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The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.

The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

This article addresses relations between Europe and the countries of the Middle East and the implications of these relationships over the past two decades, through an examination of the events of the 'Arab Spring.' The Arab Spring refers to a chain of events that swept through the Arab countries from late 2010, characterized by demonstrations, violence, and civil war. This was sparked by resistance to tyrannical regimes and led to the fall of the rulers of Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya. However, Islamists were able to utilize the protesters, who sought democracy, an equal economy, and the elimination of governmental corruption, to further their ambitions. At that time, it was not clear what the new regimes would look like, but it was widely expected that Islamist elements would gain power. Europe responded positively to these events, in terms of declarations, policy, and physical involvement, from the fear that Islamist forces would take advantage of the outcomes of the protests, despite the fact that, for decades, there had been collaboration and friendly relations between Western nations and many of the overthrown tyrants. This policy of turning a blind eye to the lack of democracy and human rights violations in these countries, however, had been perceived by many as contrary to European values. On May 25, 2011, the European Union published a document admitting their failure to achieve political reforms in the neighboring Arab countries. Following the events of the Arab Spring, a new approach to strengthening the partnership between Europe and the Arab world was needed. The objectives of European policy towards the Muslim world include halting massive Muslim migration, reducing the influence of fundamentalist and radical Islam in the Middle East and among Muslims in Europe, and ensuring a supply of energy resources obtained from these countries. Meeting these challenges will be a significant step in the right direction. ; Artykuł omawia stosunki między Europą i krajami Bliskiego Wschodu oraz konsekwencje tych relacji w ciągu ostatnich dwóch dekad, poprzez analizę "arabskiej wiosny". Określenie "arabska wiosna" odnosi się do serii wydarzeń obejmujących demonstracje, przemoc i wojnę domową, które przetoczyły się przez kraje arabskie od końca 2010 r. Wywołane przez siły oporu wobec autorytarnych reżimów doprowadziły do upadku przywódców Egiptu, Tunezji i Libii. Protesty zwolenników demokracji, zrównoważonej gospodarki i likwidacji korupcji rządowej udało się jednak wykorzystać do swoich celów islamistom. Wprawdzie nie było wówczas jasne, jakie nowe reżimy przejmą władzę, ale powszechnie oczekiwano, że będą to siły islamistyczne. W kategoriach deklaracji, polityki i zaangażowania fizycznego Europa zareagowała na wydarzenia arabskiej wiosny pozytywnie w obawie, że wyniki protestów mogą zostać wykorzystane przez siły islamistyczne, mimo że przez dziesięciolecia państwa Zachodu łączyła z wieloma obalonymi tyranami współpraca i przyjazne stosunki. Polityka przymykania oka na brak demokracji i łamanie praw człowieka w tych krajach była jednak często postrzegana jako sprzeczna z wartościami europejskimi. W dniu 25 maja 2011 r. Unia Europejska opublikowała dokument przyznający, że nie udało jej się przeprowadzić reform politycznych w sąsiednich krajach arabskich. Po wydarzeniach arabskiej wiosny konieczne było wypracowanie nowego podejścia do wzmocnienia partnerstwa między Europą a światem arabskim. Cele europejskiej polityki wobec świata muzułmańskiego obejmują powstrzymanie masowej migracji muzułmańskiej, zmniejszenie wpływu fundamentalistycznego i radykalnego islamu na Bliskim Wschodzie, a także wśród muzułmanów w Europie, oraz zapewnienie dostaw surowców energetycznych z tych krajów. Sprostanie tym wyzwaniom będzie znaczącym krokiem we właściwym kierunku.

The title of the article refers to P. Manent's essay, describing "the return of political philosophy". Using the distinction between science and art, suggested by thinkers such as J.S. Mill, an analysis was made of the possible responses of legal theory to the so-called "political turn" in social sciences and humanities. Attempts were made to show that transplanting such terms as "politics", "the political", "polity" (in the text they function under more theoretically neutral term: "politicalness") into the field of legal discourse leads to the rejection of the so far dominant (referring to the ideal of Ch. Montesquieu) image of the activity of lawyers as "artisans" practicing the art of law and to replacing it with the image of a lawyer-artists or lawyer-scientist. ; Tytuł artykułu nawiązuje do eseju P. Manenta, opisującego "powrót filozofii politycznej". Korzystając z rozróżnienia między nauką a sztuką, zaproponowanego przez J.S. Milla, dokonano analizy możliwych reakcji prawników i teorii prawa na wyraźny "zwrot polityczny" w naukach społecznych i humanistycznych. Starano się wykazać, że przeszczepienie takich terminów jak "polityka" i "polityczność" na grunt nauk prawnych prowadzi do odrzucenia dominującego dotąd (nawiązującego do ideału K. Monteskiusza) wyobrażenia działalności prawników jako "rzemieślników" uprawiających sztukę prawniczą oraz do zastąpienia go wyobrażeniem prawnika-artysty lub prawnika-naukowca.

This study aims to highlight the role of education in a democratic society in the political philosophy of Nicolas de Condorcet. Condorcet refuted legitimising political power on the idea of general will and postulated to replace it with the notion of reason and probability of truth. This assumption tightly linked the wellbeing of democracy with a public education system which, on the one hand, was to prepare citizens to take an active role in the public sphere, and on the other, allow them to improve the political system in which they function in accordance with the progress of the human spirit. ; This study aims to highlight the role of education in a democratic society in the political philosophy of Nicolas de Condorcet. Condorcet refuted legitimising political power on the idea of general will and postulated to replace it with the notion of reason and probability of truth. This assumption tightly linked the wellbeing of democracy with a public education system which, on the one hand, was to prepare citizens to take an active role in the public sphere, and on the other, allow them to improve the political system in which they function in accordance with the progress of the human spirit.

