Suchergebnisse

The approaches of Jurgen Habermas & Jean-Francois Lyotard are compared with respect to issues in ethics & the philosophy of law. Though both consider language to be both the pivot of & the means to sociopolitical action & events, they differ in their diagnoses about the pathology of politics & society. Their opinions about language, law, morality, & the role of philosophy, politics, & science are compared, & sketched against the background of their general philosophy. While Habermas is a strong defender of the Enlightenment project & maintains that it is possible to apply philosophical ideas in the interest of democratization & the nonviolent settlement of conflicts, Lyotard's postmodern philosophy is more skeptical, asserting that no metadiscourse can exist in the social world that would allow real mediation & conflict settlement. The paradoxes in Lyotard's "language-ontology" philosophy, of which he is well aware, are explored. 6 References. Modified HA

It is argued that contemporary Marxism is in a crisis from which it is not likely to recover. Nevertheless, discussion of Marxism in the context of contemporary political philosophy is appropriate for two reasons: (1) Marxists set the agenda for current political & philosophical debate; & (2) Marxism has recently, at least in the West, given rise to a new & lively debate about the value of fundamental Marxian notions such as the idea of historical materialism & exploitation by the so-called (& self-styled) "analytical Marxists." The Marxians have undertaken a critical evaluation of Marxist political philosophy & have departed from orthodox Marxism. The analytical Marxists have tried to rephrase & uphold the framework of Karl Marx's political & materialist philosophy or have taken it upon themselves to construct a new Marxist edifice of political philosophy, even to reconstruct the whole Marxist scheme. This analytical Marxism is discussed in detail, along with endeavors by Western Marxists & dissident Marxists in & from Eastern Europe to come to terms with actually existing socialist societies & their basic political tenets. 63 References. Modified HA

The development of a sense of national belonging is problematic in a sociopolitical environment where children are confronted with multiple national identities. Analysis of survey data obtained from a sample of 1,000 Flemish secondary school pupils, ages 17-18, reveals that most Flemish respondents hesitated between claiming a Flemish vs Belgian identity. It is suggested that this lack of a single evident fatherland results in an absence of genuine patriotism. Also, identification with the local community takes precedence over allegiance to the nation. The political socialization process apparently does not effect an emotional attachment to either the Flemish or the Belgian political system. 10 Tables, 3 Graphs. Modified HA

Political scientists often see differences among citizens in the level of their political knowledge as an explanatory variable of their political behavior. To determine whether political interest is a motivating factor in obtaining political knowledge via the media, questionnaire data obtained in 1975 from 1,977 respondents ages 16-74 in the Netherlands were analyzed. It was expected that a high level of political knowledge would lead to a better perception of political advantage & profit. Surprisingly, the results showed that political knowledge was obtained from other channels besides the media, & that the perception of political advantage & profit did not account for the level of knowledge. The way in which the concept of political knowledge is measured deserves closer scrutiny by political scientists. 4 Tables, 4 Figures, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The consistency between Karl Popper's political theory & his philosophy is analyzed based on a comparison of his anti-utopianism in The Open Society and Its Enemies. Vol. I, Plato (London, 1986) & The Poverty of Historicism (London, 1960). The dependence of his model of the open society on his special understanding of deontological liberalism is discussed, with special attention to his weak rebuttal to the counterarguments of utopianists. M. Meeks

In his speech at the conference "Buitenlandse politiek in Belgie" (The Foreign Policy in Belgium), organized by the U of Ghent & the Catholic U of Louvain & held in Ghent, 27 March 2002, the country's foreign minister outlines the principles governing the foreign policies of the current government led by prime minister Guy Verhofstadt since the summer of 1999. He stresses the importance of vision, trust, & morality in Belgian foreign policy & mentions his country's unblemished stand on human rights, unwavering championship of the European Union (EU), & efforts to construct durable peace in Central Africa. The effectiveness of multilateral & bilateral approaches is pointed out. The active position of the EU, under its Belgian chairmanship, in addressing issues pertaining to the Balkan & Middle East conflicts is noted. The new challenges posed by the events of September 11 & the future enlargement of the EU with states from Central & Southern Europe are recognized. Z. Dubiel

The question whether the Belgian foreign policy is marked by a continuity or break between the first & second turns of Guy Verhofstadt as a prime minister of this country's governments is addressed, surveying developments in the 1999-2004 period & scrutinizing the rhetorical declarations & concrete initiatives "on the ground" by the foreign minister Louis Michel. The diplomatic style of the first & second administrations are compared, & the principles & directions of Belgian foreign policy in 2004 are assessed in the context of the state of political affairs on the global arena, with special attention to the split between the EU & US on the war in Iraq, the division inside the former vis-a-vis supporting or opposing US intervention in this Middle Eastern country, & the recent troubles the EU experiences with greater degree of political integration, projecting also into a lack of coherent, uniform foreign policy on the supranational level. Some of the major issues the Belgian foreign policy must deal in 2004 & beyond are identified: securing democratic & peaceful governance in Central Africa, responding to the anti-Belgian campaign conducted by the US, & supporting the process of strengthening the EU position as a relevant actor on the geopolitical stage. Z. Dubiel