paid television campaign,in a form of TV clips, in both observed election cycles was the strategy of exclusion from thepolitical space mediated by the media. So we are here talking about a media, and by that, a widersocial invisibility of women in exercising one of the fundamental rights, the right to participationin decision-making and active participation in the elections. ; Cilj rada je da dekonstruiše strategije političkih partija iz rodne perspective u odnosu natelevizijsko predizborno političko plaćeno oglašavanje u kampanjama 2012. i 2014. u Srbiji.Cilj je takođe da se analizira lično iskustvo političarki da bi se na nov i drugačiji način analizirale prakse i strategije partija u odnosu na vidljivost kandidatkinja u vreme predizborne kampanjeu medijima. Metode korišćene u istraživanju su: kritička analiza medijskog diskursa(jedinica analize je tv spot u celini, verbalna, vizuelna i zvučna komponenta), komparativnametoda i životne priče kandidatkinja. Osnovna hipoteza je da bez obzira na to što su, shodnozakonskim odredbama, na kandidatskim listama, u oba analizirana izborna ciklusa, ženezauzimale svako treće mesto – one su podzastupljene u plaćenom političkom medijskom reklamiranju(TV spotu). Osnovni rezultat je da su medijske plaćene kampanje bile maskulinizirane.U fokusu je samo partijski lider. Kandidatkinje su podzastupljene u oba posmatranaperioda. Partije nisu rodno senzibilisane kada je reč o političkom plaćenom oglašavanju uvreme predizborne kampanje.
There are some time and geographical points, determinants before which decency calls solely for silence and bowed head, before which words and our ability to understand grow weary or actually, they lose any meaning. Jasenovac is undoubtedly such a place. Our language has one horrifying word – stratište (a place of execution). Simply, it is a place where anthropological, diluvial evil destroys the most valuable – life. The place whose impeccably unmasked and inevitable horror has not been anywhere else so tersely defined, it seems, as in the words of a Serbian old man addressing his executioner: "My child, do what you must". Why are we speaking today then, instead of being appropriately silent? Because the victims, the Serbs together with their fellow-citizens – the Jews and the Roma, those eternal culprits behind all evil, the disliked citizens of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), ask for a moment of remembrance. A moment of reverence. A bowed head before this place of execution called Jasenovac. It is because today we, not only as a nation, as a state, but as Homo sapiens, and finally as this scrap of civilization that remained for the mankind, do not have the right to be naive. We are obliged to recognize evil in its inception before it is too late, everywhere, far and wide. It is not the number of the murdered people (and the number is large) that determines the horror of Jasenovac, but the intention behind it. The executors of these crimes, with all the contempt that they deserve everywhere and in every place, were not the most horrible ones even in Jasenovac. The most horrifying is the political thought that sustains the deviance of perpetrators, the intention behind the idea of such places of execution, the pseudo-ideology of obliteration that justifies and redeems the sins of those intoxicated with blood. Nowadays, we do not point the finger at any nation or any religion. It would be an unpardonable simplification and primitivism beneath the dignityof this institution. We merely define ourselves in relation to the crime that happened, since it did happen. We do recognize it and remember it. With the ever present and often betrayed and unsuccessful idea not to let it happen again. To us, it remains to pursue the trace of Marko Miljanov's mythical sentence, as we cannot offer anything better even nowadays, which reads that heroism means defending oneself from the evil in others, but also defending others from the evil residing in oneself. Vladimir S. Kostić ; Посебна издања / Српска академија наука и уметности ; књ. 686. Председништво ; књ. 7
The financial crisis has adversely affected all the countries of the world in the conditions of globalization with different intensity, no matter if it is higher or lower level of development and different economic structures. In the context of globalization in the countries in transition, the banking system was reformed, thus creating a new financial market. The International Monetary Fund has taken an active part in the transition process of Eastern European countries by providing advice and approving financial arrangements. Developed countries of the world have implemented measures of non-standard monetary policy to overcome the global financial crisis. In some parts of Central and Eastern Europe, in addition to the general corporate identity (bank name, abbreviated name, trademark and slogan of the bank), the countries also applied qualitative features of the bank's corporate identity (image, reputation and goodwill). As they enter the 21st century, banks in developed countries are increasingly emphasizing the corporate culture and style of business of the bank. In the practice of banks, the following performances are most often present: financial, marketing, performance management, employee performance, business philosophy, reputation and the image of the bank. The banks' performance analysis included 13 Central and Eastern European countries divided into three groups. Performance over the period 2008-2018 is analyzed, related to: share of total assets in GDP, share of total loans in GDP, share of total deposit in GDP and level of capital adequacy of Central and Eastern European countries. The analysis shows that the central banks of the countries of Central Europe