In both the 20th and the first two decades of the 21st century, Saudi Arabia has remained a strategic actor in the US foreign policy towards the Middle East. Relations between these countries can undoubtedly be called special. Multi‑faceted and complex connections have led the two countries to a state of symbiotic cooperation which, at the end of the second decade of the 21st century, seems to be impossible to change. The Donald Trump administration, despite the split into Saudi enthusiasts (supporters of strengthening the alliance with Riyadh) and Saudi realists (critics of thoughtless pro‑Saudi politics), undoubtedly has been strengthening the symbiotic cooperation with Saudi Arabia. What strengthens and determines the symbiotic cooperation is Iran, perceived by the US and Saudi Arabia as the greatest threat to the realization of their own interests in the Middle East.

The inauguration of Nelson Mandela as South Africa's first democratic president on 10 May 1994 became a symbol of the end of apartheid and the beginning of a new chapter in the country's history. As South African society was deeply divided, the 1993 Interim Constitution expressed the need for reconciliation between the people of South Africa and the reconstruction of its society. The legacy of apartheid was to be addressed based on 'a need for understanding but not for vengeance, a need for reparation but not for retaliation, a need for ubuntu but not for victimization'. Due to its introduction into the Constitution, ubuntu – a philosophy of unity, cooperation, compassion and respect for human dignity, which originated in small African communities – became a source of values for the whole legal system. The goal of the text is to present the ubuntu philosophy and to describe its role in the South African transitional justice process and in selected areas of South African law (criminal law, evictions and defamation). On the whole, South Africapresents a unique case in which both the political transformation and the legal system were strongly shaped by the said philosophical and ethical concepts, which bear close resemblance to the idea of restorative justice. ; Zaprzysiężenie 10 maja 1994 r. Nelsona Mandeli na pierwszego demokratycznie wybranego prezydenta Republiki Południowej Afryki stało się symbolem końca apartheidu i otwarcia nowego etapu w historii tego państwa. Wobec istniejących w społeczeństwie głębokich podziałów przejściowa Konstytucja RPA z 1993 r. wyrażała potrzebę pojednania pomiędzy obywatelami RPA, a także rekonstrukcji wspólnoty. Przezwyciężenie spuścizny apartheidu miało być oparte na potrzebie "zrozumienia, a nie zemsty", "rekompensaty, a nie odwetu" oraz "ubuntu, a nie wiktymizacji". Filozofia ubuntu (wywodząca się z małych afrykańskich wspólnot filozofia jedności, kooperacji, współczucia i respektu dla ludzkiej godności), do której odwołanie zamieszczono w Konstytucji – stała się rezerwuarem wartości dla całego systemu prawa. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie filozofii ubuntu oraz omówienie jej roli w rozliczeniach z przeszłością w Republice Południowej Afryki i w wybranych obszarach południowoafrykańskiego prawa: w prawie karnym, regulacjach dotyczących eksmisji z nielegalnie zajmowanego gruntu oraz w regulacjach przewidujących odpowiedzialność deliktową za zniesławienie. RPA jawi się przy tym jako wyjątkowy kazus, w którym zarówno polityczna transformacja, jak i system prawny kształtowały się pod istotnym wpływem omawianych koncepcji filozoficznych i etycznych, silnie nawiązujących do idei sprawiedliwości naprawczej.

The article is devoted to the federal system in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (North and East Syria), or the so-called Rojava. The case of this system is for many reasons special: on the one hand, it realizes the concept of ethnofederalism; on the other hand, it realizes the doctrine of democratic confederalism, i.e. political thought of Abdullah Öcalan. Democratic confederalism, referring largely to the communalism and municipalism of Murray Bookchin, advocates the implementation of a new order in the Middle East, in which various self-administrating ethnic and religious communities could co-exist in a confederal network based on the principles of participatory democracy, legal pluralism, federalism, equality of women and men, ecology and the social economy. According to its proponents, it leads to peace: first in Syria and later in the entire Middle East. ; Artykuł jest poświęcony systemowi federalnemu w Demokratycznej Federacji Północnej Syrii (Północnej i Wschodniej Syrii), tzw. Rożawie. System ten stanowi przypadek szczególny: z jednej strony ze względu na realizację koncepcji etnofederalizmu, z drugiej zaś z uwagi na zakorzenienie w doktrynie demokratycznego konfederalizmu (tj. myśli politycznej Abdullaha Öcalana). Demokratyczny konfederalizm, nawiązując w dużej mierze do komunalizmu i municypalizmu Murraya Bookchina, opowiada się za realizacją na Bliskim Wschodzie nowego ładu, w którym rozmaite wspólnoty etniczne i religijne mogłyby w ramach swoich odrębnych, lecz połączonych ze sobą w konfederalną sieć, organizacji realizować model demokracji partycypacyjnej i pluralizmu prawnego. Porządek ten, oparty na zasadach demokracji, federalizacji, równouprawnienia kobiet i mężczyzn, ekologii oraz ekonomii społecznej, ma prowadzić do wygaszenia istniejących konfliktów i pokojowej współpracy pomiędzy społecznościami – najpierw Syrii, a później całego regionu.