are dominant, and that in certain performances they are approached by the banks of the countries of Eastern Europe (members of the European Union and the Western Balkans). ; Finansijska kriza je negativno uticala na sve zemlje sveta u uslovima globalizacije sa različitim intezitetom, bez razlike da li se radi o višem ili nižem nivou razvijenosti i različitim privrednim strukturama. U uslovima globalizacije u zemljama u tranziciji izvršena je reforma bankarskog sistema i na taj način je započeto stvaranje novog finansijskog tržišta. Međunarodni monetarni fond uzeo je aktivno učešće u procesu tranzicije zemalja istočne Evrope pružanjem saveta i odobravanjem finansijskih aranžmana. Razvijene zemlje sveta su radi prevazilaženja svetske finansijske krize primenile mere nestandardne monetarne politike.Zemlje centralne i istočne Evrope su u određenom delu pored opšteg korporativnog identiteta (naziv banke, skraćenog imena, zaštitnog znaka i slogana banke) primenjivale i kvalitativna obeležja korporativnog identiteta (imidž, reputacije i gudvila) banke. Ulaskom u 21. vek banke razvijenih zemalja sve više stavljaju naglasak na korporativnu kulturu i stil poslovanja banke. U praksi banaka najčešće su prisutne sledeće performanse: finansijske, marketing, menadžment performanse, performanse zaposlenih, poslovne filozofije, ugleda, reputacije i imidža banke. Analiza performansi banaka obuhvatila je 13 zemalja centralne i istočne Evrope podeljenih u tri grupe. Analizirane su performanse u vremenskom periodu od 2008-2018. godine koje se odnose na: učešće ukupne aktive u BDP-u, učešće ukupnih kredita u BDP-u, učešće ukupnog depozita u BDP-u i nivo adekvatnosti kapitala zemalja centralne i istočne Evrope. Analiza pokazuje da su dominantne banke zemalja centralne Evrope, a da se njima u određenim performansama približavaju banke zemalja istočne Evrope (članice Evropske Unije i zapadnog Balkana).
Ова књига садржи студије настале на основу излагања на међународном скупу Музичке праксе Балкана: етномузиколошке перспективе, одржаном новембра 2011. године у Београду. Организовањем скупа желели смо, пре свега, да као домаћини међународног скупа допринесемо учвршћивању постојећих контаката међу истраживачима који се баве музикама Балкана, као и да пружимо могућност за нова професионална познанства. У проблемском смислу, намера нам је била да створимо прилику за преиспитивање и унапређивање сопствених учешћа у етномузикологији, да дискутовањем о различитим истраживачким стратегијама примењиваним на балканске музичке праксе у новије време допринесемо унапређењу њихових истраживања, као и да скретањем пажње на специфичне проблеме, али и вредности етномузикологије, односно "националних етномузикологија" на Балкану учествујемо у ефикаснијем укључивању "малих" дисциплинарних заједница у светско етномузиколошко друштво. Овакве, у извесном смислу опште потребе, потенциране су околностима развоја етномузикологије у Србији, посебно последњих деценија. Интересовања за традиционалну народну музику изражена кроз записе о њој, њено нотирање и снимање, а потом и прве студије образованих музичара, махом композитора, у Србији су (тек) 1948. добили институционално окриље оснивањем Музиколошког института Српске академије наука (данас Српске академије наука и уметности – САНУ). Од оснивања до данас то је државна установа, те је начин рада условљен државним културним и научним политикама, а обим научне продукције кључно је одређивао увек мали број истраживача. Повећање броја етномузиколога запослених у Институту резултирало је иницијативом да се у оквиру обележавања 170 година постојања САНУ, након већег броја скупова које су организовали музиколози из Института, приреди међународни етномузиколошки скуп. То је, уједно, био и први специјализовани етномузиколошки симпозијум у Србији, а сходно томе, ово је први зборник таквог профила објављен у нашој земљи. Комплексна подршка коју смо добили од САНУ – Одељења ликовне и музичке уметности, као и признавање важности оваквог скупа од стране Министарства просвете и науке Републике Србије, што је подразумевало финансијску помоћ организацији, били су неопходни предуслови и за саму реализацију скупа, и за објављивање овог зборника. Као и увек, обим помоћи, а посебно рокови, били су лимитирајући фактори нашим идејама и професионалним жељама. Изражавамо нарочиту захвалност уваженим колегама који су били у саставу Програмског одбора скупа: Изаљију Земцовском, Џиму Самсону, Мартину Стоуксу, Лозанки Пејчевој и Палу Рихтеру. Непосредне задатке из домена организације скупа делили смо првенствено са колегама-етномузиколозима из Института, Растком Јаковљевићем и Маријом Думнић. Велико нам је задовољство што смо имали прилику да окупимо 26 етномузиколога из 11 земаља: Бугарске, Велике Британије, Грчке, Литваније, Мађарске, Македоније, Русије, Словеније, Турске, Аустралије и Србије. Жао нам је што, због објективних околности, на скупу нису могли да узму учешћа неки од истраживача музика Балкана са других подручја, чија би искуства несумњиво допринела квалитету симпозијума и зборника. Велика већина учесника скупа је приредила своја излагања за публиковање. Сада се пред читаоцима налази двадесет једна студија која на различите начине осветљава музичке праксе Балкана, сведочећи о ширини актуелних истраживачких интересовања и методологија. Издање укључује и вредне аудио и видео примере на приложеном диску, чиме читаоцима омогућавамо потпунији увид у истраживану музику и научне приступе. Обраћајући се ширем кругу читалаца, зборник је публикован на енглеском језику, али је ауторима остављена могућност да своје радове приложе и на матерњим језицима, па су ове верзије такође приложене на диску. Уређивање овог обимног и комплексног зборника је било посебно искуство. Захваљујемо се свим ауторима за прилоге и сарадњу. Посебну захвалност дугујемо рецензентима студија. У овом обимном послу подршку смо имали од читавог колектива Музиколошког института, а нарочито од колегинице др Мелите Милин, која је имала мноштво драгоцених сугестија. Ангажовање др Јелене Симоновић-Schiff (Државни универзитет Портланда, САД) око лекторисања текстова на енглеском језику, Зорана Јерковића у припреми звучних примера, Милоша Рашића у обради видео- примера и Горана Јањића на техничкој припреми издања, далеко је превазишло базичне задатке, због чега смо им велики дужници. ; This book is comprised of studies presented at the international symposium Musical practices in the Balkans: ethnomusicological perspectives, held in November 2011 in Belgrade, Serbia. By organizing this international meeting, as hosts, we above all wanted to contribute to strengthening the existing ties among researchers involved with Balkan musics and to facilitate new professional contacts. Our intent was to create an opportunity for reassessment and improvement of each of our own shares in ethnomusicology, to contribute to the advancement of research by discussing various research strategies recently applied to Balkan musical practices, and to participate in the more efficient inclusion of 'small' disciplinary communities in the global ethnomusicologies by highlighting specific values and problems of 'national ethnomusicologies' in the Balkans. These, so to speak, general needs, were reinforced in circumstances of the growth of the ethnomusicology in Serbia, particularly in recent decades. The interests in traditional folk music expressed through writings, notation, and recording of the same, followed by the first research studies by educated musicians—mainly composers, became institutionalized in Serbia (only) in 1948 with foundation of the Institute of musicology of Serbian academy of sciences (today Serbian academy of sciences and arts—SASA). Since its beginning, SASA has been a state institution, with its work regimen determined by the government culture and science politics and the scope of research output administered by a small number of researchers. The increase in number of ethnomusicologists employed by the Institute resulted in an initiative to celebrate the SASA 170th anniversary by organizing an ethnomusicology conference, in the footsteps of a number of similar professional meetings coordinated by the Institute's musicologists. This was at the same time the first narrowly specialized ethnomusicology symposium in Serbia, and consequently, in front of you is the first proceedings of such profile published in our country. The substantial support received from the SASA Department of fine arts and music and the acknowledgement of the significance of such a meeting by the Ministry of education and science of the Republic of Serbia, including funding the event organization, were essential and indispensable prerequisites for the Symposium realization and publication of this book. As is usually the case, the extent of financial support and particularly deadlines, imposed limits on some of our ideas and professional desires. We are deeply grateful to our esteemed colleagues, members of the Symposium Program committee: Izaly Zemtsovsky, Jim Samson, Martin Stokes, Lozanka Peycheva, and Pál Richter. The Symposium immediate logistics duties were helpfully shared primarily with our colleagues, the Institute ethnomusicologists, Rastko Jakovljević and Marija Dumnić. It was our satisfaction to have the opportunity to gather twenty-six ethnomusicologists from eleven countries: Bulgaria, Great Britain, Greece, Hungary, Lithuania, Macedonia, Russia, Slovenia, Turkey, Australia, and Serbia. We regret that due to objective circumstances, some of the Balkans researchers from other regions, whose experiences would unquestionably contribute to the quality of the Symposium and these proceedings, could not take part. The vast majority of the Symposium participants prepared their papers for publication. The readers are offered twenty-one studies that in different ways illuminate Balkan musical practices and testify to the breadth of current research interests and methodologies. The publication also includes a compact disc with useful audio and video examples, assembled with the idea to provide the reader with even more complete insight into the researched music and utilized approaches. In order to address a wider audience, the proceedings are published in English. Since the contributing authors could optionally submit an additional version of the paper in their native language, those versions are also provided on the compact disc. Editing of this extensive and comprehensive publication presented a unique experience. We would like to thank all of the authors for submitting their papers and for their cooperation. We also extend our sincere gratitude to our reviewers. In this voluminous undertaking, we enjoyed the support of our colleagues at the Institute, but in particular, the encouragement from Melita Milin who offered a number of valuable suggestions. We truly appreciate the cooperation of Jelena Simonović Schiff (Portland State University, USA) in proof reading papers in English, Zoran Jerković in mastering of audio examples, Miloš Rašić in preparing of video examples, and Goran Janjić in technical preparation for print that exceeded standard duties and helped shape this publication. ; Објављивање овог зборника финансијски је помогло Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије. / These proceedings have been financially supported by Ministry of education, science and technological development of the Republic of Serbia. Зборник радова са научног скупа одржаног од 23. до 25. новембра 2011. / Proceeding of the international conference held from november 23 to 25. , 2011.
